AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT.
Early Literature of Negro Soldiers--Negro Soldiers in the
War of the Revolution--The War of 1812--Negro
Insurrections--Negro Troops in the Civil War--Notes.
"Do you think I'll make a soldier?" is the opening line of one of
those delightful spirituals, originating among the slaves in the far
South. I first heard it sung in the Saint James Methodist Church,
corner of Spring and Coming Streets, Charleston, South Carolina,
immediately after the close of the war. It was sung by a vast
congregation to a gentle, swinging air, with nothing of the martial
about it, and was accompanied by a swaying of the body to the time of
the music. Occasionally there would be the "curtesys" peculiar to the
South Carolina slave of the low country, which consists in a stooping
of the body by bending the knees only, the head remaining erect, a
movement which takes the place of the bow among equals. The older
ladies, with heads adorned with the ever-present Madras kerchief,
often tied in the most becoming and tasteful manner, and faces aglow
with an enthusiasm that bespoke a life within sustained by visions of
spiritual things, would often be seen to shake hands and add a word of
greeting and hope which would impart a charm and meaning to the
singing far above what the humble words of the song without these
accessories could convey. As the rich chorus of matchless voices
poured out in perfect time and tune, "Rise, shine, and give God the
glory," the thoughts of earthly freedom, of freedom from sin, and
finally of freedom from the toils, cares and sorrows of earth to be
baptized into the joys of heaven, all seemed to blend into the many
colored but harmonious strain. The singing of the simple hearted
trustful, emancipated slave! Shall we ever hear the like again on
earth? Alas, that the high hopes and glowing prophecies of that
auspicious hour have been so deferred that the hearts of millions have
been made sick!
Of the songs that came out of slavery with these long suffering
people, Colonel Higginson, who perhaps got nearer to them in sentiment
than any other literary man not really, of them, says: "Almost all
their songs were thoroughly religious in their tone, however quaint
their expression, and were in a minor key both as to words and music.
The attitude is always the same, and, as a commentary on the life of
the race, is infinitely pathetic. Nothing but patience for this
life--nothing but triumph in the next. Sometimes the present
predominates, sometimes the future; but the combination is always
implied."
I do not know when this "soldier" song had its birth, but it may have
sprung out of the perplexity of the slave's mind as he contemplated
the raging conflict and saw himself drawn nearer and nearer to the
field of strife. Whether in this song the "present predominates," and
the query, therefore, has a strong primary reference to carnal weapons
and to garments dyed in blood; whether the singer invites an opinion
as to his fitness to engage in the war for Freedom--it may not be
possible to determine. The "year of Jubilee," coming in the same song
in connection with the purpose for which the singer is to be made a
soldier, gives clearer illustration of that combination of the present
and future which Mr. Higginson says was always present in the
spirituals of that period, if it shows no more. When it is remembered
that at that time Charleston was literally trodden under foot by black
soldiers in bright uniforms, whose coming seemed to the colored people
of that city like a dream too good to be true, it is not hard to
believe that this song had much of the present in it, and owed its
birth to the circumstances of war.
Singularly enough the song makes the Negro ask the exact question
which had been asked about him from the earliest days of our history
as a nation, a question which in some form confronts him still. The
question, as the song has it, is not one of fact, but one of opinion.
It is not: Will I make a soldier? but: Do you think I will make a
soldier? It is one thing to "make a soldier," another thing to have
men think so. The question of fact was settled a century ago; the
question of opinion is still unsettled. The Negro soldier, hero of
five hundred battlefields, with medals and honors resting upon his
breast, with the endorsement of the highest military authority of the
nation, with Port Hudson, El Caney and San Juan behind him, is still
expected by too many to stand and await the verdict of thought, from
persons who never did "think" he would make a soldier, and who never
will think so. As well expect the excited animal of the ring to
_think_ in the presence of the red rag of the toreador as to expect
_them_ to think on the subject of the Negro soldier. They can curse,
and rant, when they see the stalwart Negro in uniform, but it is too
much to ask them to think. To them the Negro can be a fiend, a brute,
but never a soldier.
To John G. Whittier and to William C. Nell are we indebted for the
earliest recital of the heroic deeds of the colored American in the
Wars of the Revolution and 1812. Whittier contributed an article on
this subject to the "National Era" in 1847, and five or six years
later Nell published his pamphlet on "Colored Patriots," a booklet
recently reprinted by the African Methodist Episcopal Church. It is a
useful contribution, showing as it does the rising and spreading
abroad of that spirit which appreciates military effort and valor; and
while recognizing the glory that came to American arms in the period
described, honestly seeks to place some of that glory upon the
deserving brow of a race then enslaved and despised. The book is
unpretentious and aims to relate the facts in a straight-forward way,
unaccompanied by any of the charms of tasteful presentation. Its
author, however, is deserving our thanks, and the book marks an
important stage in the development of the colored American. His mind
was turning toward the creation of the soldier--the formation of
armies.
There are other evidences that the mind of the colored man was at this
time turning towards arms. In 1852 Doctor Pennington, one of the most
learned colored men of his times, having received his Degree in
Divinity from Heidelberg, delivered an address before a mass
convention of colored citizens of Ohio, held in Cleveland, in which he
spoke principally of the colored soldier. During the convention the
"Cleveland Light Artillery" fired a salute, and on the platform were
seated several veteran colored men, some of them, particularly Mr.
John Julius, of Pittsburg, Pa., taking part in the speech-making. Mr.
Nell says: "Within recent period several companies of colored men in
New York city have enrolled themselves a la militaire," and quotes
from the New York Tribune of August, 1852, as follows:
"COLORED SOLDIERS.--Among the many parades within a few days
we noticed yesterday a soldierly-looking company of colored
men, on their way homeward from a target or parade drill.
