CONCLUSION
Great productive capacity of women under conditions of Family and
Domestic Industry—no difference between efficiency of labour when
applied for domestic purposes or for trade.
Rate of wages no guide to real value of goods produced—married women
unlikely to work for wages when possessing capital for domestic
industry—Women’s productiveness in textile industries—Agriculture—Other
industries—Professional services.
Capitalism effected economic revolution in women’s position—By (_a_)
substitution of individual for family wages—(_b_) employment of
wage-earners on master’s premises—(_c_) rapid increase of master’s
wealth.
Exclusion of women from skilled trades not originally due to sex
jealousy—Women’s lack of specialised training due, (_a_) to its being
unnecessary; (_b_) the desire to keep wife in subjection to
husband—Reduction in the value to her family of woman’s productive
capacity by substitution of wage-earning for domestic industry—Effect of
her productive energy on her maternal functions and her social
influence.
THE preceding chapters have demonstrated the great productive capacity
which women possessed when society was organised on the basis of Family
and Domestic Industry. There was then no hard-and-fast line dividing
domestic occupations from other branches of industry, and thus it has
not been possible to discover how much of women’s labour was given to
purposes of trade and how much was confined to the service of their
families; but as labour was at this time equally productive, whether it
was employed for domestic purposes or in Trade, it is not necessary to
discriminate between these two classes of production in estimating the
extent to which the community depended upon women’s services. The goods
produced and the services rendered to their families by wives and
daughters, must if they had been idle have employed labour otherwise
available for Trade; or to put the position in another way, if the
labour of women had been withdrawn from the domestic industries and
applied to Trade, more goods would have been produced for the market,
which goods the said women’s families would then have obtained by
purchase; but while by this means the trade of the country would be
greatly increased, unless the efficiency of women’s labour had been
raised by its transference from domestic to other forms of industry, the
wealth of the community would remain precisely the same.
Nevertheless, in estimating a country’s prosperity domestic production
is generally overlooked, because, as the labour devoted to it receives
no wages and its results do not enter the market, there is no mechanical
standard for estimating its value. For similar reasons Home Trade is
commonly considered to be of less importance than Foreign Trade,
because, as the latter passes through the Customs, its money value can
be much more readily computed, and because the man in the street, like
King Midas, has imagined that gold is wealth. But we are here
considering the production of goods and services, not of gold, and from
this point of view, the woman who spins thread to clothe her family, and
she who furnishes by her industry milk and cheese, eggs and pork, fruit
and vegetables for the consumption of her family, has produced exactly
the same goods, no more and no less, than if she had produced them for
the market, and whether these goods are consumed by her own family or by
strangers makes absolutely no difference to their real value.
Neither can the value of a woman’s productive activity be judged by the
wages she receives, because the value of a pair of sheets is the same,
whether the flax has been spun by a well-to-do farmers’ wife who
meanwhile lives in affluence, or by a poor woman earning wages which are
insufficient to keep body and soul together. The labour required for
spinning the flax was the same in either case, for there was no
difference in the type of spinning wheel she used, or in her other
facilities for work; it was only later, when organisations for trading
purposes had enormously increased productive capacity by the
introduction of power and the sub-division of labour, that the same
productive capacity, devoted to domestic purposes, became relatively
inferior in results. This change between the relative efficiency of
domestic and industrial labour could not fail, when it took place, to
exert a marked influence on the economic position of married women,
because while their husbands earned sufficient money to pay rent and a
few outgoing expenses, they had no inducement to work for wages, their
labour being more productive at home. Women who fed and clothed
themselves and their children by means of domestic industry gratified in
this way their sense of independence as effectively as if they had
earned the equivalent money by trade or wages. Considering the low rates
paid to women, it may be supposed that few worked for wages when
possessed of sufficient stock to employ themselves fully in domestic
industries; on the other hand there were a considerable number who were
in a position to hire servants, and who, having learnt a skilled trade,
devoted themselves to business, either on their own account or jointly
with their husbands.
