CHAPTER III

GENERAL CONDITION OF WAGE-EARNERS[43]

I. SEX AND AGE OF NEGRO WAGE-EARNERS

In the 2,500 families composed of 9,788 individuals, the sex

distribution and age grouping[44] throw some light upon the life

conditions of the wage-earning class. That city life does not look

with favor upon a large juvenile element in the population is

generally believed. That the city draws mainly those of the working

period of life is also generally conceded. The number of children in

this Negro group under 15 years of age is 19 per cent, below normal

for great cities, and the upper age limit is also quite low, being

only 6.6 per cent between forty-five and fifty-four years, and 3.2 per

cent over fifty-five years. Thus the bulk of the population, 70.8 per

cent, both male and female, excluding 0.4 per cent doubtful and

unknown, falls between fifteen and fifty-four years, or within the

vigorous working period of life. This is fully set forth in Table XI,

which gives the sex distribution and age grouping in assembly

districts of the 9,788 individuals in these 2,500 families of the

Census of 1905:

TABLE XI. SEX DISTRIBUTION AND AGE GROUPING OF 9,788 NEGRO

WAGE-EARNERS IN MANHATTAN, STATE CENSUS, 1905.

---------------------+--------------+--------------+----------------

| Male. | Female. | Total.

Age group. +------+-------+------+-------+------+---------

| | Per | | Per | | Per

| No. | cent | No. | cent | No. | cent

---------------------+------+-------+------+-------+------+---------

Less than 15 years | 949 | 19.6 | 910 | 18.4 | 1859 | 19.0

15-24 | 988 | 20.4 | 1155 | 23.4 | 2143 | 21.9

25-34 | 1543 | 31.8 | 1546 | 31.2 | 3089 | 31.6

35-44 | 889 | 18.4 | 809 | 16.4 | 1698 | 17.3

45-54 | 333 | 6.9 | 311 | 6.3 | 644 | 6.6

55 and over | 128 | 2.6 | 188 | 3.8 | 316 | 3.2

Doubtful and unknown | 14 | 0.3 | 25 | 0.5 | 39 | 0.4

---------------------+------+-------+------+-------+------+---------

Totals | 4844 | 100. | 4944 | 100. | 9788 | 100.

---------------------+------+-------+------+-------+------+---------

Figures obtained from the personal canvass made in 1909 bear

comparison with those of the State Census of 1905. Substantial

agreement is to be noted between the two enumerations, except for the

larger percentage of those under 15 years of age in 1905 (19.6 per

cent male, 18.4 per cent female), and the smaller percentages in the

grouping thirty-five to forty-four years (18.4 per cent male, 16.4 per

cent female). Doubtless this effect is produced because so many of the

cases in 1909 were individuals attending evening school, who were

required to be above 14 years of age, and because few over forty-five

years of age are attracted to such a place. The other small difference

in percentages is due probably to the small number of individuals,

365, in the figures for 1909. The sex distribution and age grouping in

1909 is shown in Table XII, which follows:

TABLE XII. SEX DISTRIBUTION AND AGE GROUPING OF 365 NEGRO WAGE-EARNERS

IN MANHATTAN, 1909.

---------------------+--------------+--------------+----------------

| Male. | Female. | Total.

Age group. +------+-------+------+-------+------+---------

| | Per | | Per | | Per

| No. | cent | No. | cent | No. | cent

---------------------+------+-------+------+-------+------+---------

Less than 15 years | 18 | 10.2 | 21 | 11.2 | 39 | 10.7

15-24 | 35 | 19.8 | 37 | 19.7 | 72 | 19.7

25-34 | 54 | 30.5 | 50 | 26.6 | 104 | 28.5

35-44 | 40 | 22.6 | 41 | 21.8 | 81 | 22.2

45-54 | 11 | 6.2 | 21 | 11.2 | 32 | 8.8

55 and over | 10 | 5.6 | 4 | 2.1 | 14 | 3.8

Doubtful and unknown | 9 | 5.1 | 14 | 7.4 | 23 | 6.3

---------------------+------+-------+------+-------+------+---------

Totals | 177 | 100. | 188 | 100. | 365 | 100.