They looked like men, handled their arms like men, and
should occasion demand, we presume they would fight like
men."
In Boston, New Haven, New Bedford and other places efforts were made
during the decade from 1850 to 1860 to manifest this rising military
spirit by appropriate organization, but the efforts were not always
successful. In some cases the prejudices of the whites put every
possible obstacle in the way of the colored young men who attempted to
array themselves as soldiers.
The martial spirit is not foreign to the Negro character, as has been
abundantly proved in both ancient and modern times. Williams, in his
admirable history of the Negro as well as in his "Negro Troops in the
Rebellion," has shown at considerable length that the Negro has been a
soldier from earliest times, serving in large numbers in the Egyptian
army long before the beginning of the Christian era. We know that
without any great modification in character, runaway slaves developed
excellent fighting qualities as Maroons, in Trinidad, British Guiana,
St. Domingo and in Florida. But it was in Hayti that the unmixed Negro
rose to the full dignity of a modern soldier, creating and leading
armies, conducting and carrying on war, treating with enemies and
receiving surrenders, complying fully with the rules of civilized
warfare, and evolving finally a Toussaint, whose military genius his
most bitter enemies were compelled to recognize--Toussaint, who to the
high qualities of the soldier added also the higher qualities of
statesmanship. With Napoleon, Cromwell and Washington, the three great
commanders of modern times who have joined to high military talent
eminent ability in the art of civil government, we must also class
Toussaint L'Ouverteur, the black soldier of the Antilles. Thiers, the
prejudiced attorney of Napoleon, declares nevertheless that Toussaint
possessed wonderful talent for government, and the fact ever remains
that under his benign rule all classes were pacified and San Domingo
was made to blossom as the rose. In the armies of Menelek, in the
armies of France, in the armies of England, as well as in the
organization of the Zulu and Kaffir tribes the Negro has shown himself
a soldier. If the Afro-American should fail in this particular it will
not be because of any lack of the military element in the African side
of his character, or for any lack of "remorseless military audacity"
in the original Negro, as the historian, Williams, expresses it.
In our own Revolutionary War, the Negro, then but partially civilized,
and classed with "vagabonds," held everywhere as a slave, and
everywhere distrusted, against protest and enactment, made his way
into the patriot army, fighting side by side with his white
compatriots from Lexington to Yorktown. On the morning of April 19th,
1775, when the British re-enforcements were preparing to leave Boston
for Lexington, a Negro soldier who had served in the French war,
commanded a small body of West Cambridge "exempts" and captured Lord
Percy's supply train with its military escort and the officer in
command. As a rule the Negro soldiers were distributed among the
regiments, thirty or forty to a regiment, and did not serve in
separate organizations. Bishop J.P. Campbell, of the African Methodist
Church, was accustomed to say "both of my grandfathers served in the
Revolutionary War." In Varnum's Brigade, however, there was a Negro
regiment and of it Scribner's history, 1897, says, speaking of the
battle of Rhode Island: "None behaved better than Greene's colored
regiment, which three times repulsed the furious charges of veteran
Hessians." Williams says: "The black regiment was one of three that
prevented the enemy from turning the flank of the American army. These
black troops were doubtless regarded as the weak spot of the line, but
they were not."
The colony of Massachusetts alone furnished 67,907 men for the
Revolutionary War, while all the colonies together south of
Pennsylvania furnished but 50,493, hence the sentiment prevailing in
Massachusetts would naturally be very powerful in determining any
question pertaining to the army. When the country sprang to arms in
response to that shot fired at Lexington, the echoes of which,
poetically speaking, were heard around the world, the free Negroes of
every Northern colony rallied with their white neighbors. They were in
the fight at Lexington and at Bunker Hill, but when Washington came to
take command of the army he soon gave orders that no Negroes should be
enlisted. He was sustained in this position by a council of war and by
a committee of conference in which were representatives from Rhode
Island, Connecticut and Massachusetts, and it was agreed that Negroes
be rejected altogether. The American Negro's persistency in pressing
himself where he is not _wanted_ but where he is _eminently needed_
began right there. Within six weeks so many colored men applied for
enlistment, and those that had been put out of the army raised such a
clamor that Washington changed his policy, and the Negro, who of all
America's population contended for the privilege of shouldering a gun
to fight for American liberty, was allowed a place in the Continental
Army, the first national army organized on this soil, ante-dating the
national flag. The Negro soldier helped to evolve the national
standard and was in the ranks of the fighting men over whom it first
unfolded its broad stripes and glittering stars.
[Transcriber's Note: This footnote appeared in the text
without a footnote anchor:
"To the Honorable General Court of the Massachusetts Bay:
"The subscribers beg leave to report to your Honorable
House, which we do in justice to the character of so brave a
man, that, under our own observation, we declare that a
Negro man called Salem Poor, of Col. Frye's regiment, Capt.
Ames' company, in the late battle at Charlestown, behaved
like an experienced officer, as well as an excellent
soldier. We would only beg leave to say, in the person of
this said Negro centres a brave and gallant soldier. The
reward due to so great and distinguished a character we
submit to the Congress.
"Cambridge, Dec. 5, 1775."
These black soldiers, fresh from heathen lands, not out of
slavery, proved themselves as worthy as the best. In the
battle of Bunker Hill, where all were brave, two Negro
soldiers so distinguished themselves that their names have
come down to us garlanded with the tributes of their
contemporaries. Peter Salem, until then a slave, a private
in Colonel Nixon's regiment of Continentals, without orders
fired deliberately upon Major Pitcairn as he was leading the
assault of the British to what appeared certain victory.
Everet in speaking "of Prescott, Putnam and Warren, the
chiefs of the day," mentions in immediate connection "the
colored man, Salem, who is reported to have shot the gallant
Pitcairn as he mounted the parapet." What Salem Poor did is
not set forth, but the following is the wreath of praise
that surrounds his name:
Jona. Brewer, Col. Eliphalet Bodwell, Sgt.
