CHAPTER LVIII.

CAIRO.

Mores hominum multorum, et urbes.—HORACE.

Just as the interest of Alexandria belongs to what we call antiquity,

so does Cairo derive the whole of its interest from existing sources.

I say what we call antiquity, for by that word we mean the classical

period of Greece and Rome; but this classical period is, in reality, only

the connecting link between our modern world and the old primæval world

of Egypt; it is thus the true middle ages of universal history; while

true antiquity is the domain of Pharaohnic Egypt. But as to Cairo: El

Islam is of the things that now are, and Cairo was never anything but a

Mahomedan city. Its most interesting memories are of the mighty Saladin,

who fortified it, and preferred it to all other cities. It is the true

capital of Arabdom. Not its holy city, but its Paris. Its history is all

of Caliphs and Khedivés.

But the first thing to understand about any famous city is how it came

to be where it is. Cairo is where it is, because Memphis was where

it was. Its site is the natural centre of Egypt. It occupies, by the

dispensation of Nature, the place in Egypt which the heart does in the

human body. Being situated at the apex of the Delta, it commands the

axis of communication throughout the whole of the upper country, and all

the divergent lines of communication which traverse the Delta. He who

establishes himself here has cut the country in two; and can concentrate

all its resources, or assail any point, at his will. It is the vital

centre. Just so was it with Memphis under the old Monarchy, and the

Hyksos, and during the subsequent history. No sooner had an invader got

a firm footing here than the rest of the country was prostrate, and

helpless. The master of Cairo is the master of Egypt.

The city is situated on the right bank of the river, at the foot of

a spur of the Mokattam, or Arabian, range of hills. In order to get

drinkable water it was necessary that it should be placed so low as

that the water of the river might be brought into it. The reader is now

aware that there are no springs in Egypt, and that the water of the

wells, from the nature of the soil, is brackish and undrinkable. There

is, however, in the citadel of Cairo a well of sweet water; the well is

sunk through the limestone, of course to somewhat below the depth of

the height on which the citadel stands; and so it came to suggest to

me the thought that, if borings were made of sufficient depth to pass

completely through the nitrous alluvium of the valley, and to perforate

the subjacent strata, it might be possible to find water fit for drinking

anywhere, and everywhere. It might not often be worth while to go to this

expense, because in most places it would still be cheaper to get water

from the river; but it would be interesting to ascertain whether or no

good water could be obtained in this way. If so, there would then be one

small matter, at all events, which had escaped the sagacity of the old

Egyptians.

But to return to the site of Cairo: the level ground, on which it

stands, beginning at Boulak, its harbour on the river, reaches back about

a mile, where it is met by the high ground, which enters the city at the

south-east angle. On this point stands the citadel commanding the city.

The hills of the range which throws out this spur are seen rising, to

a considerable height, on the east of Cairo. They are utterly devoid

of vegetation; and being of about the colour of the sand of the desert

(they are of limestone), they glare in the sun, and are very striking and

conspicuous objects in the scenery of the place. Wherever you leave the

city, except at its north-west angle, and in the direction of the river,

you enter at once on the absolute desert.

There is no view in Egypt to be compared with that from the Citadel of

Cairo. The city, with all its oriental picturesqueness, is at your feet.

Domes and minarets are everywhere. You look over it, and your eyes rest

sometimes on the green culture, sometimes on the drab desert of Egypt.

Beyond, stretching away till it is lost in the haze of distance, is the

Valley of Egypt. Through it winds old Nile. It is closed on either side

by the irregular ranges of the Libyan and Arabian hills. You know that

these pass on through Egypt into Nubia, as the boundaries of the valley.

Beyond the river, at the distance of eight or nine miles, on the lower

stage of the Libyan range, stand the Great Pyramids of Gizeh. Further

off, at about double the distance from you, stand the older Pyramids

of Abouseir. Seen from no other point are the Pyramids so impressive.