If the general position of women in the whole field of industry is
reviewed, it will be seen that, beyond question, all the textile fabrics
used at this time, with the exception of a few luxuries, were made from
the thread which was spun by women and children, the export trade in
cloth also depending entirely on their labour for spinning and to some
extent for the other processes. In agriculture the entire management of
the milch cows, the dairy, poultry, pigs, orchard and garden, was
undertaken by the women, and though the mistress employed in her
department men as well as women servants, the balance was redressed by
the fact that women and girls were largely employed in field work. The
woman’s contribution to farming is also shown by the fact that twice as
much land was allowed to the colonists who were married as to those who
were single. The expectation that the women and children in the
husbandman class would produce the greater part of their own food is
proved by the very low rate of wages which Quarter Sessions fixed for
agricultural labour, and by the fact that when no land was available it
was recognised that the wage-earner’s family must be dependent on the
poor rate.
Though the part which women played in agriculture and the textile
industries is fairly clear, a great obscurity still shrouds their
position in other directions. One fact however emerges with some
distinctness; women of the tradesman class were sufficiently capable in
business, and were as a rule so well acquainted with the details of
their husband’s concerns, that a man generally appointed his wife as his
executrix, while custom universally secured to her the possession of his
stock, apprentices and goodwill in the event of his death. That she was
often able to carry on his business with success, is shown by incidental
references, and also by the frequency with which widow’s names occur in
the lists of persons occupying various trades.
How much time the wives of these tradesmen actually spent over their
husband’s business is a point on which practically no evidence is
forthcoming, but it seems probable that in the skilled trades they were
seldom employed in manual processes for which they had received no
training, but were occupied in general supervision, buying and selling.
It is not therefore surprising to find women specially active in all
branches of the Retail Trade, and girls were apprenticed as often to
shopkeepers as to the recognised women’s trades such as millinery and
mantua-making.
The assistance of the wife was often so important in her husband’s
business, that she engaged servants to free her from household drudgery,
her own productive capacity being greater than the cost of a servant’s
wages. Apart from exceptional cases of illness or incompetence, the
share which the wife took in her husband’s business, was determined
rather by the question whether he carried it on at home or abroad than
by any special appropriateness of the said business to the feminine
disposition. Thus, though women were seldom carpenters or masons, they
figure as pewterers and smiths. In every business there are certain
operations which can conveniently be performed by women, and when
carried on at home within the compass of the family life, the work of a
trade was as naturally sorted out between husband and wife, as the work
on a farm. No question arose as to the relative value of their work,
because the proceeds became the joint property of the family, instead of
being divided between individuals.
With regard to the services which are now classed as professional, those
of healing and teaching were included among the domestic duties of
women. Illness was rife in the seventeenth century, for the country was
devastated by recurrent epidemics of small-pox and the plague, besides a
constant liability to ague and the other ordinary ailments of mankind;
thus the need for nursing must have been very great. The sick depended
for their tending chiefly upon the women of their own households, and
probably the majority of English people at this time, received medical
advice and drugs from the same source. Women’s skill in such matters was
acquired by experience and tradition, seldom resting upon a scientific
basis, for they were excluded from schools and universities. Acquired
primarily with a view to domestic use, such skill was extended beyond
the family circle, and women who were wise in these matters sometimes
received payment for their services. Midwifery alone was really
conducted on professional lines, and though practised in former days
exclusively by women, it was now passing from their hands owing to their
exclusion from the sources of advanced instruction.
It is difficult to estimate the respective shares taken by men and women
in the art of teaching, for while the young were dependent on home
training, they received attention from both father and mother, and when
the age for apprenticeship arrived the task was transferred to the joint
care of master and mistress. With regard to learning of a scholastic
character, reading was usually taught by women to both boys and girls,
who learnt it at home from their mothers, or at a dame’s school; but the
teaching of more advanced subjects was almost exclusively in the hands
of men, although a few highly educated women were engaged as governesses
in certain noble families where the Tudor tradition still lingered.
Generally speaking, however, when a girl’s curriculum included such
subjects as Latin and Arithmetic her instruction, like her brothers, was
received from masters, and this was equally true in the case of
accomplishments which were considered more appropriate to the
understanding of young ladies. Women rarely, if ever, undertook the
teaching of music, painting or dancing. From these branches of the
teaching profession they were debarred by lack of specialised training.
