REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS.
Gallantry of the Black Regulars--Diary of Sergeant-Major
E.L. Baker, Tenth Cavalry.
It is time now to sum up the work of the four regiments whose careers
we have thus far followed, and to examine the grounds upon which the
golden opinions they won in battle and siege are based. We have seen
that in the first fight, that of Las Guasimas, on June 24th, the Tenth
Cavalry, especially Troops I and B, both with their small arms and
with the machine guns belonging to Troop B, did most effective work
against the Spanish right, joining with the First Cavalry in
overcoming that force which was rapidly destroying Roosevelt's Rough
Riders. Nor should it be forgotten that in this first fight, Troop B,
which did its full share, was commanded on the firing line by
Sergeants John Buck and James Thompson. In the squad commanded by
Sergeant Thompson several men of the First Regular Cavalry fought and
it is claimed were highly pleased with him as squad commander.
While this was the first fight of the men of the Tenth Cavalry with
the Spaniards, it was by no means their first experience under fire.
From the time of the organization of the regiment in 1866 up to within
a year of the war, the men had been engaged frequently in conflicts
with Indians and marauders, often having men killed and wounded in
their ranks. The fights were participated in by small numbers, and the
casualties were not numerous, but there were opportunities for the
acquirement of skill and the display of gallantry. Altogether the men
of the regiment during their experience on the plains engaged in
sixty-two battles and skirmishes. This training had transformed the
older men of the regiment into veterans and enabled them to be cool
and efficient in their first fight in Cuba.
Sergeant Buck, upon whom the command of Troop B chiefly fell after
becoming separated from his Lieutenant in the battle at Guasimas,
joined the regiment in 1880, and had already passed through eighteen
years of the kind of service above described. He was at the time of
the Cuban War in the prime of life, a magnificent horseman, an
experienced scout, and a skilled packer. In 1880, when he joined the
regiment, the troops were almost constantly in motion, marching that
one year nearly seventy-seven thousand miles, his own troop covering
twelve hundred and forty-two miles in one month. This troop with four
others made a ride of sixty-five miles in less than twenty-one hours,
arriving at their destination without the loss of a single horse. In
1893 he was mentioned by the commanding officer of Fort Missoula,
Montana, for highly meritorious service, skill and energy displayed
while in charge of pack train of an expedition across the Bitter Root
Mountains, Idaho, during the most inclement weather, in quest of a
party of gentlemen lost. (Letter of commanding officer, Fort Missoula,
Montana, February 12, 1894.) Sergeant Buck has also won the silver
medal for revolver shooting.
Sergeant James Thompson joined the regiment in 1888, and has passed
the ten years in the one troop, and proved himself at Las Guasimas a
soldier worthy his regiment.
The first battle gave the Tenth a reputation in a new field,
corresponding to that which it had gained in the West, and this was
not allowed to fade during its stay in Cuba. The fame of this first
action spread rapidly through the army and inspired the other
regiments of colored men with a desire to distinguish themselves on
this new field of honor, and their readiness to be to the front and to
take prominent part in all service was so marked that opportunity
could not be withheld from them. As the army advanced toward Santiago
these regiments became more and more the mark of observation by
foreign military men who were present, and by the great throng of
correspondents who were the eyes for the people of the civilized
world. And hence, when the lines of assault were finally determined
and the infantry and cavalry of our army deployed for its perilous
attack upon the Spanish fortifications the black regiments were in
their places, conspicuous by their vigor and enthusiasm. In them were
enlisted men whose time of service had expired a few days before, but
who had promptly re-enlisted. In at least two cases were men who
served their full thirty years and could have retired with honor at
the breaking out of the war. They preferred to share the fortunes of
their comrades in arms, and it is a comfort to be able to record that
the two spoken of came home from the fight without a wound and with
health unimpaired. How many others there were in the same case in the
army is not reported, but the supposition is that there were several
such in both the white and colored regiments.
Recalling the scenes of that memorable first of July, 1898, we can see
the Twenty-fifth Infantry advancing steadily on the stone fort at El
Caney at one time entirely alone, meeting the fire of the fort even up
to their last rush forward. Captain Loughborough, who commanded
Company B, of that regiment, and although his company was in the
reserve, was nevertheless under fire, says: "The hardest fighting of
the Twenty-fifth was between two and four o'clock," at which time all
the other troops of the attacking force, except Bates' brigade, were
under cover and remaining stationary, the Twenty-fifth being the only
organization that was advancing. The official reports give the
positions of General Chaffee's brigade during the two hours between
two o'clock and four of that afternoon as follows:
The Seventh was under partial cover and remained in its position
"until about 4.30 p.m." The Seventeenth remained with its left joined
to the right of the Seventh "until the battle was over." The Twelfth
Infantry was in its shelter within 350 yards of the fort "until about
4 p.m." Ludlow's brigade was engaged with the town, hence only Miles'
brigade, consisting of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry, was
advancing upon the fort. The Fourth Infantry was soon checked in its
advance, as General Daggett especially notes in his report, and the
Twenty-fifth was thus thrust forward alone, excepting Bates' brigade,
which was making its way up the right.
This conspicuous advance of the Twenty-fifth brought that regiment
into the view of the world, and established for it a brilliant
reputation for skill and courage. Arriving in the very jaws of the
fort the sharpshooters and marksmen of that regiment poured such a
deadly fire into the loopholes of the fort that they actually silenced
it with their rifles. These men with the sternness of iron and the
skill acquired by long and careful training, impressed their
characteristics on the minds of all their beholders. Of the four
hundred men who went on the field that morning very few were recruits,
and many had passed over ten years in the service. When they "took the
battle formation and advanced to the stone fort more like veterans
than troops who had never been under fire," as their commander
reports, they gave to the world a striking exhibition of the effect of
military training. In each breast a spirit of bravery had been
developed and their skill in the use of their arms did not for a
moment forsake them. They advanced against volleys from the fort and
rifle pits in front, and a galling fire from blockhouses, the church
tower and the village on their left. Before a less severe fire than
this, on that very day, a regiment of white volunteers had succumbed
and was lying utterly demoralized by the roadside; before this same
fire the Second Massachusetts Volunteers were forced to retire--in the
face of it the Twenty-fifth advanced steadily to its goal.
Lieutenant Moss, who commanded Company H on the firing line on that
day, has published an account in which he says: "The town was
protected on the north by three blockhouses and the church; on the
west by three blockhouses (and partially by the church); on the east
by the stone fort, one blockhouse, the church, and three rifle pits;
on the south and southeast by the stone fort, three blockhouses, one
loop-holed house, the church and eight rifle pits. However, the Second
Brigade was sent forward against the southeast of the town, thus being
exposed to fire from fourteen sources, nearly all of which were in
different planes, forming so many tiers of fire. The cover on the
south and southeast of the town was no better than, if as good, as
that on the other sides."
The cavalry regiments were no less conspicuous in their gallantry at
San Juan than was the Twenty-fifth Infantry at El Caney. The
brilliancy of that remarkable regiment, the Rough Riders, commanded on
July 1st by Colonel Roosevelt, was so dazzling that it drew attention
away from the ordinary regulars, yet the five regiments of regular
cavalry did their duty as thoroughly on that day as did the regiment
of volunteers.[22] In this body of cavalry troops, where courage was
elevated to a degree infringing upon the romantic, the two black
regiments took their places, and were fit to be associated in valor
with that highly representative regiment. The Inspector-General turns
aside from mere routine in his report long enough to say "the courage
and conduct of the colored troops and First United States Volunteers
seemed always up to the best." That these black troopers held no
second place in valor is proven by their deeds, and from the testimony
of all who observed their conduct, and that they with the other
regulars were decidedly superior in skill was recognized by the
volunteer Colonel himself. The Ninth Cavalry, although suffering
considerably in that advance on East Hill, involved as it was, more or
less, with Roosevelt's regiment, did not receive so large a share of
public notice as its sister regiment. The strength of the Ninth was
but little over one-half that of the Tenth, and its movements were so
involved with those of the volunteers as to be somewhat obscured by
them; the loss also of its commander just as the first position of the
enemy fell into our hands, was a great misfortune to the regiment. The
Ninth, however, was with the first that mounted the heights, and
whatever praise is to be bestowed upon the Rough Riders in that
assault is to be distributed in equal degree to the men of that
regiment. Being in the leading brigade of the division this regiment
had been firing steadily upon the Spanish works before the charge was
ordered, and when the movement began the men of the Ninth advanced so
rapidly that they were among the first to reach the crest.
