CHAPTER XLI.

WHY ORIENTALS ARE NOT REPUBLICANS.

That grass does not grow on stones is not the fault of the

rain.—_Oriental Proverb._

It seems strange that Republicanism should never have commended itself

to the minds of Orientals. Some of the conditions to which they have

been subjected, and some of their ideas ought, one might have thought,

to have engendered the wish to give a trial to this form of polity.

Socially, ideas of aristocratic exclusiveness have little weight with

them, and, politically, none at all. The expression of ‘taking a man

from the dung-hill and setting him among princes’ is old, and represents

an old practice; and it is a proceeding with which they are to this day

in their government, and the hierarchy of office, quite familiar. This

ultra-democratic idea of the equal fitness, even for the highest places,

of men taken from any class in society, offends none of their sentiments,

or instincts. They would not be shocked at seeing one who had begun life

as a donkey-boy, or a barber, so long as he was an Arab, or Osmanlee, and

a true believer, raised to be a Pasha. Then, too, no people in the world

have suffered so much, and so long, from their respective governments

as the Orientals have from their despotic monarchies, administered by a

descending series of hardly responsible governors. And as to general

manners and ideas, there is probably a greater amount of uniformity in

the East among all classes, than is to be found elsewhere. One might have

supposed that all this, at one time or another, sooner or later, would

have disposed them to take refuge in Republicanism. We have, however, no

instance of the idea having been entertained. It seems as if they had

no capacity for apprehending it, for the account Herodotus gives us of

the proposal to democratize the Government of Persia is a transparent

Greek fable. At all events, taking the story as we have it, the mover was

unable to find a seconder for his proposal.

This phenomenon in their history surprises us: it is, however, their

history which enables us to understand it, and to understand it

completely. They never possessed a legislature. This, which every little

Greek city possessed, which was the very soul of Greek political life,

and has ever been, more or less, a necessity of European political

life, never could have been known in the East. There the idea never

had any place in men’s minds; or, if it had, was aborted in the embryo

stage, and never saw the light. In short, with them a legislature was an

impossibility; for, as their laws have always been a revelation from God,

any attempt to legislate would have been nothing less than a direct and

formal denial, and renunciation of their religion.

In their systems, therefore, there has been room only for the

administrative, and executive departments of government. These, of

course, are secondary. With that which was first and highest, and

regulative of the whole, man had nothing at all to do. Under such a state

of things the administrative, and executive would naturally fall into the

hands of those who were best acquainted with the law, that is, of those

who were its constituted guardians, as priests, elders, doctors of the

law, &c., and of those who in any way, by force or favour, could attain

to power and office. Here is no place for republican, or democratic

ideas. The whole ground in every man’s mind is pre-occupied with ideas

that are antagonistic to them. If Orientals had had to make their own

laws, Republicanism would have been as common in the East as in the West;

perhaps more so.

In the Mosaic polity, though it was in some respects very favourable

to democracy, we see the absence of the legislative function leading

necessarily in the end to a monarchy; the monarchy having been preceded

by a rude exercise of administrative and executive functions, based in

the main on such moral and intellectual qualifications as the system

required. That the people in general assemblies, or through any other

machinery, should take into their own hands the management of their own

affairs was an idea that never at any time appears to have occurred to

them. It was alien to their system to imagine that the will of the people

was the source of power, or that law was the best reason of the community

made binding on all.

One can hardly understand, without some personal observation, and

thinking out what has been observed, how completely these oriental

systems extinguish liberty in every matter. Not only do they deny to

nations the right to frame their laws in conformity with the varying

needs of times and circumstances, but they even abrogate the liberty

of the individual to exercise his own judgment with respect to almost

everything he has to do, and almost to say, throughout life. Law being

a fixed immutable thing, it becomes unavoidable but that customs and

manners should be equally fixed and immutable. The extent to which this

is carried is, till one has witnessed it oneself, something difficult to

believe, indeed to comprehend. Every thought and emotion must be swathed

up in a certain prescribed form of words. The mummy of an Egyptian of

the old times tightly bandaged, stiff and lifeless, is the image of the

modern Egyptian’s mind. He has no kind of freedom. He is but a walking

and breathing mummy. Everything in the political, social, moral, and

intellectual order has been arranged and settled for everybody; and

everybody thoroughly and completely accepts the whole settlement, because

it comes to him from God, because it is the same to all classes and

individuals as to himself, and because the reasons, and, as far as they

go, the advantages, of the settlement are obvious, and commend themselves

to his understanding. In no mind, therefore, is there anything to give

rise to the germ of a desire to disturb the settlement. Here, then, there

is nothing which can cause the idea of political liberty to germinate.

Let the seed be sown again and again, it will fall always upon the rock.

Egypt of the Pharaohs and of the Khedivé · 第 41 / 60 章