There they stand, at the entrance of the valley, and have stood for more

than five thousand years, to tell all who might come down into Egypt of

its greatness and glory. They have none of the forms, or features, of

architecture. They are mountains, escarped for monuments, by Titan’s

hands.

And a little further on are the mounds of Memphis. There lived the

men—one would give something to see a day of the life of that old

world—who imagined, and made these mountains. You remember that all you

saw of them at Memphis was a colossal statue prostrate on the ground. As

you look now on the Pyramids you understand that Colossus. These Titan

builders felt themselves more than men.

You think how pleasant it would be to sit here, on the parapet of the

citadel, inhaling the calumet of memory and imagination; your dear

friend, however, who is with you, and who is the most patient and best

fellow living, has had enough of it; and he summons back your thoughts

from their flight into the far-off tracts of antique time, by a proposal

to take another look at the Khan Khaleel Bazaar. As you move away you

tell him, to be revenged, ‘that history, like religion, has no power

over those who have no imagination; or an imagination furnished only

with the images of their own sight-and-self-bounded world.’ ‘Nonsense,’

he replies; and you find yourself again jostling your way through

the narrow, crowded, irregular streets of Cairo, upon an ass, with a

little swarthy urchin running before you to clear your path. And though

everybody seems to submit to him, and to attend readily to his shouts

of ‘Right,’ ‘Left,’ ‘Mind your legs,’ you will always have to keep a

sharp look-out yourself. You will often be brought to a standstill.

There are no trottoirs. The people on foot, the camels, and donkeys, are

all jumbled up together. The projecting loads on the camels’ sides seem

almost arranged for giving you a lick on the head, and knocking you off

your ass.

At last you emerge from the side streets into the Mouské. This is the

main artery of the city, and here is the full tide of Cairene life. It

is now between four and five o’clock, and the tide is at the top of the

flood. The street is straight, and, for a Cairene street, wide enough;

the crowd is great; but here everybody, as a matter of course, endeavours

to make way for everybody. What you first notice is the abundance of

colour. The red tarboosh is perhaps the commonest covering for the head.

The turbans vary much; some are of white muslin; some of coloured shawls.

The variety of dress is great. Nineteen-twentieths of the passers-by are

clad in some form or other of Oriental costume. Their complexions vary

as much as their dress. There is every shade, from the glossy black of

the Nubian to the dead white of the Turk. The predominant colours are

the different shades of yellowish brown which have resulted from the

varying degrees of intermixture of Arabs and Copts. Here, at home, the

men being at work during the day, it often happens that there are as

many women in the street as men. In Cairo the former are often entirely

wanting in the street scene, and are never seen in a large proportion.

In stature the men are almost always above what we call the middle

height, well proportioned, and never fat or pursy, like our beef-eating

and beer-drinking people. Their features are regular and pleasing. Their

bearing staid and dignified.

There are in the crowd men with water-skins and water-jars. For some

insignificant coin—there are four hundred paras in a shilling—they

sell drinks to thirsty souls. There are hawkers of bread, of fish, of

vegetables, of dates, of oranges, and of a multitude of other matters.

These articles are generally cried, if not in the name of the Prophet,

still with some pious, or, if not so, then with some poetical, formula.

Perhaps a carriage of the Viceroy passes containing some of the ladies

of the hareem. They will be escorted by two black guardians of the

hareem on horseback, one on each side of the carriage, and preceded by

two runners carrying long wands, and dressed in spotless white, with the

exception of their red fezes and gaily-coloured shawls. The latter they

use as sashes. Each will have cost them fifteen pounds, or more.

When you have become accustomed to the people in the streets, you look

at the people in the shops; of course not the Frank, but the native

shops. These are merely recesses in the walls of the houses, which form

the street. The merchant, or shopkeeper, seldom lives in the house, in

the ground floor of which his shop is situated, but generally somewhere

at a distance. He has no shopmen, or assistants. The recess, in which

he carries on his business, if large, is about in space a cube of ten

or twelve feet. It has no door or windows, but is closed with shutters,

which the shopkeeper takes down when he comes to do business. He puts

them up whenever he wants to go to Mosk, or elsewhere. When his shop is

open for business he will be seen seated, cross-legged, on the floor in

front of his goods. Every shop being a dark hole, and having its owner

seated in front of it, reminded me of a prairie-dog village, where every

hole has a prairie-dog seated in front of it, much in the same way; and,

too, on the look out. These traders appear to have no Arab blood in them,

but to be Greeks, Jews, Turks, Syrians, anybody and everybody except the

people of the country. Many of them have an unhealthy appearance. Few of

them are good-looking.

