Fifty years ago we were accustomed to speak of civil government in the

United States as if it had dropped from heaven, or had been specially

created by some kind of miracle upon American soil; and we were apt to

think that in mere republican forms there was some kind of mystic virtue

which made them a cure for all political evils. Our later experience

with cities has rudely disturbed this too confident frame of mind. It

has furnished facts which do not seem to fit our theory, so that now,

our writers and speakers are inclined to regard our misgoverned cities

with contempt.

It will best serve our purpose here, to outline the relation of the

citizen to the township rather than to the city, because its management

is less complex and, in most cases, is more complete and perfect.

Money is ordinarily raised by taxation for the following purposes,

namely: the support of the public schools; making and repairing

highways; the care of the poor; maintaining the fire department; paying

the salaries of the town officers; paying for the detection and

punishment of offenders against the law; maintaining burial grounds;

planting shade trees; providing for disabled soldiers and sailors and

their families; and, in general, for all other necessary expenses.

To carry on the work of a town, several officers are usually appointed.

A town clerk keeps accurate records of all business transacted; records

all births, marriages and deaths; makes the necessary returns to the

county and the state, and serves as the agent of the town in its

relation to the country at large. Officers usually known as selectmen or

supervisors, attend to the general business of the town. The town

treasurer receives and pays out all moneys raised for the carrying on of

the town's affairs. A school committee, or board of education, is also

needed to superintend all matters relating to our public schools. A

surveyor of highways must be provided, in order that the streets and

highways belonging to the town may be kept in proper condition; and an

assessor and collector of taxes, to attend to the raising of supplies. A

board of overseers of the poor is also needed, their duties being to

provide for the support of paupers and the relief of the needy poor.

We do not profess to have fully covered the ground in this brief

statement; but only to show that life, even in the smallest communities,

must necessarily make heavy drafts upon the time and attention of a

large number of individual citizens. But we desire to emphasize the

fact, that each of these several offices furnishes opportunity for the

employment either of a competent or an incompetent official, according

to the care with which the selection is made. It therefore becomes the

duty of every citizen to give personal attention to such matters, for if

these places are filled by corrupt or even careless men, the interests

of the community will be seriously imperiled, while if they are filled

by honest and patriotic men, the success of the town and its affairs is

practically assured.

Our one supreme object should be to raise the tone of our citizenship.

The town or city will not become permanently better except as we who

live in it become better. There are large sections in all our towns that

yield to the guidance of corrupt and designing men for the reason that

they are unreached by influences of a finer and more generous kind.

Plans must be formulated by which we can come into touch with these

lower quarters, and raise them quickly and surely to a higher level.

We all need to become better acquainted with the machinery of our local

governments and with certain principles and statutes by which the motion

of that machinery requires to be regulated. We cannot properly regulate

the doings of our public servants except as we are familiar with the

laws to which they are subject.

This question of obedience to law, can only be efficiently controlled by

the continued watchfulness of the law-abiding portion of the community;

and the situation in this respect is far more grave than most people

imagine.

A recent writer speaking of the lack of a proper enforcement of the law

says: "I was in a considerable Western city, with a population of

seventy thousand, some years ago, when the leading newspaper of the

place, commenting on one of the train robberies that had been frequent

in the state, observed that so long as the brigands had confined

themselves to robbing the railway companies and the express companies

of property for whose loss the companies must answer, no one had greatly

cared, seeing that these companies themselves robbed the public; but now

that private citizens seemed in danger of losing their personal baggage

and money, the prosperity of the city might be compromised, and

something ought to be done,"--a sentiment delivered with all gravity,

as the rest of the article showed.

This makes plausible the story of the Texas judge who is said to have

allowed murderers to escape on points of law, till he found the value of

real estate declining; then he carefully saw to it that the next few

offenders were hanged.

We must not take too narrow a view of public life. All civilized

governments consider themselves bound to perform other duties of an

entirely different character from those which pertain to peace and

justice. When our fathers framed the constitution of the United States,

they gave in the preamble to that instrument an admirable definition of

the province of government. This preamble reads as follows:

"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect

union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the

common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of

liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this

constitution for the United States of America."

The motto of every good citizen should be, "the best means to promote

the greatest good to the greatest number." The ends to be sought are the

most healthy development, the highest and largest happiness to the whole

people; for only in this manner can we accomplish our full duty.