---------------------+------+-------+------+-------+------+---------

The results above correspond also with those of the United States

Census of 1900 for the entire City of New York. Making allowance for

some families of professional and business classes, probably not

excluded from the Census figures for 1900, and for changes which five

years interval may have caused, the agreement with the two preceding

tables above confirms the representative character of the data for

1905 and 1909. For the total per cent under fifteen years in 1900 was

19.8; in 1905, 19.0; from fifteen to twenty-four years, 24 per cent in

1900, 21.9 per cent in 1905; from twenty-five to thirty-four years,

25.9 per cent in 1900, 31.6 per cent in 1905; from thirty-five to

forty-four years, 16.2 per cent in 1900, 17.3 per cent in 1905; from

forty-five to fifty-four years, 8.3 per cent in 1900, 6.6 per cent in

1905, and fifty-five years and over, 5.6 per cent in 1900, 3.2 per

cent in 1905.[45]

Here, then, is a wage-earning group made up of persons in the younger

and more vigorous working period. The small number of children under

15 years of age calls attention to the fact that the growth of this

population takes place largely through recruits from other sections of

the Country. They must find industrial and social adjustment to a new

environment largely made up of the white population. They are either

killed off by the conditions under which they work and live, or drift

away from the city at a premature old age.

2. NATIVITY OF NEGRO WAGE-EARNERS

If New York has a Negro population largely composed of immigrants from

other regions, the question naturally arises, From what sections or

regions do they come? The State Census of 1905 gives nativity by

countries only. Consequently, those born within the United States are

not specified by State or territory of birth. That large numbers of

the Negro population of New York City come from other sections of the

United States, mainly from the South, is beyond doubt.

We get the first impression of this fact from the Federal Census of

1900. For the whole State of New York in 1900, out of a population of

100,000,[46] 44.6 per cent were natives, 24.1 per cent were from

Virginia, 19 per cent were from other Southern States, with a

remaining 12.3 per cent to be drawn from other parts of the United

States and from other countries.

These proportions are different from those for New York City, because

immigrants make up a larger part of the City's Negro population. The

figures of the State Census of 1905, as well as those from a personal

canvass, point in the same direction, and the evidence indicates

clearly the probable condition.

The West Indian element in the Negro population of the City was

noticed first. The British West Indies furnish 5.8 per cent of these

foreign Negro immigrants, while the Danish West Indies, Cuba, and

those islands not specified, together make up 3.6 per cent, a total of

9.4 per cent West Indian.[47] Table XIII (p. 59) gives a survey of

this part of the population and shows its relation to the native born.

We are unable to get from the figures of Table XIII the sections or

States of the United States from which the 89.5 per cent of

American-born Negroes came. The few straws of evidence afforded by the

personal canvass point to the main sources of the stream. The

percentages have significance although the figures are few. The

Southern States, from which there are easy means of transportation to

New York, naturally furnish the larger part. Virginia supplied 29.6

per cent of the 365 Manhattan residents; South Carolina, 11 per cent;

Georgia, 6 per cent, and Maryland, 4.4 per cent. Taking the Southern

States by themselves, 67.5 per cent of the 365 wage-earners were born

in that section. Besides 5.7 per cent of the 365 came from the

British West Indies. The West Indies and the Southern States probably

furnished 73.4 per cent or about three-fourths of these wage-earners

in the Negro population of New York City. Table XIV (p. 60) shows in

full the State and country of birth of the 365 wage-earners.

TABLE XIII. NATIVITY BY COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF 9,788 WAGE-EARNERS,

MANHATTAN, 1905.

----------------------------+-----+------+-------

Country of birth. | No. | No. |Per cent

----------------------------+-----+------+-------

| | |

The Bermudas | -- | 28 | 0.3

British West Indies | -- | 566 | 5.8

Antiqua | 1 | -- | --

Bahama Islands | 7 | -- | --

Barbadoes | 36 | -- | --

Jamaica | 19 | -- | --

St. Croix | 46 | -- | --

St. Christopher | 20 | -- | --

St. Thomas | 8 | -- | --

Trinidad | 1 | -- | --

Not specified | 428 | -- | --

Danish West Indies | -- | 62 | 0.6

Cuba | -- | 14 | 0.1

West Indies (not specified) | -- | 285 | 2.9

Canada | -- | 16 | 0.2

United States | -- | 8,757| 89.5

Miscellaneous[A] | -- | 36 | 0.4

Unknown | -- | 24 | 0.2

----------------------------+-----+------+-------

Total | -- | 9,788| 100.