As to the houses, what most frequently attracts the eye is the carved

wood lattice of the windows. The first floor is frequently advanced

beyond the ground-floor. The archway of the door is, in the better class

of houses, often ornamented with carved stone-work; and the door itself

decorated with a holy text—reverently; perhaps, also, with some lurking

idea of excluding evil influences.

But this style of building is now becoming obsolete; and the new houses

in and around the Esbekeyeh, and between the Esbekeyeh and Boulak, are

being built in the Frank style. The Viceroy has here, for the space of

about a square mile, laid out broad macadamized streets, with broad

trottoirs on each side, as if he were contemplating an European city.

Not much, however, with the exception of these roadways, has yet been

done towards carrying out his grand designs, except around the Esbekeyeh.

This is the grand _place_, or square, of Cairo. It now contains a public

garden, that would be an ornament worthy of any great European city.

It is well lighted with gas made from English coal. As you go to the

opera—for there is an opera, too, in Cairo—and return after it is over

to your hotel, you are glad of the light; but you are, at the same time,

conscious of a little sentimental jar. You did not go to Egypt to find

coal gas, and London gas-lamp-posts in the city of Saladin, and of the

Caliphs, and in the land of the Pharaohs. You are no longer surprised

that the new houses are built in the Frank style.

The Mosks of Cairo may be counted by the hundred. Some have great

historical interest; some great artistic merit; some are the great

schools of the country.

The old Mosks of Cairo throw much light on the history of the pointed

arch, particularly the oldest of them all, that of Ahmed Ebn e’ Tooloon;

which, however, is in so ruinous a condition that it is no longer in

use. Its date, as recorded in two Cufic inscriptions on the walls, is

879 A.D.—that is to say, three hundred years before the pointed arch was

adopted in this country. It is very improbable that this Mosk of Tooloon

was the first building in which it was used, because it is not introduced

here hesitatingly, as would have been done had it been struggling for

recognition, but is boldly and firmly carried out in every part of the

structure, and even with some combination of the horseshoe shape, as

if it were a form with which the architect had become so familiar that

he had even begun to modify it. So great a change in construction, and

in the effects produced by form, must have had to fight for some time

against previously-established forms. We may, therefore, safely decide

that its introduction reaches further back than the date just given. This

is saying that the world is indebted for it to Saracenic thought, and

taste. This need not surprise us, because at that time there was no other

people whose thought was so prolific; and theirs was prolific because it

had been aroused to effort by their great achievements. Just as we learn

to walk by walking, and to talk by talking, so do men learn how to do

great things by doing great things. Other Cairene Mosks continue this

history of the pointed arch.

The Mosk of Sultan Hassam has features that are worth noticing. Few

buildings exhibit greater freedom of design, which comes, I suppose, of

that depth of feeling, which is able to break the fetters of thought.

Such a structure could have been the product only of a time when mind was

deeply moved, and had become conscious of its power. Men knew then what

they wanted, and believed in themselves, that they could satisfy their

want. In such times servile imitations, and reproductions are impossible.

They do not express what all feel. They do not supply what all are

asking for. In this Mosk the porch, the inner court, the astonishing

height of the outer wall, springing from the declivity of the hill-side,

all the details, and the whole general effect, show that those who

built it were conscious of real, deep aspirations, and were not acting

under factitious ones; and that they were conscious also of possessing

within themselves the power of giving form to their aspirations. It

interprets to us the mind of its builders. They were full of vigour, and

self-reliance. They yearned to give expression, in forms of beauty, and

grandeur, to what was stirring within them.