The Tenth Regiment, with its Hotchkiss guns, and its trained men, took
its place in the line that morning to add if possible further lustre
to the distinction already won. In crossing the flat, in climbing the
heights, and in holding the ridge these brave men did all that could
be expected of them. Roosevelt said: "The colored troops did as well
as any soldiers could possibly do," meaning the colored men of the
Ninth and Tenth Cavalry. To their officers he bestows a meed of praise
well deserved, but not on the peculiar ground which he brings forward.
He would have the reader believe that it has required special ability
and effort to bring these colored men up to the condition of good
soldiers and to induce them to do so well in battle; while the
testimony of the officers themselves and the experience of more than a
quarter of a century with colored professional troops give no
countenance to any such theory. The voice of experience is that the
colored man is specially apt as a soldier, and General Merritt
declares him always brave in battle. The officers commanding colored
troops at Santiago honored themselves in their reports of the battles
by giving full credit to the men in the ranks, who by their resolute
advance and their cool and accurate firing dislodged an intrenched foe
and planted the flag of our Union where had floated the ensign of
Spain.
That rushing line of dismounted cavalry, so ably directed by Sumner,
did not get to its goal without loss. As it swept across the open to
reach the heights, it faced a well-directed fire from the Spanish
works, and men dropped from the ranks, wounded and dying. Of the
officers directing that advance 35 fell either killed or wounded and
328 men. These numbers appear small when hastily scanned or when
brought into comparison with the losses in battle during the Civil
War, but if we take time to imagine 35 officers lying on the ground
either killed or wounded and 328 men in the same condition, the
carnage will not appear insignificant. Woe enough followed even that
one short conflict. It must be observed also that the whole strength
of this division was less than 3000 men, so that about one out of
every eight had been struck by shot or shell.
Several enlisted men among the colored cavalry displayed high
soldierly qualities in this assault, evidencing a willingness to
assume the responsibility of command and the ability to lead.
Color-Sergeant George Berry became conspicuous at once by his
brilliant achievement of carrying the colors of two regiments, those
of his own and of the Third Cavalry. The Color-Sergeant of the latter
regiment had fallen and Berry seized the colors and bore them up the
hill with his own. The illustrated press gave some attention to this
exploit at the time, but no proper recognition of it has as yet been
made. Sergeant Berry's character as a soldier had been formed long
before this event, and his reputation for daring was already well
established. He entered the service in 1867 and when he carried that
flag up San Juan was filling out his thirty-first year in the service.
All this time he had passed in the cavalry and had engaged in many
conflicts with hostile Indians and ruffians on our frontiers.
Perhaps the most important parts taken by any enlisted men in the
cavalry division were those taken by Sergeants Foster and Givens. The
former was First Sergeant of Troop G and as the troop was making its
way to the hill by some means the Spaniards were able not only to
discover them but also the direction in which they were moving and to
determine their exact range. Sergeant Foster ventured to tell the
Lieutenant in charge that the course of advance should be changed as
they were marching directly into the enemy's guns.
"Silence," shouted the Lieutenant. "Come on, men; follow me." "All
right, sir," said the Sergeant; "we'll go as far as you will." The
next instant the Lieutenant was shot through the head, leaving
Sergeant Foster in command. Immediately the troop was deployed out of
the dangerous range and the Sergeant by the exercise of good judgment
brought his men to the crest of the hill without losing one from his
ranks. At the time of this action Sergeant Foster was a man who would
readily command attention. Born in Texas and a soldier almost
continuously since 1875, part of which time had been passed in an
infantry regiment, he had acquired valuable experience. In 1888, while
serving in the cavalry, he had been complimented in General Orders for
skill in trailing raiding parties in Arizona. He was a resolute and
stalwart soldier, an excellent horseman and possessed of superior
judgment, and with a reputation for valor which none who knew him
would question. The return of Troop G, Tenth Cavalry, for July, 1898,
contains the following note: "Lieutenant Roberts was wounded early in
the engagement; Lieutenant Smith was killed about 10.30 a.m. while
gallantly leading the troop in the advance line. After Lieutenant
Smith fell the command of the troop devolved upon First Sergeant Saint
Foster, who displayed remarkable intelligence and ability in handling
the troop during the remainder of the day. Sergeant Foster's conduct
was such as cannot be excelled for valor during the operations around
Santiago. He commanded the troop up the hills of San Juan."
Sergeant William H. Givens, of Troop D, Tenth Cavalry, also commanded
in the action against San Juan. His Captain, who was wounded three
times in the fight, being finally disabled before reaching the hill,
makes the following report: "Sergeant William H. Givens was with the
platoon which I commanded; whenever I observed him he was at his post
exercising a steadying or encouraging influence on the men, and
conducting himself like the thorough soldier that I have long known
him to be. I understand to my great satisfaction that he has been
rewarded by an appointment to a lieutenancy in an immune regiment."
The Descriptive list of Sergeant Givens, made on August 4th, 1898,
contains these remarks:
"Commanded his troop with excellent judgment after his
captain fell at the battle of San Juan, July 1, 1898,
leading it up the hill to the attack of the blockhouse.
"Character: A most excellent soldier."[23]
Sergeant Givens may also be called an "old-timer." He had enlisted in
'69, and had passed all that time in hard frontier service. The troop
in which he enlisted during the years 1876-78 was almost constantly
engaged with hostile Indians along the Mexican border, and Sergeant
Givens was called upon to take part in numerous scouts in which there
were many striking adventures. He was also in that memorable campaign
against Victoria, conducted by General Grierson. Sergeant Givens was
an ideal soldier and worthy the commendations bestowed upon him by his
troop commander and others. Captain Bigelow received his disabling
wound about seventy-five yards from the blockhouse and was taken to
the rear under heavy fire by two soldiers of the troop by the name of
Henderson and Boardman.
Lieutenant Kennington, reporting the work of the troop on that morning
says that Corporal J. Walker was probably the first soldier to reach
the top of the hill and is believed to have shot the Spaniard who
killed Lieutenant Ord. The report containing the above statement is
dated July 5, 1898. Since that time the matter has been fully
investigated by Captain Bigelow and the fact ascertained that Corporal
Walker did arrive first on the hill and did shoot the Spaniard
referred to and he has been recommended for a Medal of Honor in
consequence.
The Sergeant-Major of the Tenth Cavalry, Mr. E.L. Baker, who served
with great credit during the Santiago campaign, is a soldier with an
excellent record. He was born of French and American parentage in
Wyoming and enlisted in the Ninth Cavalry as trumpeter in 1882,
serving five years in that regiment. He then enlisted in the Tenth
Cavalry, and in 1892 became Sergeant-Major. Being desirous of
perfecting himself in the cavalry service he applied for an extended
furlough with permission to leave the country, intending to enter a
cavalry school in France. In this desire he was heartily endorsed by
the officers of his regiment, and was specially commended by General
Miles, who knew him as a soldier and who highly appreciated him as
such. The breaking out of the Spanish war soon after he had made
application prevented a full consideration of his case. In 1897
Sergeant-Major Baker published a specially valuable "Roster of the
Non-Commissioned Officers of the Tenth U.S. Cavalry, with Some
Regimental Reminiscences, etc.," which has been of marked service in
the preparation of the sketches of the enlisted men of his regiment.
He contributes the interesting sketch of his experiences in Cuba with
his regiment, which follows this chapter, and which will prove to many
perhaps the most interesting portion of my book.
The Twenty-fourth Infantry advanced in that line of attack on the
extreme left and reached the crest of the San Juan Hills in such
numbers as to lead the press correspondents and others to conclude
that there were more men of this regiment promptly on the ground than
of any other one regiment. It is certain they made a record for
heroism in that assault as bright as any won on the field that day;
and this record they raised to a magnificent climax by their
subsequent work in the fever hospital at Siboney. For their
distinguished service both in the field and in the hospital, the
colored ladies of New York honored themselves in presenting the
regiment the beautiful stand of colors already mentioned. As these
fever-worn veterans arrived at Montauk they presented a spectacle well
fitted to move strong men to tears. In solemn silence they marched
from on board the transport Nueces, which had brought them from Cuba,
and noiselessly they dragged their weary forms over the sandy roads
and up the hill to the distant "detention camp." Twenty-eight of their
number were reported sick, but the whole regiment was in ill-health.
These were the men who had risked their lives and wrecked their health
in service for others. Forty days they had stood face to face with
death. In their soiled, worn and faded clothing, with arms uncleaned,
emaciated, and with scarce strength enough to make the march before
them, as they moved on that hot 2nd of September from the transport to
the camp, they appeared more like a funeral procession than heroes
returning from the war; and to the credit of our common humanity it
may be recorded that they were greeted, not with plaudits and cheers,
but with expressions of real sympathy. Many handkerchiefs were brought
into view, not to wave joyous welcome, but to wipe away the tears that
came from overflowing hearts. At no time did human nature at Montauk
appear to better advantage than in its silent, sympathetic reception
of the Twenty-fourth Infantry.
