CHAPTER II.

HOW IN EGYPT NATURE AFFECTED MAN.

Continuo has leges, æternaque fœdera certis

Imposuit natura locis, quo tempore primum

Deucalion vacuum lapides jactavit in orbem.—VIRGIL.

The physical features, and peculiarities of a country are one of the

starting-points in the history of its people. If we do not provide

ourselves with a knowledge of these matters before we commence our

investigation of what the people were, and did, the character of the

people, and of the events is sure very soon to make us feel the want of

it. It is so in a higher degree with the history of the Egyptians, than

with that of any other people. They were, emphatically, a people that

stood alone; and the peculiarities of the people were the direct result

of the peculiarities of the country.

Its environment by the desert gave it that security, which alone in

early days could have enabled nascent civilization to germinate and

grow. It possessed also a soil and climate which allowed its inhabitants

to devote themselves to some variety of employments and pursuits, and

so prevented their being all tied down to the single task of producing

food. The absence of these two great natural advantages elsewhere placed

insurmountable difficulties in the way of advancement in other parts

of the world, so long as the arts by which man battles with nature were

few, and feeble; and the organization of society in consequence only

rudimentary. So was it, for instance, in Europe, at the time when Egypt

was at the zenith of its greatness; where, too, for long centuries

afterwards, nothing could have been done without the aid of slavery,

which alone made mental culture possible for the few at the cost of the

degradation and misery of the many. Egypt was differently circumstanced.

There one man might produce food sufficient for many. The rest,

therefore, could devote themselves to other employments, which might

tend, in different ways, to relieve man’s estate, and embellish life.

In this matter the river and the climate were their helpers. The river

manured with an annual warp, irrigated, cleaned, and softened the land;

and the climate, working harmoniously with the river, made the operations

of agriculture easy, speedy, certain, and very productive. What in other

countries, and in later times, the slow advances in arts, and knowledge,

and in social organization, as the successive steps became possible,

brought about for their respective inhabitants, Nature did, in a great

measure at once, and from the first, for the Egyptians.

Another of the early hindrances to advancement arose out of the

difficulties of communication, which prevented either a military force

from maintaining itself away from home, or a single governing mind from

acting at a distance. Of course in matters of this kind the effects of

the want of sufficient means of communication are greatly aggravated by

the want of foresight, and the distrust men have in each other, which

belong to such times and circumstances. Nothing but the organization

of tribes and cities can be accomplished then. Egypt, however, had

advantages in the great and varied gifts of nature to which our

attention is now directed, which enabled her, in some remote prehistoric

period, to emerge from this politically embryonic condition, and to form

a well-ordered and homogeneous state, embracing a population of several

millions, who were in possession of many of the elements of wealth and

power, and had attained to a condition that would suggest, and encourage

culture. Of these advantages, that which came next in order to the soil

and climate, was that its good fortune had conferred upon it a ready-made

means of communication, absolutely complete and perfect; no part of the

country, either in the valley of Egypt, or in the Delta, being more than

a few miles distant from one of the most easily navigable rivers in the

world.

And that nothing might be wanting, this advantage was equalised to all

by a provision of nature that, at a certain season of the year, the

descending current of the river should, for the purposes of navigation,

be overbalanced by a long prevalence of northerly winds; thus giving

every facility, by self-acting agencies, to both the up and the down

traffic.

I may also observe that the river ran precisely in that direction in

which it could serve most effectually as a bond of union, by serving most

largely as a channel of commerce. If its course had been along the same

parallel of latitude, that is, from East to West, or reversely, then

throughout its whole length the productions of its banks would have been

the same. It would, therefore, have been of little use as a means of

commercial interchange. Where there was no variety of productions there

would have been no commodities to exchange. But as its course was in

the direction of a parallel of longitude, its stream offered a highway

for the exchange of the varying products of the different degrees of

latitude it passed through. This difference in the direction of their

courses already constitutes a vast difference in the comparative utility

of the streams of the Amazon and of the Mississippi; and must ensure to

them very dissimilar futures.