Thus it will be seen that the history of women’s position in the
professions, follows a very similar course to that of the developments
in the world of Industry; work, for which they appeared peculiarly
fitted by disposition or natural gifts, while it was included within the
domestic sphere, gradually passed out of their hands when the scene of
their labour was transferred to the wider domains of human life.
Capitalism was the means by which the revolution in women’s economic
position was effected in the industrial world. The three developments
which were most instrumental to this end being:—
(_a_) the substitution of an individual for a family wage, enabling men
to organise themselves in the competition which ruled the labour market,
without sharing with the women of their families all the benefits
derived through their combination.
(_b_) the withdrawal of wage-earners from home life to work upon the
premises of the masters, which prevented the employment of the
wage-earner’s wife in her husband’s occupation.
(_c_) the rapid increase of wealth, which permitted the women of the
upper classes to withdraw from all connection with business.
Once the strong hand of necessity is relaxed there has been a marked
tendency in English life for the withdrawal of married women from all
productive activity, and their consequent devotion to the cultivation of
idle graces; the parasitic life of its women has been in fact one of the
chief characteristics of the parvenu class. The limitations which
surrounded the lives of the women belonging to this class are most
vividly described in Pepys’ Journal, where they form a curious contrast
to the vigour and independence of the women who were actively engaged in
industry. The whole Diary should be read to gain a complete idea of the
relations of married life under these new circumstances, but a few
extracts will illustrate the poverty of Mrs. Pepys’ interests and her
abject dependence on her husband. Most curious of all is Pepys’ naïve
admission that he was trying to “make” work for his wife, which
furnishes an illustration of the saying “coming events cast their
shadows before them.”
“Nov. 12, 1662. much talke and difference between us about my wife’s
having a woman, which I seemed much angry at that she should go so far
in it without ... my being consulted. 13th. Our discontent again and
sorely angered my wife, who indeed do live very lonely, but I do
perceive that it is want of worke that do make her and all other people
think of ways of spending their time worse. June 8. 1664. Her spirit is
lately come to be other than it used to be, and now depends upon her
having Ashwell by her, before whom she thinks I shall not say nor do
anything of force to her, which vexes me, and makes me wish that I had
better considered all that I have done concerning my bringing my wife to
this condition of heat. Aug. 20. I see that she is confirmed in it that
all I do is by design, and that my very keeping of the house in dirt,
and the doing this and anything else in the house, is but to find her
employment to keep her within, and from minding of her pleasure, which
though I am sorry to see she minds it, is true enough in a great degree.
Jan. 14. 1667-8. I do find she do keep very bad remembrance of my former
unkindness to her and do mightily complain of her want of money and
liberty, which will rather hear and bear the complaint of than grant the
contrary.... Feb. 18. a ring which I am to give her as a valentine. It
will cost me near £5 she costing me but little in comparison with other
wives, and have not many occasions to spend money on her. Feb. 23. with
this and what she had she reckons that she hath above £150 worth of
jewels of one kind or another; and I am glad of it, for it is fit the
wretch should have something to content herself with.”
While the capitalistic organisation of industry increased the wealth of
the masters, it condemned a large proportion of the craftsmen to remain
permanently in the position of journeymen or wage-earners with the
incidental result that women were excluded from their ranks in the more
highly skilled trades. Under the old system of Family Industry, labour
and capital had been united in one person or family group of persons,
but capitalism brought them into conflict; and the competition which had
previously only existed between rival families was introduced into the
labour market, where men and women struggled with each other to secure
work and wages from the capitalist. The keystone of the journeymen’s
position in their conflict with capital, lay in their ability to
restrict their own numbers by the enforcement of a long apprenticeship
and the limitation of the number of apprentices. On gaining this point
the journeymen in any trade secured a monopoly which enabled them to
bargain advantageously with the masters. Their success raised them into
the position of a privileged class in the world of labour, but did
nothing to improve the position of the other wage-earners in unskilled
or unorganised trades.
When their organisation was strong enough the journeymen allowed no
unapprenticed person to be employed upon any process of their trade,
however simple or mechanical; a policy which resulted in the complete
exclusion of women, owing to the fact that girls were seldom, if ever,
apprenticed to these trades. It has been shown that under the old
system, craftsmen had been free to employ their wives and daughters in
any way that was convenient, the widow retaining her membership in her
husband’s gild or company with full trading privileges, and the
daughters able, if they wished, to obtain their freedom by patrimony.