Of these shattered heroes General Miles had but recently spoken in
words well worthy his lofty position and noble manhood as "a regiment
of colored troops, who, having shared equally in the heroism, as well
as the sacrifices, is now voluntarily engaged in nursing yellow fever
patients and burying the dead." These men came up to Montauk from
great tribulations which should have washed their robes to a
resplendent whiteness in the eyes of the whole people. Great
Twenty-fourth, we thank thee for the glory thou hast given to American
soldiery, and to the character of the American Negro!
Thus these four colored regiments took their place on the march, in
camp, in assault and in siege with the flower of the American Army,
the choice and pick of the American nation, and came off acknowledged
as having shared equally in heroism and sacrifices with the other
regular regiments so engaged, and deserving of special mention for the
exhibition of regard for the welfare of their fellow man. The query
is now pertinent as to the return which has been made to these brave
men. The question of Ahasuerus when told of the valuable services of
the Jew, Mordecai, is the question which the better nature of the
whole American people should ask on hearing the general report of the
valuable services of the Negro Regular in the Spanish War. When
Ahasuerus asked: "What honor and dignity hath been done to Mordecai
for this?" his servants that ministered unto him were compelled to
answer: "There is nothing done for him." Looking over these four
regiments at the time of this writing an answer somewhat similar in
force must be returned. That the colored soldier is entitled to honor
and dignity must be admitted by all who admire brave deeds, or regard
the welfare of the state. The colored soldier, however, was compelled
to stand by and see a hundred lieutenancies filled in the Regular
Army, many in his own regiments, only to find himself overlooked and
to be forced to feel that his services however valuable, could not
outweigh the demerit of his complexion.
The sum total of permanent advantage secured to the colored regular as
such, in that bloody ordeal where brave men gave up their lives for
their country's honor, consists of a few certificates of merit
entitling the holders to two dollars per month additional pay as long
as they remain in the service. Nor is this all, or even the worst of
the matter. Men who served in the war as First Sergeants, and who
distinguished themselves in that capacity, have been allowed to go
back to their old companies to serve in inferior positions. Notably is
this the case with Sergeant William H. Givens, whose history has been
detailed as commanding Troop D, Tenth Cavalry, after Captain Bigelow
fell, and who heroically led the troop up the hill. He is now serving
in his old troop as Corporal, his distinction having actually worked
his reduction rather than substantial promotion.
It must not be inferred from the foregoing, however, that nothing
whatever was done in recognition of the gallantry of the colored
regulars. Something was done. Cases of individual heroism were so
marked, and so numerous, that they could not be ignored. The men who
had so distinguished themselves could not be disposed of by special
mention and compliments in orders. Something more substantial was
required. Fortunately for such purpose four regiments of colored
United States Volunteer Infantry were then in course of organization,
in which the policy had been established that colored men should be
accepted as officers below the grade of captain. Into these regiments
the colored men who had won distinction at Santiago were placed, many
as Second Lieutenants, although some were given First Lieutenancies.
This action of the Government was hailed with great delight on the
part of the colored Americans generally, and the honors were accepted
very gratefully by the soldiers who had won them on the field.
Fortunately as this opening seemed, it turned out very disappointing.
It soon became evident that these regiments would be mustered out of
the service, as they had proven themselves no more immune, so far as
it could be determined from the facts, than other troops. The
Lieutenants who had been most fortunate in getting their commissions
early got about six or seven months' service, and then the dream of
their glory departed and they fell back to the ranks to stand
"attention" to any white man who could muster political influence
sufficient to secure a commission. Their day was short, and when they
were discharged from the volunteer service, there appeared no future
for them as commissioned officers. Their occupation was indeed gone.
It was for them a most disappointing and exasperating promotion,
resulting in some cases in loss of standing and in financial injury.
Their honors were too short-lived, and too circumscribed, to be much
more than a lively tantalization, to be remembered with disgust by
those who had worn them. Cruel, indeed, was the prejudice that could
dictate such a policy to the brave black men of San Juan. The black
heroes, however, were not without sympathy in their misfortune. The
good people of the country had still a warm place in their hearts for
the colored soldier, despite the sayings of his maligners.
The people of Washington, D.C., had an opportunity to testify their
appreciation of the Tenth Cavalry as that regiment passed through
their city on its way to its station in Alabama, and later a portion
of it was called to Philadelphia to take part in the Peace Jubilee,
and no troops received more generous attention. To express in some
lasting form their regard for the regiment and its officers, some
patriotic citizens of Philadelphia presented a handsome saber to
Captain Charles G. Ayres, who had charge of the detachment which took
part in the Peace Jubilee, "as a token of their appreciation of the
splendid conduct of the regiment in the campaign of Santiago, and of
its superb soldierly appearance and good conduct during its attendance
at the Jubilee Parade in Philadelphia."
Likewise when the Twenty-fifth Infantry arrived at its station at Fort
Logan, Colorado, the people of Denver gave to both officers and men a
most cordial reception, and invited them at once to take part in their
fall carnival. All over the country there was at that time an unusual
degree of good feeling toward the colored soldier who had fought so
well, and no one seemed to begrudge him the rest which came to him or
the honors bestowed upon him.
This state of feeling did not last. Before the year closed assiduous
efforts were made to poison the public mind toward the black soldier,
and history can but record that these efforts were too successful. The
three hundred colored officers became an object at which both
prejudice and jealousy could strike; but to reach them the reputation
of the entire colored contingent must be assailed. This was done with
such vehemence and persistency that by the opening of 1899 the good
name of the black regular was hidden under the rubbish of reports of
misconduct. So much had been said and done, even in Denver, which had
poured out its welcome words to the heroes of El Caney, that the
Ministerial Alliance of that city, on February 6, 1899, found it
necessary to take up the subject, and that body expressed itself in
the unanimous adoption of the following resolutions:
RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED UNANIMOUSLY BY THE MINISTERIAL ALLIANCE
OF DENVER, FEBRUARY 6, 1899.
_Resolved_, By the Ministerial Alliance of the City of
Denver, that the attempt made in certain quarters to have
the Twenty-fifth Regiment, United States Infantry, removed
from Fort Logan, appears to this body to rest on no just
grounds, to be animated on the contrary by motives unworthy
and discreditable to Denver and the State, and that
especially in view of the heroic record of the Twenty-fifth
Regiment, its presence here is an honor to Denver and
Colorado, which this Alliance would regret to have
withdrawn.[24]
The mustering out of the volunteers about the time this opposition was
approaching what appeared to be a climax, causing the removal from the
service of the colored officers, appeased the wrath of the demon, and
the waves of the storm gradually sank to a peace, gratifying, indeed,
to those who shuddered to see a black man with shoulder-straps. As the
last Negro officer descended from the platform and honorably laid
aside his sword to take his place as a citizen of the Republic, or a
private in her armies, that class of our citizenship breathed a sigh
of relief. What mattered it to them whether justice were done; whether
the army were weakened; whether individuals were wronged; they were
relieved from seeing Negroes in officers' uniforms, and that to them
is a most gracious portion. The discharge of the volunteers was to
them the triumph of their prejudices, and in it they took great
comfort, although as a matter of fact it was a plain national movement
coming about as a logical sequence, entirely independent of their
whims or wishes. The injustice to the Negro officer does not lie in
his being mustered out of the volunteer service, but in the failure to
provide for a recognition of his valor in the nation's permanent
military establishment.
The departure of the colored man from the volunteer service was the
consequent disappearance of the colored military officer, with the
single exception of Lieutenant Charles Young of the Regular Cavalry,
had a very depressing effect upon the colored people at large, and
called forth from their press and their associations most earnest
protests. With a few exceptions, these protests were encouched in
respectful language toward the President and his advisers, but the
grounds upon which they were based were so fair and just, that
right-thinking men could not avoid their force. The following
resolution, passed by the National Afro-American Council, may be taken
as representative of the best form of such remonstrance:
"_Resolved_, That we are heartily grieved that the President
of the United States and those in authority have not from
time to time used their high station to voice the best
conscience of the nation in regard to mob violence and fair
treatment of justly deserving men. It is not right that
American citizens should be despoiled of life and liberty
while the nation looks silently on; or that soldiers who,
with conspicuous bravery, offer their lives for the country,
should have their promotion result in practical dismissal
from the army."
The nation graciously heeded the call of justice and in the
re-organization of the volunteer army provided for two colored
regiments, of which all the company officers should be colored men.