Another of the provisions that had been made for the early progress of

the country was something quite unique: there was not by nature, and

there could not be constructed by man, a single strong place in the whole

of Egypt, such as would enable powerful and ambitious individuals, or

malcontent factions of the people, to maintain themselves in independence

of the rest of the community, or to defy the government. Nature had

supplied no such places, and the conditions of the country were such that

they could not be formed. This is a point which involves so much that I

will return to it presently.

It ought not to be unnoticed here, for it is one of the important

peculiarities of the country, that Egypt yields both a winter and a

summer harvest. The overflow of the river, and the warmth of the winter

sun suffice for the former, which consists of the produce of temperate

regions; and artificial irrigation for the latter, which consists of the

produce of the tropics. This gives it the advantage of the climates of

two zones; the one temperate and the other tropical; for, though it lies

to the north of the tropic, its winter, by reason of its environment by

the heat-accumulating desert, resembles our summer, and its summer, for

the same reason, that of the tropics. Egypt is thus enabled to exceed

all other countries in the variety of its produce. Both its wheat and

its cotton are grown beneath its palms. This variety of produce ought

to contribute largely to the wealth, and well-being of a country; and

it was, we know, a very considerable ingredient in the greatness of the

Egypt of the Pharaohs.

The characteristics of surrounding nature had corresponding effects on

the ideas, too, and sentiments of the ancient Egyptians. We may, for

instance, be absolutely certain that had they lived in an Alpine country,

although they might have had the power of commanding the requisite

materials on easier terms, they never would have built the Pyramids, for

then an Egyptian Pyramid would have been but a pigmy monument by the

side of nature’s Pyramids. But as these structures stood in Egypt, when

seen from the neighbourhood of Memphis and Heliopolis, and throughout

that level district of country, they went beyond nature. There they were

veritable mountains; and that is what the word means. There were no other

such mountains to be seen. In that was their motive. Man had entered into

rivalry with nature, and had outdone nature.

So was it with one instance. And so was it on the whole, generally. The

guise in which nature presented herself to the eye of the Egyptian was

grand and simple. Nature to him meant the broad beneficent river; the

green plain; the naked bounding ridge on the right hand, and on the

left; upon, and beyond these the lifeless, colourless desert; above, the

azure depth traversed by the unveiled sun by day, and illumined with

the gleaming host of heaven by night. Here were just five grand natural

objects, and there were no more. We rehabilitating to our mind’s eye

the scene, must add a sixth, the orderly, busy, thronging community

itself. But to them these five objects were all nature. No dark forests

of ancient oak, and pine; no jutting headlands; no island-sown seas; no

hills watered from above, nor springs running among the hills; no cattle

upon a thousand hills; no shady valleys; no smoking mountains. Just five

grand objects; everywhere just the same, and nothing else. Their thoughts

and sentiments could only have been a reflection of nature (their mind

as a glass reflected nature), and of the instincts which the form of

society nature had imposed upon them gave rise to. And their acts could

only have been the embodiment of their thoughts and sentiments, which

must needs have been in harmony with surrounding nature. And hence the

character of the people, which was grand and simple; but withal sensibly

hard, somewhat rigid and formal, without much tenderness, and with little

geniality; solid, grave, and serious.

Under such circumstances the individual was nothing. There could be no

Homeric Chieftains; no Tribunes of the people; no eccentricities of

genius. The community was an organism, of which every member had his

special functions and purpose; a well-ordered machine which did much

work, and did it smoothly.

This complete organization of society—it was what the gifts and

arrangements of nature had enabled them to attain to—had brought them

face to face with the ideas of law and justice. But under their form of

society—and it has not been different under other forms the world has

since seen—it was understood that some laws, which were necessary, were

not good, and that justice did not rule absolutely. We see—it shows

itself in all that they did—that their minds were too thorough, and

logical, to rest satisfied under these contradictions; they therefore

worked out for themselves to its legitimate, and complete development the

old Aryan thought of a life beyond this present existence: this was that

western world of theirs, in which no law would be bad, and in which there

would be no miscarriage of justice. And thus it came to be that their

doctrine of a future life was the apotheosis of their social ideas of

law, and justice, and right.