Thomas Nixon, Lt.-Col. Josiah Foster, Lieut.
Wm. Precott, Col. Ebenr. Varnum, 2d Lieut.
Ephm. Corey, Lieut. Wm. Hudson Ballard, Capt.
Joseph Baker, Lieut. William Smith, Capt.
Joshua Row, Lieut. John Morton, Sergt. (?)
Jonas Richardson, Capt. Richard Welsh, Lieut.]
It is in place here to mention a legion of free mulattoes and blacks
from the Island of St. Domingo, a full account of whose services is
appended to this section, who fought under D'Estaing with great
distinction in the siege of Savannah, their bravery at that time
saving the patriot army from annihilation.
When the Revolutionary War had closed the brave black soldier who had
fought to give to the world a new flag whose every star should be a
star of hope to the oppressed, and whose trinity of colors should
symbolize Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, found his race, and in
some instances himself personally, encased in a cruel and stubborn
slavery. For the soldier himself special provision had been made in
both Northern and Southern colonies, but it was not always hearty or
effective. In October, 1783, the Virginia Legislature passed an act
for the relief of certain slaves who had served in the army whose
"former owners were trying to force to return to a state of servitude,
contrary to the principles of justice and their solemn promise." The
act provided that each and every slave who had enlisted "by the
appointment and direction of his owner" and had "been received as a
substitute for any free person whose duty or lot it was to serve" and
who had served faithfully during the term of such enlistment, unless
lawfully discharged earlier, should be fully and completely
emancipated and should be held and deemed free in as full and ample
manner as if each and every one of them were specially named in the
act. The act, though apparently so fair on its face, and interlarded
as it is with patriotic and moral phrases, is nevertheless very narrow
and technical, liberating only those who enlisted by the appointment
and direction of their owners, and who were accepted as substitutes,
and who came out of the army with good discharges. It is not hard to
see that even under this act many an ex-soldier might end his days in
slavery. The Negro had joined in the fight for freedom and when
victory is won finds himself a slave. He was both a slave and a
soldier, too often, during the war; and now at its close may be both a
veteran and a slave.
The second war with Great Britain broke out with an incident in which
the Negro in the navy was especially conspicuous. The Chesapeake, an
American war vessel was hailed, fired upon and forced to strike her
colors, by the British. She was then boarded and searched and four
persons taken from her decks, claimed as deserters from the English
navy. Three of these were Negroes and one white. The Negroes were
finally dismissed with a reprimand and the white man hanged. Five
years later hostilities began on land and no opposition was manifested
toward the employment of Negro soldiers. Laws were passed, especially
in New York, authorizing the formation of regiments of blacks with
white officers. It is remarkable that although the successful
insurrection of St. Domingo was so recent, and many refugees from that
country at that time were in the United States, and our country had
also but lately come into possession of a large French element by the
Louisiana purchase, there was no fear of a servile insurrection in
this country. The free colored men of New Orleans, under the
proclamation of the narrow-minded Jackson, rallied to the defence of
that city and bore themselves with commendable valor in that useless
battle. The war closed, however, and the glory of the Negro soldier
who fought in it soon expired in the dismal gloom of a race-slavery
becoming daily more wide-spread and hopeless.
John Brown's movement was military in character and contemplated the
creation of an army of liberated slaves; but its early suppression
prevented any display of Negro valor or genius. Its leader must ever
receive the homage due those who are so moved by the woes of others as
to overlook all considerations of policy and personal risk. As a plot
for the destruction of life it fell far short of the Nat Turner
insurrection which swept off fifty-seven persons within a few hours.
In purpose the two episodes agree. They both aim at the liberation of
the slave; both were led by fanatics, the reflex production of the
cruelty of slavery, and both ended in the melancholy death of their
heroic leaders. Turner's was the insurrection of the slave and was not
free from the mad violence of revenge; Brown's was the insurrection of
the friend of the slave, and was governed by the high and noble
purpose of freedom. The insurrections of Denmark Vesey in South
Carolina, in 1822, and of Nat Turner, in Virginia, in 1831, show
conclusively that the Negro slave possessed the courage, the cunning,
the secretiveness and the intelligence to fight for his freedom.
These two attempts were sufficiently broad and intelligent, when taken
into consideration with the enforced ignorance of the slave, to prove
the Negro even in his forlorn condition capable of daring great
things. Of the probable thousands who were engaged in the Denmark
Vesey insurrection, only fifteen were convicted, and these died
heroically without revealing anything connected with the plot.
Forty-three years later I met the son of Denmark Vesey, who rejoiced
in the efforts of his noble father, and regarded his death on the
gallows as a holy sacrifice to the cause of freedom. Turner describes
his fight as follows: "The white men, eighteen in number, approached
us to about one hundred yards, when one of them fired, and I
discovered about half of them retreating. I then ordered my men to
fire and rush on them. The few remaining stood their ground until we
approached within fifty yards, when they fired and retreated. We
pursued and overtook some of them whom we thought we left dead. After
pursuing them about two hundred yards, and rising a little hill, I
discovered they were met by another party, and had halted and were
reloading their guns. Thinking that those who retreated first and the
party who fired on us at fifty or sixty yards distant had all only
fallen back to meet others with ammunition, as I saw them reloading
their guns, and more coming up than I saw at first, and several of my
bravest men being wounded, the others became panic struck and
scattered over the field. The white men pursued and fired on us
several times. Hark had his horse shot under him, and I caught another
for him that was running by me; five or six of my men were wounded,
but none left on the field. Finding myself defeated here, I instantly
determined to go through a private way and cross the Nottoway River at
Cypress Bridge, three miles below Jerusalem, and attack that place in
the rear, as I expected they would look for me on the other road, and
I had a great desire to get there to procure arms and ammunition.