Journeymen however now worked on their masters’ premises, their
traditions dating from a time when they were all unmarried men; and
though the majority of them had renounced the expectation of rising
above this position of dependence, the idea that they should extend
their hardly won privileges to wife or daughter never occurred to them.
Thus came about the exclusion of women from the skilled trades, for the
wives of the men who became capitalists withdrew from productive
activity, and the wives of journeymen confined themselves to domestic
work, or entered the labour market as individuals, being henceforward
entirely unprotected in the conflict by their male relations.
Capitalistic organisation tended therefore to deprive women of
opportunities for sharing in the more profitable forms of production,
confining them as wage-earners to the unprotected trades. It would be an
anachronism to ascribe this tendency to sex-jealousy in the economic
world. The idea of individual property in wages had hardly arisen, for
prevailing habits of thought still regarded the earnings of father,
mother and children as the joint property of the family, though
controlled by the father; and thus the notion that it could be to men’s
advantage to debar women from well-paid work would have seemed
ridiculous in the seventeenth century. Though the payment of individual
wages was actually in force, their implication was hardly understood,
and motives of sex-jealousy do not dominate the economic world till a
later period. While the family formed the social unit the interests of
husband and wife were bound so closely together, that neither could gain
or suffer without the other immediately sharing the loss or advantage.
The momentous influence which some phases of Capitalism were destined to
exert upon the economic position of women, were unforeseen by the men
who played a leading part in its development, and passed unnoticed by
the speculative thinkers who wrote long treatises on Theories of State
Organisation. The revolution did not involve a conscious demarcation of
the respective spheres of men and women in industry; its results were
accidental, due to the fact that women were forgotten, and so no attempt
was made to adjust their training and social status to the necessities
of the new economic organisation. The oversight is not surprising, for
women’s relation to the “Home” was regarded as an immutable law of
Nature, inviolable by any upheaval in external social arrangements.
Thus the idea that the revolution in women’s economic position was due
to deliberate policy may be dismissed. Capitalism is a term denoting a
force rather than a system; a force that is no more interested in human
relations than is the force of gravitation; nevertheless its sphere of
action lies in the social relations of men and women, and its effects
are modified and directed by human passions, prejudices and ideals. The
continuance of human existence and its emancipation from the trammels
that hamper its progress, must depend upon the successful mastery of
this as of the other forces of Nature.
If we would understand the effect of the introduction of Capitalism on
the social organism, we must remember that the subjection of women to
their husbands was the foundation stone of the structure of the
community in which Capitalism first made its appearance. Regarded as
being equally the law of Nature and the Law of God, no one questioned
the necessity of the wife’s obedience, lip service being rendered to the
doctrine of subjection, even in those households where it was least
enforced. Traditional ideas regarded the common wealth, or social
organisation, as an association of families, each family being a
community which was largely autonomous, and was self-contained for most
of life’s purposes; hence the order and health of the commonwealth
depended upon the order and efficiency of the families comprised within
it. Before the seventeenth century the English mind could not imagine
order existing without an acknowledged head. No one therefore questioned
the father’s right to his position as head of the family, but in his
temporary absence, or when he was removed by death, the public interest
required his family’s preservation, and the mother quite naturally
stepped into his place, with all its attendant responsibilities and
privileges. In this family organisation all that the father gained was
shared by the mother and children, because his whole life, or almost his
whole life, was shared by them. This is specially marked in the economic
side of existence, where the father did not merely earn money and hand
it to the mother to spend, but secured for her also, access to the means
of production; the specialised training acquired by the man through
apprenticeship did not merely enable him to earn higher wages, but
conferred upon his wife the right to work, as far as she was able, in
that trade.
Capitalism, however, broke away from the family system, and dealt direct
with individuals, the first fruit of individualism being shown by the
exclusion of women from the journeymen’s associations; and yet their
exclusion was caused in the first place by want of specialised training,
and was not the necessary result of Capitalism, for the history of the
Cotton Trade shows, in later years, that where the labour of women was
essential to an industry, an effective combination of wage-earners could
be formed which would include both sexes.
Two explanations may be given for women’s lack of specialised training.