Under this arrangement many of the black heroes of Santiago were
recalled from the ranks and again restored to the positions they had
won. Thus did the nation in part remedy the evil which came in
consequence of the discharge of the volunteers, and prove its
willingness to do right. Triumphantly did the Administration vindicate
itself in the eyes of good people, and again did it place its
withering disapproval upon the conduct of those who were ready to
shout their applause over the worthy black officer's accidental
humiliation. The Negro officer disappeared from the United States'
Regiments as a Lieutenant only; but he returns to the same, or rather,
to a higher grade of the same form of regiments, both as Lieutenant
and Captain. How rapid and pronounced has been the evolution! It is
true the Negro officer is still a volunteer, but his standing is
measurably improved, both because of the fact of his recall, and also
because the regiments which he is now entering have some prospect of
being incorporated into the Regular Army. It does not seem probable
that the nation can much longer postpone the increase of the standing
army, and in this increase it is to be hoped the American Negro, both
as soldier and officer, will receive that full measure of justice of
which the formation of the present two colored regiments is so
conspicuous a part.
* * * * *
DIARY OF E.L. BAKER. SERGEANT-MAJOR TENTH U.S. CAVALRY.
Appointed First Lieutenant Ninth U.S. Volunteer Infantry,
and later Captain of the Forty-ninth Volunteer Infantry--Now
Lieutenant in Philippine Scouts.
A TRIP FROM MONTANA TO CUBA WITH THE TENTH U.S. CAVALRY.
April 16, 1898, at 10.45 p.m., telegram was received from Department
Headquarters, St. Paul, Minnesota, ordering the regiment to the
Department of the Gulf.
As every click of the telegraph instrument was expected to announce a
rupture in the diplomatic relations between the United States and the
Kingdom of Spain, all knew that the mobilization of the army South
meant preparing it for the serious work for which it is maintained.
On April 19 we were off for Chickamauga Park. En route we were
heartily greeted. Patriotism was at its height. Every little hamlet,
even, had its offerings. To compare the journey with Cæsar's march of
triumph would be putting it mildly.
We arrived at the historic point April 25. Every moment of our stay
there was assiduously devoted to organizing, refitting and otherwise
preparing for the inevitable. Officers were sent to many parts of the
country to secure recruits. Many also gave up details and relinquished
their leaves of absence to take part in the impending crisis.
May 14. We were moved a little nearer the probable theatre of
operations. On account of some deficiency in water for troops at
Tampa, the regiment was stopped at Lakeland, 30 miles this side, where
many recruits were received; Troops increased to war strength, and new
Troops established. Drills and instructions were also constantly
followed up.
June 6. Orders were received to prepare headquarters, band and eight
Troops dismounted, with trained men only, for service in Cuba.
Recruits to be left in camp with horses and property.
June 7. We were off for Port Tampa, where the regiment embarked on the
steamship Leona that afternoon.
June 8. She steamed from the dock. When the expedition seemed to be
forming, news was received that the dreaded Spanish fleet was being
sighted, evidently lying in wait for army transports. So we steamed
back to the pier. Many of the men appeared disappointed at the move,
probably not realizing that there was too much water in the Atlantic
Ocean for the 5th Army Corps to drink.
To my mind, the Divine Providence surely directed the move, as the
delay enabled the force to be swelled several thousand, every one of
whom was needed before Santiago.
June 14. We steamed out of Tampa Bay, amid cheers and music from the
thirty odd transports, heavily escorted by naval vessels. Among them
were the much talked-of dynamiter, Vesuvius, and the beautiful little
cruiser, Helena. Off Dry Tortugas that formidable warship, Indiana,
joined the fleet.
Splendid weather; nothing unusual transpiring, though our transport,
which also contained the First U.S. Cavalry, had a seemingly close
call from being sent to the bottom of the sea, or else being taken in
as a prisoner, which the enemy could have done with impunity.
Whilst going down the Saint Nicholas Chanel, in Cuban waters, the
vessel was deliberately stopped about midnight, June 16, and left to
roll in the trough of the sea until the morning of the 17th, in
consequence of which we were put 20 hours behind the fleet and without
escort, almost in sight of the Cuban shores.
Men were indignant at having been placed in such a helpless position,
and would have thrown the captain of the ship, whom they accused of
being a Spanish sympathizer and otherwise disloyal, overboard without
ceremony, but for the strong arm of military discipline. We were
picked up by the U.S. Cruiser Bancroft, late in the afternoon, she
having been sent in quest of the Jonah of the fleet. Upon approach of
the ship there were prolonged cheers from all of Uncle Sam's
defenders. The only explanation that I have ever heard for this
unpardonable blunder on the part of the ship's crew was that they
mistook a signal of a leading vessel.
June 20. Land was sighted.
June 21. Dispatch boats active; transports circling; Morro Castle
pointed out; three days' rations issued to each man; no extra
impedimenta to be taken ashore; crew preparing for landing.
June 22. As we neared Daiquiri, the designated place for disembarking,
flames could be seen reaching almost to the heavens, the town having
been fired by the fleeing Spaniards upon the approach of war vessels
of Sampson's fleet, who were assembling to bombard the shore and cover
our landing. After a fierce fire from these ships, the landing was
effected with loss of two men of our regiment, who were doubtless
crushed to death between the lighters. They were buried near the place
of recovery the next morning.
The few half-clothed and hungry-looking natives on shore seemed
pleased to see us. Daiquiri, a shipping point of the Spanish-American
Iron Company, was mostly deserted. The board houses seemed to have
been spared, while the sun-burned huts thatched with palm were still
smoking, also the roundhouse in which there were two railroad
locomotives, warped and twisted from the heat. The Spanish evidently
fired everything they could before evacuating.
June 23. At 6.00 p.m. Troops A, B, E and I, left with four Troops of
the First U.S. Cavalry and Rough Riders (First U.S. Volunteer Cavalry)
as advance guard of the Army of Invasion on the main road to Santiago
de Cuba; about 800 men all told, three Hotchkiss guns, manned by ten
cavalrymen, accompanied also by the Brigadier Commander, General
S.M.B. Young and staff.
NOTE.--These troops marched about 13 miles through a
drenching rain from 7 to 10 p.m.; bivouacked one hour later. Oh the
24th, after breakfast, took the trail about 5.15 a.m. The vapor from
wet clothing rose with the sun, so that you could scarcely recognize a
man ten feet away. About three and one-half miles above Siboney the
command was halted; the first U.S. Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders)
sent to the left; proceeding farther about one mile, the main column
was split, First U.S. Cavalry going to the right, the Tenth Cavalry
remaining in the center. General Wheeler joined at this point,
accompanied by his orderly, Private Queene, Troop A, Tenth Cavalry.
Disposition of the troops was explained by General Young, who had
located his headquarters with the Tenth U.S. Cavalry; General Wheeler
made his the same. Hotchkiss guns were ordered closed up; magazines
filled. The column had proceeded but a short way when the engagement
opened in all its fury; troops were deployed and advanced in the
direction from which the bullets were coming the thickest, as rapidly
as the formation of the ground would permit, the left of the line
touching the right of the Rough Riders.
June 24. Headquarters, band and the remainder of the First and Tenth
U.S. Cavalry were off at 6 A.M. The road was alive with troops (C, D,
F, G,) colonels and privates alike lugging their rations and bedding
beneath that ever watchful tropical sun, feeling as though they would
wilt at every step, the undergrowth being so thick and tall that
scarcely any breeze could get to you.
On emerging from this thicket, through which we had been marching for
several hours, the Sampson fleet could be heard firing on the Spanish
batteries on shore. Marines and other troops could be seen crossing
the mountains above Altares; this revived the men very much. As we
approached Verni Jarabo (Altares?), we were met by General Lawton, who
informed our Colonel that the advance guard was engaged with the
Spanish at La Guasima, and that it was hard pressed. Our pace was
quickened; the news appeared to lighten our heavy packs as we toiled
to the front to assist our comrades. The roar of the artillery became
plainer; wounded men along the road as well as those played-out from
the intense heat. Women and children were fleeing to places of safety.
Our forces were repairing a railroad engine and track; also tearing up
a piece leading to a Spanish blockhouse. In fact, everything seemed to
have on an exceedingly warlike tint, but our advance continued as
swifty as our weary feet would allow, which soon brought us to a
number of our own comrades conveyed on litters from La Guasima, where
our advance guard was tussling hard with the Dons for the honors of
the day.
Upon arrival of reinforcements, victory had been wrested from the Dons
fairly by the advance guard without assistance. Every one greeted each
other, as though it had been a year instead of a few hours since
parting. The First U.S. Cavalry and Rough Riders were unstinted in
extolling the fighting qualities of their brothers in arms, the Tenth
U.S. Cavalry.