After going a short distance in this private way, accompanied by about
twenty men, I overtook two or three who told me the others were
dispersed in every direction. After trying in vain to collect a
sufficient force to proceed to Jerusalem, I determined to return, as I
was sure they would make back to their old neighborhood, where they
would rejoin me, make new recruits, and come down again. On my way
back I called on Mrs. Thomas', Mrs. Spencer's and several other
places. We stopped at Major Ridley's quarters for the night, and being
joined by four of his men, with the recruits made since my defeat, we
mustered now about forty strong.
After placing out sentinels, I lay down to sleep, but was quickly
aroused by a great racket. Starting up I found some mounted and others
in great confusion, one of the sentinels having given the alarm that
we were about to be attacked. I ordered some to ride around and
reconnoitre, and on their return the others being more alarmed, not
knowing who they were, fled in different ways, so that I was reduced
to about twenty again. With this I determined to attempt to recruit,
and proceed on to rally in the neighborhood I had left."[6]
No one can read this account, which is thoroughly supported by
contemporary testimony, without seeing in this poor misguided slave
the elements of a vigorous captain. Failing in his efforts he made his
escape and remained for two months in hiding in the vicinity of his
pursuers. One concerned in his prosecution says: "It has been said
that he was ignorant and cowardly and that his object was to murder
and rob for the purpose of obtaining money to make his escape. It is
notorious that he was never known to have a dollar in his life, to
swear an oath, or drink a drop of spirits. As to his ignorance, he
certainly never had the advantages of education, but he can read and
write (it was taught him by his parents) and for natural intelligence
and quickness of apprehension, is surpassed by few men I have ever
seen. As to his being a coward, his reason as given for not resisting
Mr. Phipps shows the decision of his character."[7]
The War of the Rebellion, now called the Civil War, effected the last
and tremendous step in the transition of the American Negro from the
position of a slave under the Republic to that of a soldier in its
armies. Both under officers of his own race at Port Hudson and under
white officers on a hundred battlefields, the Negro in arms proved
himself a worthy foeman against the bravest and sternest enemies that
ever assailed our nation's flag, and a worthy comrade of the Union's
best defenders. Thirty-six thousand eight hundred and forty-seven of
them gave their lives in that awful conflict. The entire race on this
continent and those of allied blood throughout the world are indebted
to the soldier-historian, Honorable George W. Williams, for the
eloquent story of their service in the Union Army, and for the
presentation of the high testimonials to the valor and worthiness of
the colored soldier as given by the highest military authority of the
century. From Chapter XVI of his book, "Negro Troops in the
Rebellion," the paragraphs appended at the close of this chapter are
quoted.
A.
HOW THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION SAVED THE PATRIOT ARMY IN THE SIEGE
OF SAVANNAH, 1779.
The siege and attempted reduction of Savannah by the combined French
and American forces is one of the events of our revolutionary war,
upon which our historians care little to dwell. Because it reflects
but little glory upon the American arms, and resulted so disastrously
to the American cause, its important historic character and
connections have been allowed to fade from general sight; and it
stands in the ordinary school text-books, much as an affair of shame.
The following, quoted from Barnes' History, is a fair sample of the
way in which it is treated:
"French-American Attack on Savannah.--In September, D'Estaing joined
Lincoln in besieging that city. After a severe bombardment, an
unsuccessful assault was made, in which a thousand lives were lost.
Count Pulaski was mortally wounded. The simple-hearted Sergeant Jasper
died grasping the banner presented to his regiment at Fort Moultrie.
D'Estaing refused to give further aid; thus again deserting the
Americans when help was most needed."
From this brief sketch the reader is at liberty to infer that the
attack was unwise if not fool-hardy; that the battle was unimportant;
and that the conduct of Count D'Estaing immediately after the battle
was unkind, if not unjust, to the Americans. While the paragraph does
not pretend to tell the whole truth, what it does tell ought to be the
truth; and this ought to be told in such a way as to give correct
impressions. The attack upon Savannah was well-planned and thoroughly
well considered; and it failed only because the works were so ably
defended, chiefly by British regulars, under brave and skillful
officers. In a remote way, which it is the purpose of this paper to
trace, that sanguinary struggle had a wider bearing upon the progress
of liberty in the Western World than any other one battle fought
during the Revolution.
But first let us listen to the story of the battle itself. Colonel
Campbell with a force of three thousand men, captured Savannah in
December, 1778; and in the January following, General Prevost arrived,
and by March had established a sort of civil government in Georgia,
Savannah being the capital. In April, the American general, Lincoln,
feeble in more senses than one, perhaps, began a movement against
Savannah by way of Augusta; but Prevost, aware of his purpose, crossed
into South Carolina and attempted an attack upon Charleston. Finding
the city too well defended, he contented himself with ravaging the
plantations over a wide extent of adjacent country, and returned to
Savannah laden with rich spoils, among which were included three
thousand slaves, of whose labor he made good use later.
The patriots of the South now awaited in hope the coming of the French
fleet; and on the first of September, Count D'Estaing appeared
suddenly on the coast of Georgia with thirty-three sail, surprised and
captured four British warships, and announced to the government of
South Carolina his readiness to assist in the recapture of Savannah.
He urged as a condition, however, that his ships should not be
detained long off so dangerous a coast, as is was now the hurricane
season, and there was neither harbor, road, nor offing for their
protection.
By means of small vessels sent from Charleston he effected a landing
in ten days, and four days thereafter, on the 16th, he summoned the
garrison to surrender to the arms of France. Although this demand was
made in the name of France for the plain reason that the American army
was not yet upon the spot, the loyalists did not fail to make it a
pretext for the accusation that the French were desirous of making
conquests in the war on their own account. In the meantime Lincoln
with the regular troops, was hurrying toward Savannah, and had issued
orders for the militia to rendezvous at the same place; and the
militia full of hope of a speedy, if not of a bloodless conquest, were
entering upon this campaign with more than ordinary enthusiasm.