The first, and, given the prevailing conditions of Family Industry,
probably the most potent reason lay in the belief that it was
unnecessary. A specialised training, whether in Science, Art or
Industry, is inevitably costly in time and money; and as in every trade
there is much work of a character which needs no prolonged specialised
training, and as in the ordinary course of a woman’s life a certain
proportion of her time and energy must be devoted to bearing and rearing
children, it seemed a wise economy to spend the cost of specialised
training on boys, employing women over those processes which chiefly
required general intelligence and common-sense. It has been shown that
this policy answered well enough in the days of Domestic and Family
Industry when the husband and wife worked together, and the wife
therefore reaped the advantages of the trading privileges and social
position won by her husband. It was only when Capitalism re-organised
industry on an individual basis, that the wife was driven to fight her
economic battles single handed, and women, hampered by the want of
specialised training, were beaten down into sweated trades.
The second explanation for women’s lack of specialised training is the
doctrine of the subjection of women to their husbands. While the first
reason was more influential during the days of Family and Domestic
Industry, the second gains in force with the development of Capitalism.
If women’s want of specialised training had been prejudicial to their
capacity for work in former times, such training would not have been
withheld from them merely through fear of its weakening the husband’s
power, because the husband was so dependent upon his wife’s assistance.
There was little talk then of men “keeping” their wives; neither husband
nor wife could prosper without the other’s help. But the introduction of
Capitalism, organising industry on an individual basis, freed men to
some extent from this economic dependence on their wives, and from
henceforward the ideal of the subjection of women to their husbands
could be pursued, unhampered by fear of the dangers resulting to the
said husbands by a lessening of the wife’s economic efficiency.
A sense of inferiority is one of the prime requisites for a continued
state of subjection, and nothing contributes to this sense so much, as a
marked inferiority of education and training in a society accustomed to
rate everything according to its money value. The difference in earning
capacity which the want of education produces, is in itself sufficient
to stamp a class as inferior.
There is yet another influence which contributed to the decline in the
standard of women’s education and in their social and economic position,
which is so noticeable in the seventeenth century. This period marks the
emergence of the political idea of the “mechanical state” and its
substitution for the traditional view of the nation as a commonwealth of
families. Within the family, women had their position, but neither
Locke, nor Hobbes, nor the obscure writers on political theory and
philosophy who crowd the last half of the seventeenth century,
contemplate the inclusion of women in the State of their imagination.
For them the line is sharply drawn between the spheres of men and women;
women are confined within the circle of their domestic responsibilities,
while men should explore the ever widening regions of the State. The
really significant aspect of this changed orientation of social ideas,
is the separation which it introduces between the lives of women and
those of men, because hitherto men as well as women lived in the Home.
The mechanical State _quâ_ State did not yet exist in fact, for the
functions of the Government did not extend much beyond the enforcement
of Justice and the maintenance of Defence. Englishmen were struggling to
a realisation of the other aspects of national life by means of
voluntary associations for the pursuit of Science, of Trade, of
Education, or other objects, and it is in these associations that the
trend of their ideas is manifested, for one and all exclude women from
their membership; to foster the charming dependence of women upon their
husbands, all independent sources of information were, as far as
possible, closed to them. Any association or combination of women
outside the limits of their own families was discouraged, and the
benefits which had been extended to them in this respect by the Catholic
Religion were specially deprecated. Milton’s statement sums up very
fairly the ideas of this school of thought regarding the relations that
should exist between husband and wife in the general scheme of things.
They were to exist “He for God only, she for God in him.” The general
standard of education resulting from such theories was inevitably
inferior; and the exclusion of women from skilled industry and the
professions, was equally certain to be the consequence sooner or later,
of the absence of specialised training.
The general effect upon women of this exclusion, which ultimately
limited their productive capacity to the field of household drudgery, or
to the lowest paid ranks of unskilled labour, belongs to a much later
period. But one point can already be discerned and must not be
overlooked. This point is the alteration which took place in the value
to her family of a woman’s productive capacity when her labour was
transferred from domestic industry to wage-earning, under the conditions
prevailing in the seventeenth century. When employed in domestic
industry the whole value of what she produced was retained by her
family; but when she worked for wages her family only received such a
proportion of it as she was able to secure to them by her weak
bargaining power in the labour market. What this difference amounted to
will be seen when it is remembered that the wife of a husbandman could
care for her children and feed and clothe herself and them by domestic
industry, but when working for wages she could not earn enough for her
own maintenance.