The enemy was struck early June 24, entrenched on the heights of La
Guasima, near Sevilla, on the main road from Daiquiri to the city of
Santiago de Cuba. The advance guard was soon hotly engaged with them;
after a very desperate fight of over one hour, the enemy was driven in
confusion from their intrenchments. Our men were too exhausted to
follow them. The Tenth Cavalry lost 13 killed and wounded. For a while
it was a terrific fight, as the enemy was strongly intrenched on the
heights and our men had to climb them subjected to their fire, which
was very accurate, and much of it doubtless from machine guns in hands
of experienced men. Our men had also to contend with the thickest
underbrush, wire fences (the famous military trochas) and Spanish
daggers jabbing them in side at every step. For a while the situation
was serious. The decisive blow of the attack seems to have been struck
at an opportune moment, and the enemy withdrew in confusion.
It has been estimated that about 4,000 Spanish were engaged.
Everything indicated that they lost heavily; a Santiago paper put it
at 240. The writer and the Sergeant-Major of the First U.S. Cavalry
superintended the digging of one large grave where all the dead of the
two regiments were interred according to the Episcopal service. The
Rough Riders, being farther to our left, buried their own. If
advantage of position goes for anything, the Spanish should have
annihilated the Americans as they approached the stronghold.
The command remained on the battlefield until June 26, when it
proceeded to Sevilla, an old coffee and sugar plantation, to await the
assembling of the army and placing of the artillery.
Our camp at Sevilla was an interesting one in many ways. It was
pitched between the main road and a stream of excellent water. From
the hill beyond, the Spanish works could be viewed. From the roadside
many acquaintances were seen, also generals, foreign military
attaches, troops, artillery and pack trains. Wheeled transportation
seemed entirely out of its place in Cuba; one piece of artillery was
noticed with 24 horses tugging away at it.
The Cuban Army, cavalry and infantry, passed us at this point, which
seemed to consist of every male capable of swelling the crowd. Those
unable to carry or secure guns had an old knife or machete strapped to
them.
On June 30, about 4 P.M., shortly after our daily shower, which was a
little more severe and much longer than usual, the regiment was put in
motion for the front. We had marched about 1600 yards when the war
balloon was seen ascending some distance to our right. As the balloon
question was new, every one almost was stumbling on the man's heels in
front, trying to get a peep at this wonderful war machine.
After much vexatious delay, narrow road crowded with troops, a pack
train came along and added its mite to the congestion, as some of the
mules turned their heels on the advancing column when pushed too much.
We finally merged into a beautiful lawn, site of the Division
Hospital, where all were as busy as beavers in placing this
indispensable adjunct in order. Here the work of July 1 was clearly
suggested. Proceeding, wading and rewading streams, we bivouacked
beyond the artillery on the heights of El Poso, an old sugar
plantation, about four miles off, in plain view of the city of
Santiago. The lights of the city showed so brightly, the enemy
offering no resistance to our advance, I could not help feeling
apprehensive of being in a trap. I thought so seriously over the
matter that I did not unroll my pack, so as to be ready at an instant.
Simply released my slicker, put it on, and lay down where I halted.
Early July 1 all the brigade was up, getting breakfast and making as
much noise as if on a practice march. The Tenth Cavalry did not make
any fire until orders were received to that effect. I remarked to my
bunky that we were not going to fight evidently, as the smoke would
surely disclose our presence and enable the enemy's artillery to get
our range. The whole of Santiago seemed to be decorated with hospital
flags.
At 6.30 a shell from Capron's battery, U.S. Artillery, directed at a
blockhouse in El Caney, announced that the battle was on. Then the
musketry became general. All stood and watched the doomed village
quite a while as the battle progressed. Soon Grices' battery of the
U.S. Artillery, which was in support, belched forth destruction at the
Spanish works of the city, using black powder. The fire was almost
immediately returned by the enemy's batteries, who had smokeless.
They were shortly located when a fierce duel took place. The Dons were
silenced, but not until we had suffered loss. During this fire
an aide--Lieut. Wm. E. Shipp, Tenth Cavalry, Brigade
Quartermaster--brought orders for us to take position on the left of
the First U.S. Cavalry. The line extended nearly north and south on a
ridge some three or four miles from the city, where the regiment was
exposed to much of the return fire from the enemy's batteries. The men
exhibited no special concern and watched the flight of the death
messenger as eagerly as if at a horse race. Adjutant Barnum here
divided the band and turned it over to the surgeons to assist in
caring for the wounded, and directed Saddler Sergeant Smith and myself
to accompany the Colonel in advance. When Lieut. Shipp delivered his
orders, some of the officers remarked, "You are having a good time
riding around here." He replied that it was no picnic riding among
bullets, and that he would prefer being with his troops.
After the artillery had ceased firing, the regiment moved to the
right, passed El Poso, where there were additional signs of the
enemy's havoc among our troops, proceeded down the road leading to
Santiago. The movement of the regiment was delayed as it approached
the San Juan River, by an infantry brigade which had halted.
The regiment came within range of musket fire about three-quarters or
one-half mile from the crossing. Upon reaching the ford the Colonel
(Baldwin) rode nearly across the stream (closely followed by his
regiment) when we were greeted by the Dons with a terrific volley of
musketry, soon followed by artillery, which caused us to realize more
fully than ever, that "things were coming our way." Orders were given
to throw off packs and get cover. In removing his, Sergeant Smith,
on, my immediate left, was assisted by a Spanish bullet, and an
infantry soldier fell as my pack was thrown off to the right. In
seeking cover men simply dropped to the right and left of the road in
a prone position.
The regiment was here subjected to a terrific converging fire from the
blockhouse and intrenchments in front and the works further to the
left and nearer the city. The atmosphere seemed perfectly alive with
flying missiles from bursting shells over head, and rifle bullets
which seemed to have an explosive effect. Much fire was probably drawn
by the war balloon, which preceded the regiment to a point on the edge
of the river, near the ford, where it was held. This balloon
undoubtedly rendered excellent service in locating positions of the
Spanish works and developing an ambush which had been laid for us, but
the poor, ill-fated balloon certainly received many uncomplimentary
remarks during our stay in its vicinity.
It seemed as though the Spanish regarded the balloon as an evil agent
of some kind, and as though every gun, both great and small, was
playing on it. I made several trips under it following the Colonel,
who repeatedly rode up and down the stream, and I would have been
fully satisfied to have allowed my mind even to wander back to the
gaily lighted ball rooms and festivals left behind only a few months
before.
While on the last trip under the balloon a large naval shell exploded,
knocking the Colonel's hat off, crippling his horse, and injuring the
rider slightly in the arm and side, all of course, in addition to a
good sand bath. I then joined the regiment, some rods beyond, then
under cover. In crouching down behind a clump of brush, heard some one
groan; on looking around, saw Private Marshall struggling in the river
wounded. Immediately rushing to his assistance another of those
troublesome shells passed so close as to cause me to feel the heat. It
did not stop the effort, however, and the wounded man was placed in
safety.
The regiment remained in the road only a few moments when it was
ordered to take position behind the river bank some yards above the
balloon for protection; while moving to that position, and while
there, suffered much loss. Why we did not lose heavier may be
attributed to the fact that the enemy's musket fire was a trifle high,
and their shells timed from one-half to one second too long, caused
them to explode beyond, instead of in front, where the shells would
have certainly secured the Dons' maximum results, as, after the
balloon was cut down, you could scarcely hold your hand up without
getting it hit. During the battle, one trooper fell upon a good-sized
snake and crushed it to death, and another trooper allowed one of
these poisonous reptiles to crawl over him while dodging a volley from
the Spanish Mausers.
The shrapnel and canister shells, with their exceedingly mournful and
groaning sound, seemed to have a more terrifying effect than the swift
Mauser bullet, which always rendered the same salutation, "Bi-Yi." The
midern shrapnel shell is better known as the man-killing projectile,
and may be regarded as the most dangerous of all projectiles designed
for taking human life. It is a shell filled with 200 or 300 bullets,
and having a bursting charge, which is ignited by a time fuse, only
sufficient to break the base and release the bullets, which then move
forward with the velocity it had the time of bursting. Each piece is
capable of dealing death to any living thing in its path. In practice
firing, it is known where, by one shot, 152 hits were made by a single
shrapnel. In another, 215 hits are recorded. Imagine then, the havoc
of a well-directed shrapnel upon a group of men such as is here
represented. Capron's battery at El Caney cut down 16 cavalrymen with
one shell.