----------------------------+-----+------+-------

[A] The miscellaneous includes the following: Australia 3,

England 7, East Indies 1, France 1, Germany 1, Hayti 1, India

2, Ireland 1, Mexico 2, Monrovia, Africa 1, Porto Rico 9,

Sandwich Islands 1, Santo Domingo 2, South America 4.

Foreign and native immigrants predominate in the Negro population of

the City. With such a stream of immigrants the question arises about

their marriage and family relationships. Are they largely single

people, or are there large numbers of married, widowed, or divorced

persons among them? The discussion next centers upon this point.

TABLE XIV. NATIVITY BY STATE OR COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF 365 WAGE EARNERS,

MANHATTAN, 1909.

------------------------+-----+------+-----+------

Country. | No. | Per | No. | Per

| | cent | | cent

------------------------+-----+------+-----+------

Bermuda | -- | -- | 4 | 1.1

| | | |

British West Indies | -- | -- | 21 | 5.7

Antigua | 3 | -- | -- | --

Barbadoes | 8 | -- | -- | --

Grenada | 1 | -- | -- | --

Jamaica | 1 | -- | -- | --

Nassau | 1 | -- | -- | --

St. Croix | 3 | -- | -- | --

St. Kitts | 1 | -- | -- | --

Trinidad | 1 | -- | -- | --

Island Unknown | 2 | -- | -- | --

------------------------+-----+------+-----+------

------------------------+-----+------+-----+------

Country. | No. | Per | No. | Per

| | cent | | cent

------------------------+-----+------+-----+------

United States | -- | -- | 307 | 84.2

Georgia | 22 | 6.0 | -- | --

Maryland | 16 | 4.4 | -- | --

New York | 40 | 11.0 | -- | --

North Carolina | 35 | 9.6 | -- | --

South Carolina | 40 | 11.0 | -- | --

Virginia | 108 | 29.6 | -- | --

Other States[A] | 46 | 12.6 | -- | --

Miscellaneous[B] | -- | -- | 4 | 1.1

Unknown | -- | -- | 29 | 7.9

------------------------+-----+------+-----+------

Total | -- | -- | 365 |100

------------------------+-----+------+-----+------

[A] The other states of the Union are: Alabama 2, Arkansas 2,

Delaware 2, District of Columbia 7, Florida 7, Illinois 1,

Kentucky 4, Massachusetts 4, Missouri 3, Ohio 2, Pennsylvania

3, Tennessee 2, Texas 2, Michigan 1, New Jersey 1, Rhode Island

1, Porto Rico 2.

[B] Miscellaneous: St. Martin 1, Ontario 1, British Guiana 2.

3. MARITAL CONDITION OF WAGE-EARNERS

The State Census of 1905 did not ask about the marital condition, but

only stated relationships to the head of the family, so that the

conjugal condition of women reported as heads of families, of lodgers,

and of adult sons and daughters or other relatives in the family could

not be ascertained. Therefore, no attempt was made to give statements

about conjugal condition based on these returns. However, in the

personal canvass of 326 individuals, fifteen years of age and over,

the marital condition was obtained. The small number of cases included

in Table XV makes the figures and percentages presented valuable for

pointing only to what a larger body of data would probably make

certain. It is important, therefore, to note that 113 out of 159

males, or 71.1 per cent, and 106 out of 167 females, or 63.5 per cent,

were single, excluding those unknown. This suggests what the age

grouping would lead us to expect, viz., that the Negro group in New

York City has a large proportion of unmarried persons. Table XV, which

follows, indicates this conclusion:

TABLE XV. MARITAL CONDITION OF 326 NEGRO WAGE-EARNERS, FIFTEEN YEARS

OF AGE AND OVER, MANHATTAN, 1909.

--------------------+-------------+-------------+-------------

| Male. | Female. | Total.