And nature encouraged them in this belief. Every day they saw the sun

expire in the western boundary of the solid world; and the next morning

rise again to life. They saw also the mighty river always moving on to

annihilation in the great sea, just as the sun sank every evening into

the desert: but still it was not annihilated. Its being was lost, and

was recovered, at every moment. It was ever dying, but equally it was

ever living. These two great phenomena of nature (through our increased

knowledge they teach other lessons now) aided the idea which the working

of society was making distinct in their apprehension, and confirmed them

in the belief of their own immortality. With the Egyptian also death

would not be the end: the renewal he beheld in the sun, and in the river,

would not fail himself.

The complete organization of the whole population had been rendered

possible by the peculiar advantages of the country. The enterprising

among the Pharaohs availing themselves of this complete organization, and

of these peculiar advantages, were thereby enabled to command the whole

resources of Egypt, and to wield the whole community at their will, as if

it had been but one man.

I reserved for separate and fuller consideration the point that nature

had nowhere provided Egypt with a single spot where the ambitious,

the discontented, or the oppressed could maintain themselves; or to

which, we may add, they could even secede. In this respect also, Egypt

is quite unique. The configuration of the country, combined with the

absence of rain, brought about this peculiarity. The valley of Egypt,

speaking roundly, is five hundred miles long, and five miles wide, with

a broad navigable river flowing through the midst of it. The Government

will always be in possession of the river. It follows then that before

the disaffected can be drawn together in formidable numbers at any

rendezvous—for the distances they would have to traverse would not admit

of this—the Government will be able to send troops by the river in

sufficient force to disperse them; or, at all events, to prevent their

receiving reinforcements.

A second reason is, that these handfuls of isolated insurgents must

always remain within reach of the Government troops sent against them.

They would not be able to withdraw themselves from the flat, open banks

of the river; for there is nowhere vantage ground they could occupy,

except in the desert; and there in twenty-four hours, that is before they

could be starved, they would by thirst be reduced to submission. For,

from the absence of rain, there are no springs on the high ground; and

from the same cause the nitre accumulates in the soil to such a degree,

as to render the well-water brackish, and unfit for drinking.

A third reason is the dependence of the agriculture of Egypt on

irrigation. The people, therefore, in any neighbourhood cannot intermit

their attention to their shadoofs and canals for the purpose of

insurrection, or for any other purpose whatsoever. Were they to do so

starvation would ensue. The Government also, being in possession of

the river, could at any moment stop the irrigation, by destroying the

shadoofs and canals, of a malcontent district.

Here, then, are three reasons, any one of which would, singly, be

sufficient to make the Government in Egypt omnipotent. What conceivable

chance, then, can the people have, when all the three are, at all

times, combined against them? This explains much in the past and present

history of the country. Nature had decided that in it there should be

no strongholds for petty potentates, no castles for freebooters, no

mountain fastnesses for untameable tribes, no difficult districts to

harbour insurgent bands; no possibility of getting away from the bank of

the river; no possibility of withdrawing attention, for a time, from the

most artificial of all forms of agriculture. For long ages the wandering

Arab of the desert was the only possible disturber of the peace of this

exceptional country. Nature first gave to it, in its singular endowments,

the means of union; and then eliminated those physical obstacles to its

realization which, elsewhere, for long ages proved insurmountable. The

point to be particularly noted here is, that these circumstances have

ever given to the Government for the time being every natural facility

for uniting the whole country into a single State, and ruling it

despotically.

The Delta is no exception, for the branches of the river, and the canals

by which this whole district is permeated, and the absence of defensible

positions, reduce it, in respect to the points I have been speaking of,

to the same condition as that of the long narrow valley above it.

A time may come when the moral force of public opinion will outweigh,

and overmatch these natural facilities for establishing, and working a

despotism; but there is no indication in the existing condition of the

country of such a time being at hand. And that this is the only force

that can be of any effect in such a country is demonstrated by its

history. In the remote days of its greatness there was in some sort a

substitute for it in the priestly municipal aristocracy, or oligarchy,

of each city. The priests were the governing class, and supplied the

magistracy. They were an united and powerful body. Wealth, religion,

knowledge, the habitual deference of the people, made them strong. They

thus became, to some considerable extent, a bulwark, behind which, in

each separate city, some of the rights of person and of property could

find protection from the arbitrary caprices of despotism. In this way

something that was in the mind of man was at that time counterworking the

consequences of physical arrangements: and this only is the way in which

a country so circumstanced can be helped in the future.