During the time that the fleet had been off the coast, and especially
since the landing, the British had been very busy in putting the city
in a high state of defence, and in making efforts to strengthen the
garrison. Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, who had a small force at Sunbury,
the last place in Georgia that had been captured by the British, and
Lieutenant-colonel Maitland who was commanding a considerable force at
Beaufort, were ordered to report in haste with their commands at
Savannah. On the 16th, when the summons to surrender was received by
Prevost, Maitland had not arrived, but was hourly expected. Prevost
asked for a delay of twenty-four hours to consider the proposal, which
delay was granted; and on that very evening, Maitland with his force
arrived at Dawfuskie. Finding the river in the possession of the
French, his course for a time seemed effectually cut off. By the
merest chance he fell in with some Negro fishermen who informed him of
a passage known as Wall's cut, through Scull's creek, navigable for
small boats. A favoring tide and a dense fog enabled him to conduct
his command unperceived by the French, through this route, and thus
arrive in Savannah on the afternoon of the 17th, before the expiration
of the twenty-four hours. General Prevost had gained his point; and
now believing himself able to resist an assault, declined the summons
to surrender. Two armed ships and four transports were sunk in the
channel of the river below the city, and a boom in the same place laid
entirely across the river; while several small boats were sunk above
the town, thus rendering it impossible for the city to be approached
by water.
On the day of the summons to surrender, although the works were
otherwise well advanced, there were not ten cannon mounted in the
lines of Savannah; but from that time until the day of assault, the
men of the garrison, with the slaves they had captured, worked day and
night to get the defences of the city in the highest state of
excellence. Major Moncrief, chief of the engineers, is credited with
placing in position more than eighty cannons in a short time after the
call to surrender had been received.
The city itself at this time was but a mere village of frame buildings
and unpaved streets. Viewed as facing its assailants, it was protected
in its rear, or upon its north side, by the Savannah river; and on its
west side by a thick swamp or morass, which communicated with the
river above the city. The exposed sides were those of the east and
south. These faced an open country which for several miles was
entirely clear of woods. This exposed portion of the city was well
protected by an unbroken line of defences extending from the river
back to the swamp, the right and left extremes of the line consisting
of strong redoubts, while the centre was made up of seamen's batteries
in front, with impalements and traverses thrown up to protect the
troops from the fire of the besiegers. The whole extent of the works
was faced with an ample abattis.
[Illustration: Savannah River.]
To be still more particular: there were three redoubts on the right of
the line, and on the right of them quite near the swamp, was a
sailor's battery of nine pounders, covered by a company of the British
legion. The left redoubt of these three, was known as the Springhill
redoubt; and proved to be the objective of the final assault. Between
it and the centre, was another sailor's battery behind which were
posted the grenadiers of the 60th regiment, with the marines which had
been landed from the warships. On the left of the line near the river
were two redoubts, strongly constructed, with a massy frame of green
spongy wood, filled in with sand, and mounted with heavy cannon. The
centre, or space between these groups of redoubts, was composed, as
has been said, of lighter but nevertheless very effective works, and
was strongly garrisoned.
Having thus scanned the works, let us now take a glance at the men who
are to defend them. As all of the assaulting forces are not made up of
Americans, so all of the defenders are not foreigners. The centre
redoubt of the triplet on the right, was garrisoned by two companies
of militia, with the North Carolina regiment to support them; Captains
Roworth and Wylie, with the provincial corps of King's Rangers, were
posted in the redoubt on the right; and Captain Tawse with his corps
of provincial dragons, dismounted, in the left or Springhill redoubt,
supported by the South Caroline regiment. The whole of this force on
the right of the line, was under the command of the gallant
Lieutenant-colonel Maitland; and it was this force that made the
charge that barely failed of annihilating the American army. On the
left of the line, the Georgia loyalists garrisoned one of those massy
wooden sand-filled redoubts; while in the centre, cheek by jowl so to
speak, with two battalions of the seventy-first regiment, and two
regiments of Hessians, stood the New York Volunteers. All of these
corps were ready to act as circumstances should require and to support
any part of the line that might be attacked. The Negroes who worked on
these defences were under the direction of Major Moncrief.
The French troops had landed below the city and were formed facing the
British lines, with the river on their right. On their left, later,
assembled the American troops. The final dispositions were concluded
by September 22nd, and were as follows: The American troops under
Lincoln formed the left of the line, their left resting upon the swamp
and the entire division facing the Springhill redoubt and her two
sister defences; then came the division of M. de Noailles, composed of
nine hundred men. D'Estaing's division of one thousand men beside the
artillery, came next, and formed the centre of the French army. On
D'Estaing's right was Count Dillon's division of nine hundred men; on
the right of Dillon were the powder magazine, cattle depot, and a
small field hospital; on the right of the depot and a little in
advance, were Dejean's dragoons, numbering fifty men; upon the same
alignment and to the right of the dragoons were Rouvrais' Volunteer
Chasseurs, numbering seven hundred and fifty men; still further on to
the right and two hundred yards in advance of Rouvrais, was Framais,
comanding the Grenadier Volunteers, and two hundred men besides, his
right resting upon the swampy wood that bordered the river, thus
completely closing in the city on the land side. The frigate, La
Truite, and two galleys, lay within cannon shot of the town, and with
the aid of the armed store ship, La Bricole, and the frigate, La
Chimere, effectually cut off all communication by water.