XXXVIII.

THE CITIZEN AND THE NATION.

MEMORY GEMS.

Love your country and obey its laws.--Noah Porter

The sum of individual character makes national character.--E. C. Mann

The true defense of a nation lies in the moral qualities of its

people.--Edwin C. Mason

Everything learned should be flavored with a genuine love of

country.--E. Edwards

Noble ideas of citizenship and its duties strengthen the will of all

patriots.--Merrill E. Gates

We are accustomed to say that our American government is "a government

of the people, by the people, for the people." It is largely in this,

its broad, comprehensive, and democratic character, that we so often

venture to hold it up to view as a model which might be copied by the

surrounding nations to their very great advantage. And certainly no

thinking person will deny that we have much to be justly proud of in

this respect; for our nation has neither parallel nor equal upon the

face of the green earth.

But in a land like this, where the government is formed by its citizens,

it can only be maintained by its citizens. Offices thus created must be

filled, and the ship of state must be manned, and manned with a careful,

honest, and patriotic crew, or it will be in danger of total wreck. In

our times of peril we have been quick to see and to acknowledge this;

and, more than once or twice, the nation has been saved by the prompt

and patriotic action of the people. But it is not so easy a matter to

keep our patriotism up to its noblest and its best when there is an

absence of unusual or exciting causes to call it into play. We must

therefore glance briefly at both these aspects of the case.

It is a requirement of long standing that, in case of war, every

able-bodied citizen must go forth as a soldier, if the government shall

so demand. He must, if really needful, help to save the state, even at

the risk, or at the positive loss, of his own life. Such calls have been

made by our government; and the manner in which our people have

responded has been the glory of our nation and the wonder of the world.

The citizen must share the risks of his country, as well as its

benefits. He must be willing to give protection to the rights and

interests of his fellows, or he cannot rightly expect protection for his

own. In this we are all so far agreed as to render anything like an

argument entirely unnecessary; and we do not hesitate to brand all

who fail us, under such circumstances, as unpatriotic and unworthy of

the sympathy and esteem to which faithful citizenship entitles men.

Now look at the other aspect of the case. The public service is not only

for times of war and tumult, but also for times of prosperity and peace;

and the claims of the nation are no more to be slighted or shirked in

the latter case than in the former. The ship of state must be manned, we

say, and the public offices necessary to prosperity and progress must be

filled. Many of these suffer unless filled by able and patriotic men;

and the interests, for the preservation and forwarding of which these

offices have been created, cannot be properly served.

The crying need of to-day is for men of public spirit; for men who will

seek the highest welfare of their fellow-citizens in general; men of

broad and generous views; men who look out upon life with an absence of

that littleness and near-sightedness which cannot distinguish between

public good and private interest.

Those men who will take no position in the service of their country,

unless it is accompanied with a monetary compensation, are after all,

very closely akin to the men who waited until bounties were offered

before they would take service in connection with the Civil War; while,

on the other hand, the men who are truly public-spirited, take pleasure

in serving the public and are liberal beyond the requirement of the law.

It has been well said that "A public office is a sacred trust." Whoever

engages in any duties of a public nature, is under the most solemn

obligation to do those duties honestly and well. There are some public

officials who, because they aid in the making of the laws, appear to

think themselves higher than the law, and therefore at liberty to obey

or to neglect its requirements, according as their personal inclinations

shall direct. But this is not so; and it should be made clear to all

such persons that they are in error.

The legislator is but a citizen, after all; and, as a citizen, he stands

in precisely the same relation to the law as does his brother of the

rank and file. Of all men, he should be obedient, and should labor to

surround the law with every possible safeguard; for it is among the most

precious and sacred of our earthly possessions. It is the charter of all

true freedom. It is a power before whose awful majesty every man must

bow, irrespective of outward position or personal influence. It must be

reverenced, honored, and obeyed by all.

Now the facts show that there is a strange ignorance, or else a strange

lack of conscience, in this matter, and that this is so wide-spread as

to be almost universal. It seems to be a common opinion that there is no

particular harm in cheating the government. If a politician secures a

high government position, or a business man is fortunate enough to

secure a large government contract, it seems to be expected that he will

secure from these sources larger profits than would be possible anywhere

else. In other words, it seems to be expected that the government will

pay more for any service than can be obtained from an individual or from

a private corporation, and that men will charge prices, and use

deception and fraud when they work for the country, which if practiced

upon private parties, would send them to prison and brand them with

lifelong disgrace.