+-----+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------

Marital condition. | | Per | | Per | | Per

| No. | cent | No. | cent | No. | cent

--------------------+-----+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------

Married | 26 | 16.3 | 30 | 17.9 | 56 | 17.2

Single | 113 | 71.1 | 106 | 63.5 | 219 | 67.2

Widowed | 9 | 5.7 | 27 | 16.2 | 36 | 11.0

Divorced | 3 | 1.9 | -- | -- | 3 | 0.9

Unknown | 8 | 5.0 | 4 | 2.4 | 12 | 3.7

--------------------+-----+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------

Total | 159 | 100. | 167 | 100. | 326 | 100.

--------------------+-----+-------+-----+-------+-----+-------

Now that the marital condition of the individuals has been indicated,

we may profitably inquire into the composition of the families.

4. FAMILIES AND LODGERS

An illuminating sidelight is thrown upon the general condition of

wage-earners by a study of the sizes of families and the relation of

lodgers to those families. The figures used are those of the State

Census of 1905 only, as the number of complete families secured in the

personal canvass was too small. The points of importance are the size

of the economic family, which includes lodgers and all others living

under one head, and size of the natural family when lodgers are

excluded. The census returns of 1905 showed relationship of each

dweller in the household to the head of the family. It was thus easy

to separate lodgers, except in some cases when relatives may have been

lodgers but were not so designated. Taking the 2,500 families as a

whole, with 9,788 individuals, the average size of the family was

three and nine-tenths persons. Of these, 2,631 individuals, 26.9 per

cent were lodgers, and 7,157, or 73.1 per cent, were natural members.

But these aggregates do not portray actual conditions. A true picture

may be obtained from a more detailed study of the figures which show

that 119, or 4.8 per cent, of the economic families (which includes

all persons living under one head) consisted of an individual living

alone; 576, 23 per cent, of two persons; 531, 21.2 per cent, of the

families had three members, while 478, 19.1 per cent, were composed of

four members. Above four, the percentages of families rapidly

declined; 13.4 per cent of economic families had five members; 8.3 per

cent, six members; 5 per cent, seven members, down to 2.2 per cent,

eight members; 1.4 per cent, nine members, and 1.6 per cent, ten or

more members. But the composition of these economic families is even

more striking. To illustrate, of a total of 576 economic families with

two members, 488 had no lodgers, and this was 36.1 per cent of all the

families without lodgers; out of 531 families of three members each,

173 had one lodger, or 37.7 per cent of all families having one

lodger, and 67 families had two lodgers each, or 20.6 per cent of all

the families having two lodgers. Further, 478 families of four members

each contained 133 families with two lodgers, 40.9 per cent of all

families having two lodgers, and 48 families had three lodgers, 27 per

cent of all families having three lodgers, while only 84 families had

one lodger, and 213 families, less than one-half, 44.6 per cent of all

families of four members each, had no lodgers. Taking the entire

2,500 families, only 1,353 families, or 54.1 per cent, had no

lodgers; 459, or 18.4 per cent of the total families, had one lodger

only; 325 families, or 13 per cent of the total, had two lodgers only,

while 320 families, or 12.8 per cent of the total, had from 3 to 5

lodgers. This left 45, or 1.7 per cent, with 6 to 9 lodgers. In a

phrase, the increase in the size of the family means, as a rule, an

increase in the number of lodgers, and the relative proportion of

natural members probably decreases as the size of the family

increases, the proportion of lodgers increasing with the size of the

economic family.

Now this showing is not the effect of lodging-houses run as business

enterprises, except probably in the families ten members or more,

which constitute only 1.6 per cent of the total 2,500 families. This

condition is most probably due in part to the fact--which both Census

returns and personal observation indicated but could not fully

determine--that many of the lodgers consisted of married couples,

sometimes with one or two children, and of parts of broken families.

Furthermore, the high rents[48] which Negroes have to pay, the limited

area in which the opposition of whites allows them to live, together

with the small income power due to the occupational field being

largely restricted to domestic and personal service, play a large part

in forcing families and parts of families to live thus crowded

together. This last point about income will be referred to again in

Chapter IV on Occupations and in Chapter V on Wages. It is a cause for

serious concern that only 54.1 per cent of the families had no

lodgers, and this percentage here will probably hold for the entire

Negro population of the City. If we exclude the 119 individuals living

alone, the families having no lodgers fall to 51.8 per cent.