After a delay of about 30 minutes, during part of the time, the
writer, assisted by Sergeant Smith and Mr. T.A. Baldwin, cut all the
wire fences possible. Mr. Baldwin was dangerously wounded while so
engaged just before the general advance.
The regiment merged into open space in plain view of and under the
fire of the enemy; and formed line of battle facing toward the
blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north, occupied by the
Spanish, and advanced rapidly in this formation, under a galling,
converging fire from the enemy's artillery and infantry, on the
blockhouses and heavy intrenchments to the right front. Many losses
occurred before reaching the top of the hill, Lieut. W.H. Smith being
killed while gallantly conducting his troop as it arrived on the
crest. Lieut. W.E. Shipp was killed about the same instant, shortly
after leaving Lieutenant Smith, further to the left and near the pond
on the sunken road leading to Santiago. Lieutenant Smith was struck in
the head and perished with a single groan. Lieutenant Shipp was hit
near the heart; death must have been almost instantaneous, though it
appears he made an effort to make use of his first aid package. Thus
the careers of two gallant and efficient officers whose lives had been
so closely associated were ended.
Private Slaughter, who was left in charge of Lieutenant Smith's body,
was picked off by the Spanish sharpshooters, and Private Jackson,
Lieutenant Shipp's orderly, was left as deaf as a post from a bursting
shell.
The enemy having been driven back, northwest, to the second and third
blockhouses, new lines were formed and a rapid advance made upon them
to the new positions. The regiment assisted in capturing these works
from the enemy, and planted two sets of colors on them, then took up a
position to the north of the second blockhouse. With some changes in
position of troops, this line, one of the most advanced, about three
hundred yards of the enemy, was held and intrenchments dug under a
very heavy and continuous fire from the Spanish intrenchments in
front, July 2 and 3.
In their retreat from the ridge, the enemy stood not on the order of
their going, but fled in disorder like so many sheep from the scene,
abandoning a quantity of ammunition, which was fired at them
subsequently from our rapid-fire guns. Our men were too exhausted to
pursue them, footwear and clothing being soaked by wading rivers, they
had become drenched with rain, and when they reached the crest they
were about played-out; having fought about 12 hours, most of which was
under that ever-relentless tropical sun.
Throughout the night, work on the intrenchments was pushed, details
buried the dead, improvised litters, and conveyed the wounded to
hospitals, all of which was prosecuted with that vim for which the
regular soldier is characterized, notwithstanding their water-logged
condition.
The regiment acted with extraordinary coolness and bravery. It held
its position at the ford and moved forward unflinchingly after
deployment, through the dense underbrush, crossed and recrossed by
barbed wire, under heavy and almost plunging fire from the Spanish
works, while attacking with small arms an enemy strongly posted in
intrenchments and blockhouses, supported by artillery, and who
stubbornly contested every inch of ground gained by the American
troops.
Officers were exceedingly active and tireless in their efforts to
inspire and encourage the men. You could hear them call out, "Move
right along; the Spaniards can't shoot; they are using blanks." One
officer deliberately stopped and lit his pipe amid a shower of
bullets, and then moved on as unconcerned as if on target practice.
The rifle pits occupied by the enemy were intrenchments in reality,
dug almost shoulder deep, and faced with stone, being constructed
without approaches, leaving the only avenue for escape over the
parapet, which was equivalent to committing suicide, in face of the
unerring marksmanship of the United States troops.
We were afterward told by a Spanish soldier how they were held in
these trenches by an officer stationed at each end with a club; also
how they depended on their officers for everything. This may account
for the large percentage of our officers picked off by the Dons. I
observed during the battle that when spotted by the enemy, delivering
orders or busying about such duties as usually indicated some one in
authority, the Spanish would fire whole volleys at an individual, this
evidently with a view to demoralizing the rank and file by knocking
off the officers.
The Spanish also tried an old Indian trick to draw our fire, or induce
the men to expose themselves, by raising their hats on sticks or
rifles, or placing them upon parapets, so when we went to fire they
would aim to catch us as we rose with a terrific volley. The Dons
were, however, soon convinced of their folly in this respect, as we
always had a volley for the hats and a much stouter one for the enemy
as he raised to reply to the volley at the hats. The Tenth Cavalry had
fought Indians too long in the West to be foiled in that manner.
We were annoyed much by the Spanish sharpshooters stationed in tops of
the beautiful palms and other trees of dense foliage. A number of
these guerillas were found provided with seats, water and other
necessaries, and I am told some of them had evidently robbed our dead
to secure themselves an American uniform, that they might still carry
on their nefarious work undetected.
Many of the disabled received their second and some their mortal
wound, while being conveyed from the field by litter-bearers.
Though it was the tendency for a time to give the sharpshooter story
little or no credence, but to lay the matter to "spent bullets"; it
seemed almost out of the question that "spent bullets" should annoy
our Division Hospital, some four or five miles from the Spanish works.
It would also seem equally as absurd that a bullet could be trained to
turn angles, as several of our men were hit while assembled for
transfer to general hospital and receiving temporary treatment at the
dressing station located in an elbow of the San Juan River.
The Division Hospital was so harassed that it was necessary to order
four Troops of the 9th U.S. Cavalry there for guard. While en route to
the hospital on the morning of July 2 with wounded, I saw a squad of
the 2nd U.S. Cavalry after one of these annoying angels, not 20 feet
from the road. On arrival at the hospital I was told by a comrade that
several had been knocked from their stage of action. On July 1, our
Color-Sergeant was shot from a tree after our line had passed beneath
the tree where he was located. July 3, three more fell in response to
a volley through tree tops, and on July 14, while waiting the hand to
reach the hour for the bombardment of the city, one of the scoundrels
deliberately ascended a tree in plain view of, and within two hundred
yards of, our line. It was a good thing that the white flag for
surrender appeared before the hour to commence firing, otherwise Spain
would have had at least one less to haggle with on account of back
pay.
To locate a sharpshooter using smokeless powder among the dense
tropical growth may be compared with "looking for a needle in a
haystack."
The killed and wounded in battle present a scene well calculated to
move the most callous. Men shot and lacerated in every conceivable
manner; some are expressionless; some just as they appeared in life;
while others are pinched and drawn and otherwise distorted, portraying
agony in her most distressful state. Of the wounded, in their anguish,
some are perfectly quiet; others are heard praying; some are calling
for their mothers, while others are giving out patriotic utterances,
urging their comrades on to victory, or bidding them farewell as they
pass on to the front. July 1, in passing a wounded comrade, he told me
that he could whip the cowardly Spaniard who shot him, in a fair fist
fight.
During the first day's battle many interesting sights were witnessed.
The new calibre 30 Gatling guns were in action. These cruel machines
were peppering away several hundred shots each per minute and sweeping
their front from right to left, cutting down shrubbery and Spaniards
like grain before the reaper. I observed the excellent service of the
Hotchkiss Mountain gun; they certainly do their work to perfection and
well did the Dons know it. Many shots fired into the "blind ditches
and blockhouses" of the enemy caused them to scatter like rats. These
guns use a percussion shell nearly two inches, and can be packed on
mules. They were designed for light service with cavalry on the
frontier. Four of these little beauties were manned by men of the
Tenth Cavalry. The Spanish made it so hot for the boys that they would
have to roll the gun under cover to load, and then steal it back to
fire.
I saw one of our light batteries of artillery go in position under
fire at the foot of San Juan Hill. The movement was swiftly and
skillfully executed. A most interesting feature of this was to see the
Caissons, drawn by six magnificent horses, off for ammunition. Three
drivers to each outfit, one to each pair of horses; all plying the
whip at every jump, would remind you of a Roman chariot race coming
around on their last heat.
Wheeled vehicles of war suffer more than other troops, on account of
their stationary positions. It is here that the dreaded sharpshooter
comes in for glory, by picking off the gunners and other individuals.
Pack trains were seen dashing along the line with that always
absolutely essential--ammunition--thereby gladdening the hearts of the
boys who were doing their utmost to expend every round in their belts
to gain another foot of Spanish territory.
During all these stirring events the stomachs of the real heroes were
not neglected, and most certainly not along our part of the line. Pack
mules were brought right up to the line under a hot fire, loaded with
sugar, coffee, bacon and hardtack, all of which was in plenty. Some of
the mules were killed and wounded, but this did not retard the advance
of the train. When near the firing line some one called, "Whose
rations?" A prompt reply, "Hungry soldiers."
The daring horseman was all that was needed to make the situation
complete. Without participation of cavalry, the ideal warrior
disappears from the scene, and the battle and-picture of war is robbed
of its most attractive feature.