Respecting that purification and elevation of the ballot-box, for which

so many of our thoughtful citizens are now pleading with more than

usual earnestness, our own thought is that it can best be accomplished

by the establishment and strict enforcement of an educational

qualification for voters, and by a residence in the United States of at

least ten years, before the voting privilege shall be bestowed. No man

should be allowed to vote until he can read and write. No man should be

allowed to put his hand upon the management of our public affairs until

he can read and understand our Constitution in the language in which it

is written.

One of the most ominous signs of the times is, that good men stand aloof

from politics. They do this either because they do not fully appreciate

the importance of their influence, or from the false conviction that

their votes will do no good, or, in many other instances, because they

consider their private business to be of more importance than the

matters of the state. But, in point of fact, the uplifting of the moral

tone of our country is a service of the most importance; and, even if we

consider ourselves alone, it is still true that we cannot afford to pass

it lightly by.

As citizens of the United States we stand possessed of a most wondrous

heritage; and what the civil authorities require of us, within their

own proper sphere, should be considered in the light of a binding duty.

As Professor Dole has pointed out, "We have seen magnificent cities

rising on the borders of the streams, and pleasant villages dotting the

hills; a flourishing commerce whitens the ripples of the lakes; the

laugh of happy children comes up to us from the cornfields; and as the

glow of the evening sun tinges the distant plains, a radiant and

kindling vision floats upon its beams, of myriads of men escaped from

the tyrannies of the Old World and gathered here in worshiping circles

to pour out their grateful hearts to God for a redeemed and teeming

earth."

Surely all that is worth preserving. Surely we will not allow so rich a

heritage to run waste. Surely we will support a nation whose past is

bright with glorious achievements, and whose future glows with the light

of a promise so radiantly beautiful. We need only remind you, therefore,

that the truest and most useful citizens of our country are those who

invigorate and elevate their nation by doing their duty truthfully and

manfully; who live honest, sober, and upright lives, making the best of

the opportunities for improvement that our land affords; who cherish the

memory and example of the fathers of our country, and strive to make and

keep it just what they intended it to be.

XXXIX.

THE IDEAL CITIZEN.

MEMORY GEMS.

Voters are the uncrowned kings who rule the nation.--Morgan

A second-rate man can never make a first-rate citizen.--J. S. White

Every good man in politics wields a power for good.--M. C. Peters

If you want a clean city, vote to place the government in clean

hands.--Dr. Mc Glynn

The ideal citizen is the man who believes that all men are brothers, and

that the nation is merely an extension of his family.--Habberton

We may now proceed to bring our studies to a close. All that has been

said, from the beginning, has been gradually but surely focusing itself

upon a single point; for the development of all these several faculties

and powers leads directly to the forming of a well-rounded and

fully-developed manhood.

A fully-developed manhood is the highest possible human achievement, and

includes within itself all that can be desired; and for this higher

manhood we now make our final and most urgent plea.

The real man is discovered in the sum total of his ideas; for it is in

these that his life takes shape and character, it is in these that his

true self comes into view. The real power of the true man lies in his

being able to turn his thoughts inward upon himself; to so gauge and

measure his own powers as to put them to the best uses; and to stand

aloof from those positions and practices for which he finds himself to

be unfitted.

The simple application of this rule to the practical affairs of to-day,

would diminish the number of our machine politicians by about four

fifths. We are loaded down, almost to the breaking point, with

politicians who do not understand politics, and who advocate measures

which are not for the public good, because the public good is not the

end for which they strive. But the fault is in the men themselves,

rather than in our political system. They must first be made manly,

before they can be made truly useful. They must first learn to govern

themselves, before they can successfully carry forward the work of

governing the nation. They must be taught that bluster is not argument,

and that to go through the motions of political service does not in the

least aid in the promotion of the public welfare. A single service

rendered from the heart is often of more value than a whole life of

noisy and showy pretense; but again we say that such service is almost

always the result of a thoughtful and considerate manliness.

All this applies with equal force to the private citizen. A sturdy but

quiet independence; a genuine love of righteousness and truth; a life of

uprightness and integrity, of honesty and fair dealing; an absence of

cringing and paltering, and of that miserable and contemptible fawning

upon the rich, and that silly and despicable worship of those in place

and power, which is too frequently to be observed;--all these things,

and others, must receive care and attention before the ideal stage of

manhood can be reached.