As I was thus communing, historically, with the intense Mahomedan

feeling, which had given a voice to every stone in the building, I was

interrupted by another voice, but it was one of a kind, which, we may

presume, will never have a thought of clothing itself in forms of beauty,

and grandeur. ‘Look,’ it said to me, ‘up there at those crosses.’ ‘No,’ I

replied. ‘It is impossible. There can be no crosses here.’ The objects I

was invited to look at crown the cornice of the central, hypæthral court.

They bear some kind of resemblance to _fleurs de lis_. ‘Yes,’ the voice

continued. ‘Any one can see now just how it all is. These are the old

places from which those ritualists get their mediæval crosses, and all

that kind of thing.’

The great Mosk of El Azar is the university of Egypt, and of the

surrounding countries. The foreign students are divided according to

nations. Those of Egypt according to the provinces they come from. The

cycle of religion, law, science, and polite learning, as these words

are understood in the East, is here taught. Some come merely to qualify

themselves for professions, or occupations, in which what they may

acquire here will be needed. Others come with the intention, as was

contemplated in our own universities, of life-long study.

Some of the tombs of the Memlook, and of other dynasties, that have ruled

modern Egypt, are good examples of oriental taste, and feeling. These

tombs are generally connected with Mosks. This connexion was intended

to add dignity to the tomb, and to enhance its sacredness. The Mosk and

tomb together are regarded as the monument of the deceased prince. The

desire to honour the dead has, in many of these monuments, produced

admirable work, the beauty of which is proportionate to the depth of the

desire which prompted it. Sad, however, is it to see such beautiful work

now falling into decay. New dynasties in the East care nothing for the

monuments of the dynasties that preceded them.

The money spent in building the utterly useless Mosk of Mohamed Ali in

the citadel would have put into repair all these monuments, which abound

not more in exquisite work than in historical interest; and which,

then, would have been secured to the world for some centuries longer at

least. But nothing of this kind can be expected of Orientals. To repair

and maintain the monuments of past generations is not an idea that has

ever commended itself to their minds. People build there to show forth

their own greatness, and to perpetuate their own names. If, therefore,

I have money to spend on wood and stone, why should I so spend it as to

perpetuate another man’s name, and to set forth the greatness of some

other builder? For this is what I should do if I repaired his Mosk, or

palace. Would it not be wiser for me to spend it in perpetuating my own

name, and setting forth my own greatness?

To us there occurs the thought of the historical value of the monuments

of the past. This, however, is not an idea than can have any place in

the mind of an Oriental. He has no conception of the historical value

of anything; nor has he any idea of what history itself is. There can

be no history where there is no progress; and his religion, by settling

everything once for ever, excludes from his mind the idea of progress,

and with it goes the idea of history.

But still, from our point of view, it is a waste of money and labour to

build when you might repair. To repair is cheap, to build is costly. But

this is precisely what commends the Oriental practice to the Oriental’s

mind. That it will cost much money, and much labour pleases him. In

matters of this kind, ideas of prudence and utility have no place.

An hundred kings of England, we can imagine, occupying in succession

Windsor Palace, and preferring it, simply on account of its antiquity, to

anything they might be able to build themselves. Every one of them would

think it a folly to entertain the idea of building another palace. But

every Khedivé of Egypt, just like every King of Nineveh, must build a new

one.

Private houses in Cairo appear to be in the same predicament as the

Mosks. None are kept in a state of repair. Everything is either being

built, or is falling into decay.