On the 23rd, both the French and the Americans opened their trenches;
and on the 24th, a small detachment of the besieged made a sortie
against the French. The attack was easily repulsed, but the French
pursuing, approached so near the entrenchments of the enemy that they
were fired upon and several were killed. On the night of the 27th
another sortie was made which threw the besiegers into some confusion
and caused the French and Americans to fire upon each other.
Cannonading continued with but little result until October 8th.
The engineers were now of the opinion that a speedy reduction of the
city could not be accomplished by regular approaches; and the naval
officers were very anxious about the fleet, both because of the
dangers to which it was exposed from the sea, and also because with so
many men ashore it was in especial danger of being attacked and
captured by British men-of-war. These representations agreeing
altogether with D'Estaing's previously expressed wishes to leave the
coast as soon as possible, induced that officer and General Lincoln
to decide upon an attempt to storm the British works at once. It is
quite probable that this had been the purpose as a last resort from
the first. The preservation of the fleet was, however, the powerful
factor in determining the time and character of the assault upon
Savannah.
On the night of the eighth, Major L'Enfant, with a detachment
attempted to set fire to the abattis in order to clear the way for the
assault, but failed to through the dampness of the wood. The plan of
the assault may be quite accurately obtained from the orders given to
the American troops on the evening of the 8th by General Lincoln and
from the inferences to be drawn from the events of the morning of the
9th as they are recorded in history. At least two of the historians
who have left us accounts of the seige, Ramsey and McCall, were
present at the time, and their accounts may be regarded as original
authority. General Lincoln's orders were as follows:
"Evening Orders. By General Lincoln.
Watchword--Lewis.
"The soldiers will be immediately supplied with 40 rounds of
cartridges, a spare flint, and have their arms in good
order. The infantry destined for the attack of Savannah will
be divided into two bodies; first composed of the light
troops under the command of Colonel Laurens; the second, of
the continental battalions and the first battalion of the
Charleston militia, except the grenadiers, who are to join
the light troops. The whole will parade at 1 o'clock, near
the left of the line, and march by platoons. The guards of
the camp will be formed of the invalids, and be charged to
keep the fires as usual in camp.
"The cavalry under the command of Count Pulaski, will parade
at the same time with the infantry and follow the left
column of the French troops, precede the column of the
American light troops; they will endeavor to penetrate the
enemy's lines between the battery on the left of Springhill
redoubt, and the next towards the river; having effected
this, will pass to the left towards Yamacraw and secure such
parties of the enemy as may be lodged in that quarter.
"The artillery will parade at the same time, follow the
French artillery, and remain with the corps de reserve until
they receive further orders.
"The whole will be ready by the time appointed, with the
utmost silence and punctuality; and be ready to march the
instant Count Dillon and General Lincoln shall order.
"The light troops who are to follow the cavalry, will
attempt to enter the redoubt on the left of the Springhill,
by escalade if possible; if not by entrance into it, they
are to be supported if necessary by the first South Carolina
regiment; in the meantime the column will proceed with the
lines to the left of the Springhill battery.
"The light troops having succeeded against the redoubt will
proceed to the left and attempt the several works between
that and the river.
"The column will move to the left of the French troops,
taking care not to interfere with them.
"The light troops having carried the work towards the river
will form on the left of the column.
"It is especially forbidden to fire a single gun before the
redoubts are carried; or for any soldier to quit his rank to
plunder without an order for that purpose; any who shall
presume to transgress in either of these respects shall be
reputed a disobeyer of military orders which is punishable
with death.
"The militia of the first and second brigades, General
Williamson's and the second battalion of the Charleston
militia will parade immediately under the command of General
Huger; after draughting five hundred of them the remander of
them will go into the trenches and put themselves under the
commanding officer there; with the 500 he will march to the
left of the enemy's line, remain as near them as he possibly
can without being seen, until four o'clock in the morning,
at which time the troops in the trenches will begin an
attack upon the enemy; he will then advance and make his
attack as near the river as possible; though this is only
meant as a feint, yet should a favorable opportunity offer,
he will improve it and push into the town.
"In case of a repulse after taking Springhill redoubt, the
troops will retreat and rally in the rear of redoubt; if it
cannot be effected that way, it must be attempted by the
same route at which they entered.
"The second place of rallying (or the first if the redoubt
should not be carried) will be at the Jews' burying-ground,
where the reserve will be placed; if these two halts should
not be effected, they will retire towards camp.
"The troops will carry in their hats a piece of white paper
by which they will be distinguished."
General Huger with his five hundred militia, covered by the river
swamp, crept quite close to the enemy's lines and delivered his attack
as directed. Its purpose was to draw attention to that quarter and if
possible cause a weakening of the strength in the left centre of the
line. What its real effect was, there is now no means of knowing.
Count Dillon, who during the siege had been on D'Estaing's right, and
who appears to have been second in command in the French army, in this
assault was placed in command of a second attacking column. His
purpose was to move to the right of General Huger, and keeping in the
edge of the swamps along the river, steal past the enemy's batteries
on the left, and attack him in the rear. Bancroft describes the
results of his efforts as follows: "The column under Count Dillon,
which was to have attacked the rear of the British lines, became
entangled in a swamp of which it should only have skirted the edge was
helplessly exposed to the British batteries and could not even be
formed." Here were the two strong sand-filled redoubts, mounted with
heavy cannon, and these may have been the batteries that stopped
Dillon's column.
Count Pulaski with his two hundred brave cavalrymen, undertook his
part in the deadly drama with ardor, and began that perilous ride
which had for its object: "to penetrate the enemy's lines, between the
battery on the left of the Springhill redoubt, and the next towards
the river." Balch describes it as an attempt to "penetrate into the
city by galloping between the redoubts." It was the anticipation of
the Crimean "Charge of the Light Brigade;" only in this case, no one
blundered; it was simply a desperate chance. Cannon were to the right,
left, and front, and the heroic charge proved in vain; the noble Pole
fell, banner[8] in hand, pierced with a mortal wound--another foreign
martyr to our dearly bought freedom.