The manly man is a thinking being. By this we do not mean to say that he

imagines that he is running the universe, and that no one but himself is

acquainted with the secrets of its mechanism; but that he has a right to

weigh all questions in the scales of his own reason, and to draw his own

conclusions from the facts presented to his mind. If he be truly a man,

he will hold to that which he feels to be true against all opposition,

but will, with equal readiness, yield in all points where he discovers

himself to be in the wrong. Instead of going through life in political

leading-strings, bending to the will of one man, and gulping down the

opinions of another, he will stand upon his own feet, put his own

vertebral column to its legitimate use of sustaining his body, and his

own mind to its legitimate use of directing the issues of his life.

The ideal citizen will also be a gentleman. By this term, we do not mean

the milk-and-water, kid-gloved creature, who so often attempts to pass

muster in this connection. All that we have asked for in the man, we

insist on in the gentleman. Sturdy independence, vigorous thought,

mental and moral uprightness, and a backbone as strong as a bar of

steel,--but all tempered with a gentleness of disposition and a courtesy

of manner which brings every natural faculty and power beneath its sway,

and yet leaves principle and righteousness entirely undisturbed.

The real gentleman is, above all else, courteous and considerate. He is

master of himself, and that at all points,--in his carriage, his temper,

his aims, and his desires. Calm, quiet, and temperate, he will not allow

himself to be hasty in judgment, or exorbitant in ambition; nor will he

suffer himself to be overbearing or grasping, arrogant or oppressive.

The ideal citizen will also be, in the better sense of the word, a

politician. Be careful to note here that we say, a politician _in the

better sense_. We would have you distinguish, with the utmost

clearness, between a politician and a partisan. The true politician,

looking ever to the highest interests of the state, is a public

benefactor; while it very frequently happens that the mere political

partisan is a public nuisance, if not a public disgrace.

The man who sinks his country's interests in his own, and the man who

sacrifices his personal advantages for the sake of his country's good,

stand at the very opposite poles of human society. The man who swears by

party watchwords, and moves amid the burning animosities of party

strife, is centering his life in interests which may vanish like an

evening cloud. Not in the loud clamors of partisan struggle, are we to

find the secret highways which lead to national prosperity and progress,

but in that quiet, thoughtful, careful study of the interests and events

in which the national life is taking shape and color, and in the

application to these of the great principles of righteousness and common

sense.

This is about equal to saying that the ideal citizen will be a patriot.

We have so mixed in our minds the two distinct ideas of patriotism and

heroism, that we have need to pause for a moment, that we may

disentangle ourselves from the meshes of this net of misconception,

before we venture to proceed.

If we call for an illustration of patriotism, you point us to some

Horatius or Leonidas of the olden times; or to some William Tell, or

Ulysses Grant, of these more modern days. We do not say that these men

were not patriots, and patriots of a high order too. But their

circumstances were exceptional, and under these exceptional

circumstances their patriotism made them heroes. But if you will enter

into a careful study of the matter, you will find that it is the

heroism, quite as much as the patriotism of their lives, which takes so

strong a hold upon your hearts.

We therefore desire to place by the side of our beloved Grant, the man

who, in the midst of a bitter struggle for bread, can barely manage by

the closest possible economy to keep his family from want and shame, but

who still sacrifices an hour's wages that he may go to the polls and

vote the expression of his will, and thus support the measures which he

honestly believes to be for the public good; and we desire to say that,

on the ground of a true patriotism, we consider that the one is fully

the equal of the other, and that there is a sense in which the man of

smaller opportunities is the greater hero of the two.

There may be a thousand definitions of heroism, but the patriot is

simply "a man who places his country's interests before his own." He is

a patriot who fills well his station in life whether public or private,

who loves peace and promotes order, who labors to uphold the good and to

put down the bad. He is a patriot who uses all his advantages of

friendship, acquaintance, business connection, social position and the

like, in such a manner as to make these helps and not hindrances to his

country's progress. He is a patriot who seeks to aid in all movements

that look to the instruction, elevation, and permanent betterment of his

fellow-citizens, and to put down all such movements or institutions as

tend to demoralize and degrade them. Such is the patriotism we plead

for; and such patriotism and ideal citizenship are, in our minds, just

one and the same thing.

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