Every other Englishman you meet in Cairo, and it is more or less so

throughout the East, has some story to tell you of the rapacity, and

roguery of the bazaars. The complaint is made somewhat in the following

style:—‘What do you think of that slippered, and turbaned old villain,

of whom I bought this amber mouthpiece, and this kafia, having had the

conscience to ask me four napoleons for each of them? I was not going

to be done in that way, so I said to him, “You shocking cormorant, I’ll

give you four napoleons for the two: not one para more. Four napoleons is

my figure.” “Four napoleons!” he said, with a shudder, “I give you the

things for nothing. Take them away with you.” And he pretended to put

them into my hand. But I showed him the money. He could not stand the

sight of the gold; and so you see I have got the amber, and the silk,

at a fair price?’ Well: perhaps you have; or, perhaps, you have given

too much for them, after all. But your story is no proof that the old

fellow in slippers and turban was a rogue. It is you who do not know

the circumstances and the customs of the country: and in this matter

theirs differ from ours. With us there is so much competition in trade,

that all the leaning is the other way. Every trader wishes to attract

by the lowness of his prices. But still, here as there, the rule is to

buy as cheap, and sell as dear as you can. This is the rule on which the

slippered, and turbaned old fellow acts. He knows, though it is very hard

for him to admit the idea—yet he admits it without understanding how it

can be so—that you are travelling for your amusement. He, therefore,

infers that you must have plenty of money to spare: otherwise you could

not be travelling in this way. You want this kafia, or mouthpiece. There

is no regular market-price, where there is so little competition. So he

will try to get for it as much as he can. Small blame to him for that.

When you command the market at home for any article, what do you do

yourself? You ask for it what you can get, without reference to cost

price. You sell a good weight-carrying hunter at a fancy price. You sell

a piece of land to a neighbour at an accommodation price. If you can’t

get what you asked at first, you abate something, and take less. He does

the same.

You go into a shop anywhere in Italy, say a bookseller’s, and ask the

price of a book. ‘So many lire,’ he replies: several more than he intends

to take. He will receive it, if you give it; but he does not expect

you to give it. He is very fond of a little talk; and to have a little

talk with you is an agreeable addition to the pleasure of selling the

book. You call this, contemptuously, chaffering; or, angrily, cheating.

It is detestable to you, but the reverse of detestable to the Italian

bibliopole. You are annoyed at it. He can’t understand why.

But to go back to our friend in the slippers and turban. The seat he

invites you to take, and the coffee and pipe he offers to you, imply that

he supposes you will not give what he asks at first; and that the price

ultimately agreed upon will be the result of a long negotiation. He is

in no hurry; nor, as I can show, is he without conscience. I bought a

pair of bracelets of one Mohammed Adamanhoury, in the Khan Khaleel. I

had liked the appearance of the bracelets, and I had asked the price. It

did not occur to me at the moment that I was in Cairo, or perhaps what

was the regular practice in transactions of this sort in Cairo. Perhaps

I had fallen into this temporary oblivion, because the conversation and

bearing of Mohammed were pleasant. I had brought him a little souvenir

from an Englishman who had travelled throughout Syria with him, and knew

his many estimable qualities. Mohammed’s beard was just beginning to be

grizzled with age, so he had had time to see the world, and to know it.

His complexion was fair for Egypt, a pale yellowish brown. His features,

singly, and in their general expression, were good. His shawl-turban,

and shawl-sash, and all his get up were unexceptionable. His voice and

manner were as smooth as oil. His style of conversation perceptibly

flowery and complimentary; but that is the manner of his people. I should

myself of all things have liked to have travelled through the East with

him. It would have been very pleasant at the time; and not unpleasant

afterwards to be one’s self remembered, and talked of, as he talked of my

friend whom, a year or two back, he had accompanied in his wanderings.

But about the bracelets: I had given, without hesitation or comment, what

he asked. A friend, I was travelling with, finding me at his shop, and

seeing what I had bought, would like to have a pair of the same kind of

bracelets. He asked the price. I told him. ‘No,’ interposed Mohammed,

addressing himself to my companion, ‘your friend gave all I asked; and,

therefore, I must name a less price to you.’ Conscience is then not

extinguished utterly in those who ask, at first, for the goods they are

selling more than the cost price, plus the legitimate profit (if there

be such a thing as legitimate profit). Mohammed Adamanhoury of the Khan

Khaleel is my demonstration.

Egypt of the Pharaohs and of the Khedivé · 第 58 / 60 章