The cavalry dash having failed, that much of the general plan was
blotted out. The feints may have been understood; it is said a
sergeant of the Charleston Grenadiers deserted during the night of the
8th and gave the whole plan of the attack to General Prevost, so that
he knew just where to strengthen his lines. The feints were
effectually checked by the garrison on the left, twenty-eight of the
Americans being killed: while Dillon's column was stopped by the
batteries near the river. This state of affairs allowed the whole of
Maitland's force to protect the Springhill redoubt and that part of
the line which was most threatened. The Springhill redoubt, as has
been stated, was occupied by the South Carolina regiment and a corps
of dragoons. This circumstance may account for the fact, that while
the three hundred and fifty Charleston militia occupied a most exposed
position in the attacking column, only one man among them was killed
and but six wounded. The battery on the left of this redoubt was
garrisoned by grenadiers and marines.
The attacking column now advanced boldly, under the command of
D'Estaing and Lincoln, the Americans consisting of six hundred
continental troops and three hundred and fifty Charleston militia,
being on the left, while the centre and right were made up of the
French forces. They were met with so severe and steady a fire that the
head of the column was soon thrown into confusion. They endured this
fire for fifty-five minutes, returning it as best they could, although
many of the men had no opportunity to fire at all. Two American
standards and one French standard, were placed on the British works,
but their bearers were instantly killed. It being found impossible to
carry any part of the works, a general retreat was ordered. Of the six
hundred continental troops, more than one-third had fallen, and about
one-fifth of the French. The Charleston militia had not suffered,
although they had bravely borne their part in the assault, and it had
certainly been no fault of theirs if their brethren behind the
embankments had not fired upon them. Count D'Estaing had received two
wounds, one in the thigh, and being unable to move, was saved by the
young naval lieutenant Truguet. Ramsey gives the losses of the battle
as follows: French soldiers 760; officers 61; Americans 312; total
1133.
As the army began its retreat, Lieutenant-colonel Maitland with the
grenadiers and marines, who were incorporated with the grenadiers,
charged its rear with the purpose of accomplishing its annihilation.
It was then that there occurred the most brilliant feat of the day,
and one of the bravest ever performed by foreign troops in the
American cause. In the army of D'Estaing was a legion of black and
mulatto freedmen, known as Fontages Legion, commanded by Vicount de
Fontages, a brave and experienced officer. The strength of this legion
is given variously from six hundred to over eight hundred men. This
legion met the fierce charge of Maitland and saved the retreating
army.
In an official record prepared in Paris, now before me, are these
words: "This legion saved the army at Savannah by bravely covering its
retreat. Among the blacks who rendered signal services at that time
were: Andre, Beauvais, Rigaud, Villatte, Beauregard, Lambert, who
latterly became generals under the convention, including Henri
Christophe, the future king of Haiti." This quotation is taken from a
paper secured by the Honorable Richard Rush, our minister to Paris in
1849, and is preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical Society. Henri
Christophe received a dangerous gunshot wound in Savannah. Balch says
in speaking of Fontages at Savannah: "He commanded there a legion of
mulattoes, according to my manuscript, of more than eight hundred men,
and saved the army after the useless assault on the fortifications, by
bravely covering the retreat."
It was this legion that formed the connecting link between the siege
of Savannah and the wide development of republican liberty on the
Western continent, which followed early in the present century. In
order to show this connection and the sequences, it will be necessary
to sketch in brief the history of this remarkable body of men,
especially that of the prominent individuals who distinguished
themselves at Savannah.
In 1779 the French colony of Saint Domingo was in a state of peace,
the population then consisting of white slave-holders, mulatto and
black freedmen (affranchis), and slaves. Count D'Estaing received
orders to recruit men from Saint Domingo for the auxiliary army; and
there being no question of color raised, received into the service a
legion of colored freedmen. There had been for years a colored militia
in Saint Domingo, and as early as 1716, the Marquis de Chateau Morant,
then governor of the colony, made one Vincent the Captain-general of
all the colored militia in the vicinity of the Cape. This Captain
Vincent died in 1780 at the reputed age of 120 years. He was certainly
of great age, for he had been in the siege of Carthegenia in 1697, was
taken prisoner, afterwards liberated by exchange and presented to
Louis XIV, and fought in the German war under Villars. Moreau de St.
Mery, in his description of Vincent, incidentally mentions the
Savannah expedition. He says: "I saw him (Vincent) the year preceding
his death, recalling his ancient prowess to the men of color who were
enrolling themselves for the expedition to Savannah; and showing in
his descendants who were among the first to offer themselves, that he
had transmitted his valor. Vincent, the good Captain Vincent, had a
most pleasing countenance; and the contrast of his black skin with his
white hair produced an effect that always commanded respect."
[Illustration: Hutchinson Island.]
The Haytian historian, Enclus Robin, says when the call for volunteers
reached Saint Domingo: "eight hundred young freedmen, blacks and
mulattoes, offered themselves to take part in the expedition;" that
they went and "fought valiantly; and returned to Saint Domingo covered
with glory." Madiou, another Haytian historian of the highest
respectability says: "A crowd of young men, black and colored,
enlisted with the French troops and left for the continent. They
covered themselves with glory in the siege of Savannah, under the
orders of Count D'Estaing."
What effect this experience had upon these volunteers may be inferred
from their subsequent history. Robin says: "These men who contributed
their mite toward American independence, had still their mothers and
sisters in slavery; and they themselves were subject to humiliating
discriminations. Should not France have expected from that very
moment, that they would soon use in their own cause, those very arms
which they had learned so well to use in the interests of others?"