Nothing, however, of this kind is now at work in modern Egypt. It has,

therefore, but one ground for the hope of escaping from the despotism

which so heavily oppresses it, and that is in the chance of external

aid, which means the chance that some European power should assume the

protectorate of the country. It must, however, be a power in which public

opinion is in favour of liberty and political justice, and in which the

economical value of security for person and property is understood. The

Egyptians themselves desire such a consummation. They know how blessed

to them would be the day which should relieve them from the grinding and

senseless exactions of an oriental taskmaster, and place them under the

sway of good and equal laws. Their wish is that this beneficent protector

should be England. They almost expect that it will be. I was asked, why

do you not come and take possession of the country? In Egypt this appears

the natural conclusion of existing conditions. But a protectorate carried

out thoroughly, and unflinchingly, and entirely for Egyptian objects,

would be far better for both parties than simple English possession. If

we were to make a gain by ruling the country, we should always be tempted

to go a little further. We should find it very difficult to stop at any

particular point, or to be clean-handed at all, when everything was in

our power.

The motives for interference are strong. How saddening is it to the

traveller to see the poor good-natured Fellah, his naked limbs scorched

by the blazing sun, baling up the water from the river, during the

livelong day, for his little plot of ground; and to think that all that

will be left to him of its produce will be barely enough to keep himself,

and his little ones, in millet-bread and onions; all the rest having been

cruelly swept away to support at Cairo unused, and unuseable, palaces and

regiments, and to make a Suez Canal for the furtherance of the policy

of France, but for the naval and commercial benefit of England, and to

build sugar-factories for a trading Khedivé. Of what benefit to the

wretched cultivator are all the bounties of Egyptian nature, and all his

own heavy moil and toil? This is one of the remorseless, and purposeless

oppressions done under the sun, which it would be well that some modern

Hercules should arise in his might, and in his hatred of such heartless

and stupid injustice, to beat down, and make a full end of. An Egypt,

in which every man might reap securely the fruit of his labour, would

be a new thing in the world, and a very pleasant thing to look upon. At

present, the riches of Egypt mean wealth without measure for one man, and

poverty without measure for all the rest of the world.

The case of the poor Fellah is very hard: so also is that of his

palm-tree. It came into existence, and grew up to maturity under great

difficulties. It was hardly worth while to give it space and water, and

to fence it round in its early days; for so soon as it could bear a bunch

of fruit, it was to be taxed. Why, then, should the oppressed villager

go to the cost of rearing it? He would be only toiling for a domestic

despot, or foreign bond-holder. How many a palm-tree that might now be

helping to shade a village, and beneath which the children might be

playing, and the elders sitting, has by this hard and irrational impost,

been prevented from coming into being. And of all the gifts of nature to

Egypt, this palm-tree is one of the most characteristic, and of the most

useful: its trunk supplies the people with beams; its sap is made into

a spirit; its fruit is in some districts a most useful article of food,

and everywhere a humble luxury; baskets are made of the flag of its leaf,

and from the stem of the leaf beds, chairs, and boxes; its fibres supply

materials for ropes and cordage, nets and mats; it has, too, its history

in Egypt, for its shaft and crown, first suggested to the dwellers on the

banks of the Nile, in some remote age, the pillar and its capital. A wise

ruler, whether his wisdom was that of the head, or of the heart, would

do everything in his power to induce his people to multiply, throughout

the land, what is so highly useful, and in so many ways. But the plan

despotic wisdom adopts is to kill the bird that lays the golden egg, and

by a process which shall at the same time cause as few as possible of the

precious kind to be reared for the future.

Every traveller in the valley of the Nile, who can think and feel, finds

his pleasure, at the sight of the graceful form of this beneficent tree,

clouded by the unwelcome recollection of the barbarous and death-dealing

tax that is laid upon it.

If, when the Turkish empire falls to pieces, England should shrink from

undertaking, on her own sole responsibility, the protectorate of Egypt,

the great powers of Europe, together with the United States of America,

might, as far as Egypt is concerned, assume the lapsed suzerainty of the

Porte, and become the protectors of Egypt conjointly.

Egypt of the Pharaohs and of the Khedivé · 第 2 / 60 章