Late in the afternoon, July 1, I was directed to take Saddler Sergeant
Smith and bring to the firing line all the men I could find of the
regiment. Going to the dressing station, collected those who had
brought or assisted wounded there, thence across a portion of the
field passed over a few hours previous. Men were found almost
exhausted, soaking wet, or a solid mass of mud, resting as comfortably
as if in the finest of beds; many of them had been on picket duty all
night before, to which was added the hard day's work not then
completed. After locating all I could, we went to the crest of the San
Juan Hill, to the left of the sunken road, where the First U.S.
Cavalry was reforming, and there picked up a few more who had joined
that regiment.
The Tenth Cavalry having in the meantime taken another position, I set
out to find it, going in front, telling Smith to bring up the rear. We
were detained a short time near Sunken Roads by shells from Cervera's
fleet, which were falling in it at a lively rate. Barbed wire
prevented us from "running the gauntlet." Shortly after crossing the
road an officer passed us, his horse pushed to his utmost, telling us
to take all the ammunition that we possibly could on the firing line.
About that instant, the pack train came thundering by, which we
relieved of a few thousand rounds in short order. I was much amused at
one of the men who innocently asked, "Where are we to get axes to
burst these strong boxes?" The job was speedily accomplished before
the boxes were on the ground good, and most certainly in less time
than it would have taken to explain matters to the inexperienced. We
were soon off again, tramping all over the country, through darkness,
running into wire entanglements, outposts and pickets, and within
fifty yards of the enemy (subsequently ascertained).
About 11.00 P.M. found Colonel Roosevelt a few hundred yards from the
Spanish lines with some of my regiment, the First Cavalry, and Rough
Riders, at work on trenches, where we reported. All seemed glad to
have my little reinforcement, about 65 men, and ammunition. I never
felt so relieved at anything as I did to get that herculean task off
my hands, a job as hard as working a problem in the third book of
Euclid. The men were so tired that they would lie down at every stop
to find the right road or the way out of the wire entanglements
constantly encountered. I have never seen in a book anything to equal
the Spanish wire entanglements. Barbed wire was stretched in every
nook and corner, through streams, grass, and from two inches to six
feet in height, and from a corkscrew to a cable in design. It takes
the nerve of a circus man to get men along when they are so exhausted
that every place feels alike to them, and that they would gladly give
away Mr. Jim Hill's fortune if they possessed it, for a few hours'
sleep.
On arrival at the front, lunch was about over or just ready.
Lieutenant E.D. Anderson (10th Cavalry) gave me two and one-half
hardtacks from his supply, which he carried in his bosom. I was soon
down for a little rest; all desultory firing had ceased; the pick and
the shovel were the only things to disturb the quietude of that
anxious night. Had been down but a short time when aroused by one of
the Rough Riders, who had some rice and meat in an ammunition box
which he brought from the captured blockhouse. The meat was
undoubtedly mule, as the longer I chewed it the larger and more spongy
it got, and were it not for the fact that I had had some experience
in the same line many years before in Mexico while in pursuit of
hostile Indians, I would certainly have accused our best friends
(Rough Riders) of feeding us rubber. I made another effort for a
little sleep, and was again aroused by some one passing around
hardtack, raw bacon, etc., with instructions as to where to go to cook
it. I thanked him and carefully laid it aside to resume my nap. At
2.40 A.M. the pickets were having such a lively set to, that I thought
the general engagement was on. It was at this time I discovered that I
was shivering cold, and that my teeth were rattling equal to a
telegraph sounder; so under the circumstances, I concluded not to try
for any more sleep. The dew was falling thick and heavy; no coat, no
blanket, top shirt torn in strips from the brush, and undershirt wet
and in my pack, thrown off on coming into battle.
Early July 22nd the artillery took position on our left. Pickets kept
up firing from 2.40 A.M. until 5.25, when the engagement became
general. Shortly after 6.00 A.M. our artillery opened on the Spanish
works, who promptly returned the compliment. During the firing the
Dons exploded a shell in the muzzle of one of our pieces. Adjutant
Barnum fell at 6.30 A.M.; his wound was promptly dressed, when I
started to the Division Hospital with him. Though seriously hurt, I
have never seen a better natured man. While en route, we laid him down
to eat a can of salmon _found in the road_. In response to his query,
"What's up, Sergeant?" the salmon was passed him; he helped himself,
no further questions were asked, and the journey was resumed. On
arrival at the hospital he was quickly examined and placed on a
comfortable cot. Many of the attendants were completely played-out
from overwork.
A visit to a field hospital will have a lasting place in your memory.
Every way you turn, amid the cries and groans, you get a beck or call
to ease this, or hand me that, and one feels badly because of his
inability to extend them material aid in their sufferings.
On returning to the front, I found the regiment as hotly engaged as
when I left it some hours before. As the fighting was from trenches,
many of our men were wounded by shells. Sharpshooters were on hand as
usual. I was sent to the Captain of Troop E, under the crest of the
hill, with orders to dig an approach to one of the enemy's trenches,
evacuated the day before; also to bury some of their dead. While
delivering the order, it being necessary to get very close on account
of the noise, one of those ever vigilant sharpshooters put a bullet
between our faces. The Captain asked me to cut the wire fence so his
troops could get through more rapidly; while telling me, another
bullet passed so close as to disturb the Captain's mustache. He took
it good-naturedly, only remarking as he smiled, "Pretty close,
Sergeant-Major!"
Firing ceased about 8 P.M. After all had had supper we changed
position further to the right, where work on trenches was resumed.
About 10.30 P.M. the Spaniards made an attack upon our lines, and I
have never before or since seen such terrific firing; the whole
American line, which almost encircled the city, was a solid flame of
fire. The enemy's artillery replied, also their much-praised
"Mausers," but to no avail; they had opened the ball, but Uncle Sam's
boys did not feel like yielding one inch of the territory so dearly
bought.
About midnight all hands were aroused by the dynamite cruiser Vesuvius
"coughing" for the Dons. The roar was so great that it seemed to shake
the whole island. To the uninitiated it would appear that some one
had taken a few mountains several miles up in a balloon and thrown
them down.
July 3. Firing by pickets commenced very early, and quite heavy, at
5.40 A.M. Terrific cannonading to the seaward was heard between 9 and
10 A.M. As there was some talk of the enemy making a sortie, all eyes
were open. Dirt began falling in the pits from the jar, bells could be
heard tolling in the city, and steam whistles in the harbor. There was
much speculation as to what was in progress. I'll say that there were
many glad hearts when the news reached us that _Sampson's fleet was
King of the Seas_. At 12 M. all firing was ordered off, for flag of
truce to enter the Spanish lines. When the order for cease firing was
given, one of the troopers laid his gun upon the parapet and remarked
that he "would not take $2000 for his experience, but did not want a
cent's worth more." Work on bomb-proofs and breast works was continued
incessantly until news of the surrender reached us.
July 4. Flag of truce all day; national and regimental colors placed
on parapets. At noon the regiment paraded, and all hearts cheered by
the patriotic telegram of the Commander-in-Chief--His Excellency,
President McKinley. Refugees, in droves, could be seen leaving for
several days, notice of bombardment having been served on the city.
July 5. There was much excitement when Lieutenant Hobson and party
crossed our lines.
During truce, the monotony was broken occasionally by the presence of
Spanish soldiers in quest of something to eat or desiring to
surrender.
Truce was off July 10 at 4 P.M. Bombardment of the city commenced by
the army and navy combined, which continued until 2 P.M. 11th.
Gatling, dynamite, rapid-firing and Hotchkiss guns were so well
trained that the Dons scarcely dared to raise their heads, and their
firing was soon silenced. During the attack our part of the line
suffered no loss. While occupying these works, it was discovered that
the gun of the enemy that _annoyed us most was quite near a large
building covered with Red Cross flags_.
During the truce all of our dead were located and buried. It was sad,
indeed, to see the vultures swarming like flies, when we knew so well
their prey.
Though prepared to, several times, no shots were exchanged after July
11, and all was quiet until date of capitulation. The hardest rain
ever witnessed, accompanied by terrific thunder and lightning, was on
the last day of the engagement. Trenches were flooded and everything
appeared as a sea.
July 17, at 9 A.M., the regiment, with the remainder of the army, was
assembled over the trenches to witness the formal surrender of General
Toral, with the Spanish forces. Owing to the dense tropical growth,
and its similarity in color to their clothing, little or nothing could
be seen, beyond the straw hats of the Dons, as they marched through
the jungles. At 12 M., we were again placed in the same position, to
salute "Old Glory" as she ascended over the Governor's palace in the
city, which was told by Capron's battery U.S. Artillery. At the first
shot, every individual tested his lungs to their fullest capacity,
bands of music playing national airs.