Madiou says: "On their return to Saint Domingo they demanded for their
brothers the enjoyment of political rights." Beauvais went to Europe
and served in the army of France; but returned to fight for liberty in
Hayti, and was Captain-general in 1791; Rigaud, Lambert and Christophe
wrote their names--not in the sand. These are the men who dared to
stir Saint Domingo, under whose influence Hayti became the first
country of the New World, after the United States, to throw off
European rule. The connection between the siege of Savannah and the
independence of Hayti is traced, both as to its spirit, and
physically, through the black legion that on that occasion saved the
American army. How this connection is traced to the republics of South
America, I will allow a Haytian statesman and man of letters, honored
both at home and abroad, to relate. I translate from a work published
in Paris in 1885:
"The illustrious Bolivar, liberator and founder of five republics in
South America, undertook in 1811 his great work of shaking off the
yoke of Spain, and of securing the independence of those immense
countries which swelled the pride of the catholic crown--but failed.
Stripped of all resources he took flight and repaired to Jamaica,
where he implored in vain of the governor of that island, the help of
England. Almost in despair, and without means, he resolved to visit
Hayti, and appeal to the generosity of the black Republic for the
help necessary to again undertake that work of liberation which had
gone to pieces in his hands. Never was there a more solemn hour for
any man--and that man the representative of the destiny of South
America! Could he hope for success? After the English, who had every
interest in the destruction of Spanish colonial power, had treated him
with so much indifference, could he hope that a new-born nation, weak,
with microscopic territory, and still guarding anxiously its own
ill-recognized independence, would risk itself in an enterprise
hazardous as the one he represented? Full of doubt he came; but Petion
gave him a most cordial welcome.
"Taking the precautions that a legitimate sentiment of prudence
dictated at that delicate moment of our national existence, the
government of Port-au-Prince put to the disposition of the hero of
Boyaca and Carabobo, all the elements of which he had need--and
Bolivar needed everything. Men, arms and money were generously given
him. Petion did not wish to act openly for fear of compromising
himself with the Spanish government; it was arranged that the men
should embark secretly as volunteers; and that no mention of Hayti
should ever be made in any official act of Venezuela."
Bolivar's first expedition with his Haytian volunteers was a failure;
returning to the island he procured reinforcements and made a second
descent which was brilliantly successful. Haytian arms, money and men
turned Bolivar's disasters to victory; and the spirit of Western
liberty marched on to the redemption of South America. The liberation
of Mexico and all Central America, followed as a matter of course; and
the ground was thus cleared for the practical application of that
Continentalism enunciated in the Monroe doctrine.
The black men of the Antilles who fought in the siege of Savannah,
enjoy unquestionably the proud historical distinction of being the
physical conductors that bore away from our altars the sacred fire of
liberty to rekindle it in their own land; and also of becoming the
humble but important link that served to unite the Two Americas in the
bond of enlightened independence.
T.G. STEWARD, U.S.A.
Note:--In the preparation of the above paper I have been greatly
assisted by the Honorable L.J. Janvier, Charge d'affairs d' Haiti, in
London; by Right Reverend James Theodore Holly, bishop of Hayti, and
by Messrs. Charles and Frank Rudolph Steward of Harvard University. To
all of these gentlemen my thanks are here expressed. T.G.S.
Paper read at the session of the Negro Academy, Washington, D.C.,
1898.
B.
EXTRACTS FROM CHAPTER XVI "NEGRO TROOPS IN THE REBELLION"--WILLIAMS.
Adjutant-General Thomas in a letter to Senator Wilson, May 30, 1864,
says: "Experience proves that they manage heavy guns very well. Their
fighting qualities have also been fully tested a number of times, and
I am yet to hear of the first case where they did not fully stand up
to their work."
Major-General James G. Blunt writing of the battle of Honey Springs,
Arkansas, said of Negro troops: "The Negroes (First Colored Regiment)
were too much for the enemy, and let me here say that I never saw such
fighting as was done by that Negro regiment. They fought like
veterans, with a coolness and valor that is unsurpassed. They
preserved their line perfect throughout the whole engagement, and
although in the hottest of the fight, they never once faltered. Too
much praise cannot be awarded them for their gallantry. The question
that Negroes will fight is settled; besides, they make better soldiers
in every respect than any troops I have ever had under my command."
General Thomas J. Morgan, speaking of the courage of Negro troops in
the battle of Nashville, and its effect upon Major-General George H.
Thomas, says: "Those who fell nearest the enemy's works were colored.
General Thomas spoke very feelingly of the sight which met his eye as
he rode over the field, and he confessed that the Negro had fully
vindicated his bravery, and wiped from his mind the last vestige of
prejudice and doubt."
FOOTNOTES:
[6] Confession of Nat Turner, Anglo-African Magazine, Vol. 1, p. 338,
1859.
[7] Ibid.
[8] The presentation of this banner by the Moravian Nuns of Bethlehem
forms the text of the poem by Longfellow beginning--
When the dying flame of day
Through the chancel shot its ray,
Far the glimmering tapers shed
Faint light on the cowled head;
And the censer burning swung
Where, before the altar, hung
The crimson banner, that with prayer
Had been consecrated there.
And the nuns' sweet hymn was heard the while,
Sung low in the dint, mysterious aisle,
"Take thy banner! may it wave
Proudly o'er the good and brave;
When the battle's distant wail
Breaks the Sabbath of our vale,
When the cannon's music thrills
To the hearts of those lone hills.
When the spear in conflict shakes,
And the strong lance shivering breaks.
* * * * *
"Take thy banner! and if e'er
Thou should'st press the soldier's bier
And the muffled drum shall beat
To the tread of mournful feet,
Then the crimson flag shall be
Martial cloak and shroud for thee."
The warrior took that banner proud,
And it was his martial cloak and shroud.