This last phase of the lodger condition is emphasized if presented in

another way which shows the number of families having a specified

number of members, exclusive of lodgers. For the same 2,500 families,

it brings out from another point of view the relation of the family to

the lodgers. There is presented both the number and percent of

families that had a specified number of lodgers, and also, the number

and percent of families that had a specified number of members

exclusive of lodgers. For example, 178 families had three lodgers

each, which was 7.1 per cent of the total 2,500 families. And of these

48 families had only one other member; 57 had two other members; 36

had three other; 23 four other; 9 five other; 3 six other, and 1 seven

other. Out of 1,353 families that did not accommodate lodgers, 898

families, 67.8 per cent, had three members or less. Of 1,147 families

that did accommodate lodgers, 606, 52.8 per cent, had more lodgers

than natural members. And if we take the totals, 392, 15.7 per cent,

of the families had besides lodgers only one natural member; 909, 36.4

per cent, of the families had in addition to lodgers two members only,

and 508, 20.3 per cent, had besides lodgers three members only; 329

families, 13.2 per cent of the total, had four natural members; 325,

12.9 per cent, had five to seven natural members, and 38, 1.5 per

cent, had eight or more natural members. This makes it clear that

1,809 of the 2,500 families had three natural members or less, if

lodgers are not counted. To take a statement in a percentage that

probably will be applicable to the whole City, one may say that, even

including relatives who may have been lodgers, 72.6 per cent of Negro

families had three members or less, if the lodgers are excluded--a

fact of almost startling social significance. All this is a cause for

serious concern, and any constructive steps for social betterment

should give attention to the causes and remedies for this condition as

one of the first and most urgent problems.

To sum up the general condition of wage-earners: The Negro population

has increased decade by decade, except from 1840 to 1850 and from 1850

to 1860, preceding and during the Abolition and Civil War crisis. It

is made up of young persons and adults in the vigorous working period,

and has a small number of children under fifteen years of age. The

population is recruited largely by immigrants from the South and the

West Indies, who do not survive or remain in the City to a very old

age. Among the wage-earners probably single people predominate.

Largely because of high rents and low incomes, lodgers made up of

married couples, parts of broken families and of individuals seriously

interfere with normal family life. The families are usually very small

in size, from two to four persons, and an increase in the size of the

family generally means an increase in the number of lodgers.

FOOTNOTES:

[43] The term "wage-earner", for want of a better, is used to

designate the group of persons belonging to families whose heads are

actual wage-workers. This includes children and some other family

members not in gainful occupations.

[44] _Cf._ Bailey, _Modern Social Conditions_, (New York, 1906), pp.

67-89.

[45] _Cf._ Twelfth Census, _Bulletin 8, Negroes in the United States_,

Table 31.

[46] DuBois, _Notes_, _etc._, p. 2.

[47] In a study of _Negro Craftsmen in New York City_ made by Miss

Helen A. Tucker in 1907 (_Vide_, _Southern Workman_, 1907, 36: 9, p.

550), she reported the most reliable estimate of the proportion of

West Indians in New York City as about one-tenth of the total Negro

population. The figures above substantiate such an estimate. Of the

385 men in Miss Tucker's study, 29.09 per cent were born in the West

Indies. Among the 94 who claimed to know a trade, 57 or 60.64 per cent

were born in the West Indies. _Cf. ibid._, 37: I, p. 45. This wide

variation of percentage from that given for 9,788 individuals in 1905,

probably arises because (1) of the larger number of cases in the

latter instance, (2) the returns are from two other districts of

Manhattan besides "the Sixties" of Miss Tucker's canvass, (3) Miss

Tucker canvassed male craftsmen only; the figures of this text cover

the whole population.

[48] Real estate agents, who have handled properties during the change

from white to Negro tenants, testified that Negro families upon moving

in pay from $2.00 to $5.00 more per apartment. Others corroborated

their statements. _Vide_ also, Chapin, _Standard of Living in New York

City_, pp. 76-77.

The Negro at Work in New York City: A Study in Economic Progress · 第 3 / 6 章