Spanish soldiers were soon over our lines, trading off swords, wine,
cigarettes and trinkets for hard tack and bacon. This soon ended, as
there were positive orders against our fraternizing. The Spaniards
were a fine looking lot of young men; though generally small in
stature, and were very neat and clean, considering. The officers were
an intelligent and dignified looking set. The Dons were away ahead on
ammunition, and away behind on eatables. A few musty, hard tack,
thrown in our trenches, were devoured like so much fresh beef, by so
many hungry wolves.
Campaigning in the tropics entails many hardships, though unavoidable
and only to be expected, in war. War is horrible in any aspect in
which it may be viewed. Even those features of it intended to be
merciful, are full of harshness and rigor; and after all, fighting is
the easiest part.
As the capitulation was complete, and Santiago was our's, we were
ordered to change camp to a more healthful locality, with a view to
allowing the men to recuperate. While en route many refugees were met
returning to the city, men and women, with the scantiest clothing
imaginable; large children even worse--in a nude state--all were
making signs for something to eat.
In passing through El Caney, filth of all descriptions was piled up in
the streets; stock was seen standing inside dwellings with occupants;
young and old were emaciated--walking skeletons; children with
stomachs bloated to thrice their natural size--due to the unsanitary
condition of the huts, so I was informed.
The bare facts are, that "half has never been told" regarding the true
condition of the Cubans, and it is truly a Godsend that "Uncle Sam"
was not delayed another day in letting the Don's breathe a little of
nature's sweetest fragrance of the nineteenth century--Civilization.
The portion of the island I saw appears to be a beautiful park
deserted and laid waste by the lavish application of the torch for
many years. Magnificent mansions, or dwellings, in ruins; habitation
scant, except near towns.
There were no domestic animals, except a few for saddle purposes, nor
were there crops to be seen. No use whatever appears to be made of the
luxuriant pasturage and rich fields. Sugar houses and sheds on
plantations are in a state of decay, and the huge kettles for boiling
deeply coated with rust.
The climate of Cuba offers all the essentials, heat, moisture and
organic matter, for the development of germ life in its most active
form.
The great heat and moisture, so excellent for the development of
infected wounds, and for the rapid decomposing of the heavy
undergrowth cannot, I believe, be exceeded anywhere.
The frequent tropical showers, invariably followed by a hot steam,
along with which germs seem to float; the consequent exposure of the
men to that glaring heat and moisture, lowered the general tone of the
system so that they were especially liable to attacks of miasmatic
diseases (malarial and typhoid fevers and dysentery.)
Owing to the dense humidity, clothing does not dry so long as it
remains on the person, but must be removed, a condition that was
absolutely impossible for many days on the field before Santiago. To
this alone, much of our sickness may be attributed.
Our new camp, pitched on the eminence of El Caney, about one and
one-half miles from the village, overlooking the city and bay of
Santiago, with its excellent water, shade, grass, and increased
comforts, which were daily shipped from our transports, presented a
scene far more conciliatory than had been witnessed about the Tenth
Horse for many days.
MEDALS OF HONOR AND CERTIFICATES OF MERIT GRANTED TO COLORED SOLDIERS
FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICES IN THE CUBAN CAMPAIGN.
OFFICIAL.
MEDALS OF HONOR.
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Name. | Rank | Regiment. | Troop or Co.| Remarks.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Bell, Dennis | Pvt. | 10th Cav. | Troop H. |For gallantry
Lee, Fitz | Pvt. | 10th Cav. | Troop M. |in action at
Tompkins, Wm. H. | Pvt. | 10th Cav. | Troop M. |Tayabacoa, Cuba,
Wanton, Geo. H. | Pvt. | 10th Cav. | Troop M. |June 30, 1898.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
CERTIFICATES OF MERIT.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Name. |Rank. | Regiment. | Troop or Co.| Remarks.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Bates, James |Pvt. | 9th Cav. | Troop H. |
Crosby, Scott |Pvt. | 24th Inf. | Comp. A. |
Davis, Edward |Pvt. | 9th Cav. | Troop H. |
Elliott, J. |Sergt. | 10th Cav. | Troop D. |
Fasit, Benjamin |Sergt. | 10th Cav. | Troop E. |
Gaither, O. |Q.M.Sergt | 10th Cav. | Troop B. |
Goff, G.W. |Sergt. | 9th Cav. | Troop B. |
Graham, J. |Sergt. | 10th Cav. | Troop E. |
Hagen, Abram |Corp. | 24th Inf. | Comp. G. |
Herbert, H.T. |Corp. | 10th Cav. | Troop E. |
Houston, Adam |1st Sergt.| 10th Cav. | Troop C. |
Jackson, J. |1st Sergt.| 9th Cav. | Troop C. |
Jackson, Elisha |Sergt. | 9th Cav. | Troop H. |
Jackson, Peter |Corp. | 24th Inf. | Comp. G. |
Jefferson, C.W. |1st Sergt.| 9th Cav. | Troop B. |
McCoun, P. |1st Sergt.| 10th Cav. | Troop E. |
Moore, Loney |Pvt. | 24th Inf. | Comp. A. |
Oden, Oscar |Musician | 10th Cav. | ........ |
Payne, William |Sergt. | 10th Cav. | Troop E. |
Pumphrey, Geo. W |Corp. | 9th Cav. | Troop H. |
Satchell, James |Sergt. | 24th Inf. | Comp. A. |
Smith, L. |Pvt. | 10th Cav. | Troop D. |
Thornton, William|Corp. | 24th Inf. | Comp. G. |
Walker, J. |Corp. | 10th Cav. | Troop D. |
Williams, John T.|Sergt. | 24th Inf. | Comp. G. |
Williams, R. |Corp. | 24th Inf. | Comp. B. |
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Besides the Certificates of Merit and Medals of Honor, mentioned
above, and the promotions to commissions in the volunteer services,
there were some instances of promotion to non-commissioned officers'
positions of men in the ranks or junior grade for conspicuous
gallantry. Notably among such were Benjamin F. Sayre, of the
Twenty-fourth, promoted to Sergeant-Major for gallantry at San Juan,
and Private James W. Peniston, of the Tenth Cavalry, promoted to
Squadron Sergeant-Major for conspicuous bravery at Las Guasimas.
Others there may be whose names are not available at this time.
FOOTNOTES:
[22] "The Ninth and Tenth Cavalry regiments fought one on either side
of mine at Santiago, and I wish no better men beside me in battle than
these colored troops showed themselves to be. Later on, when I come to
write of the campaign, I shall have much to say about them."--T.
Roosevelt.
[23] The major commanding the squadron in which Sergeant Givens'
troops served, writes to the sergeant the following letter:
Sergeant William H. Givens, Troop D, 10th Cavalry, Fort
Clark, Texas.
Sergeant:--When making my report as commander of the Second
Squadron, 10th U. S. Cavalry, for action of July 1, 1898, at
San Juan Hills, I did not mention any enlisted men by name,
as I was absent from the regiment at the time of making the
report and without access to records, so that I could not
positively identify and name certain men who were
conspicuous during the fight; but I recollect finding a
detachment of Troop D under your command on the firing line
during the afternoon of July 1st. Your service and that of
your men at that time was most creditable, and you deserve
special credit for having brought your detachment promptly
to the firing line when left without a commissioned officer.
THEO. J. WINT,
Lieutenant-Colonel, 6th U.S. Cavalry.
Second Lieutenant, 10th Cavalry.
True copy:
[24] Extract from _The Statesman_, Denver, after the departure of the
25th Infantry, and the arrival of the 34th:
Two policemen killed, the murderer at large and his comrades
of the 34th Regiment busy boasting of their sympathy for
him, and extolling his deed to the skies, yet not a single
petition has been prepared to have the regiment removed. The
25th Infantry, with its honor undimmed by any such wanton
crime, with a record unexcelled by any regiment in the
service, was the target for all sorts of criticism and
persecution as soon as it arrived. The one is a white
regiment, composed of the scum of the earth, the other a
black regiment composed of men who have yet to do one thing
of which they should be ashamed. Yet Denver welcomes the one
with open arms and salutes with marked favor, while she
barely suffered the other to remain.
Had it been a negro soldier who committed the dastardly deed
of Saturday night the War Department would have been deluged
with complaints and requests for removal, but not a word has
been said against the 34th. Prejudice and hatred blacker
than the wings of night has so envenomed the breasts of the
people that fairness is out of the question. Be he black, no
matter how noble and good, a man must be despised. Be he
white, he may commit the foulest of crimes and yet have his
crimes condoned.