This depreciation of the woman’s productive value to her family did not
greatly influence her position in the seventeenth century, because it
was then only visible in the class of wage-earners, and into this
position women were forced by poverty alone. The productive efficiency
of women’s services in domestic industry remained as high as ever, and
every family which was possessed of sufficient capital for domestic
industry, could provide sufficient profitable occupation for its women
without their entry into the labour market. Independent hard-working
families living under the conditions provided by Family and Domestic
Industry, still formed the majority of the English people. The upper
classes, as far as the women were concerned, were becoming more idle,
and the number of families depending wholly on wages was increasing, but
farmers, husbandmen and tradesmen, still formed a class sufficiently
numerous to maintain the hardy stock of the English race unimpaired.
Thus, while the productive capacity of women was reduced in the
seventeenth century by the idleness of the _nouveau riche_ and by the
inefficiency of women wage-earners which resulted from their lack of
nourishment, it was maintained at the former high level among the
intermediate and much larger class, known as “the common people.”
Though from the economic point of view intense productive energy on the
part of women is no longer necessary to the existence of the race, and
has been generally abandoned, an understanding of its effect upon the
maternal functions is extremely important to the sociologist. No
complete vital statistics were collected in the seventeenth century, but
an examination of the different evidence which is still available,
leaves no doubt that the birth-rate was extremely high in all classes,
except perhaps that of wage-earners. It was usual for active busy women
amongst the nobility and gentry, to bear from twelve to twenty children,
and though the death rate was also high, the children that survived
appear to have possessed abundant vitality and energy. Neither does the
toil which fell to the lot of the women among the common people appear
to have injured their capacity for motherhood; in fact the wives of
husbandmen were the type selected by the wealthy to act as wet nurses
for their children. It is only among the class of wage-earners that the
capacity for reproduction appears to have been checked, and in this
class it was the under-feeding, rather than the over-working of the
mothers, which rendered them incapable of rearing their infants.
The effect of the economic position of women, must be considered also in
relation to another special function which women exercise in society,
namely the part which they play in the psychic and moral reactions
between the sexes. This subject has seldom been investigated in a
detached and truly scientific spirit, and therefore any generalisations
that may be submitted have little value. It will only be observed here
that the exercise by women of productive energy in the Elizabethan
period, was not then inconsistent with the attainment by the English
race of its high-water mark in vitality and creative force, and that a
comparison of the social standards described by Restoration and
Elizabethan Dramatists, reveals a decadence, which, if not consequent
upon, was at least coincident with, the general withdrawal of
upper-class women from their previous occupation with public and private
affairs.
Undoubtedly the removal of business and public interests from the home,
resulted in a loss of educational opportunities for girls; a loss which
was not made good to them in other ways, and which therefore produced
generations of women endowed with a lower mental and moral calibre. The
influence of women upon their husbands narrowed as men’s lives drifted
away from the home circle and centred more round clubs and external
business relations. Hence it came about that in the actual social
organisation prevailing in England during the last half of the
seventeenth century, the influence or psychic reaction of women upon men
was very different in character and much more limited in scope, than
that exercised by them in the Elizabethan period. When considered in
regard to the historical facts of this epoch, it will be noticed that
the process by which the vital forces and energy of the people were
lowered and which in common parlance is termed emasculation, accompanied
an evolution which was in fact depressing the female forces of the
nation, leaving to the male forces an ever greater predominance in the
directing of the people’s destiny. The evidence given in the preceding
chapters is insufficient to determine what is cause and what is effect
in such complicated issues of life, and only shows that a great
expenditure of productive energy on the part of women is not, under
certain circumstances, inconsistent with the successful exercise of
their maternal functions, nor does it necessarily exhaust the creative
vital forces of the race.
The enquiry into the effect which the appearance of Capitalism has
produced upon the economic position of women has drawn attention to
another issue, which concerns a fundamental relation of human society,
namely to what extent does the Community or State include women among
its integral members, and provide them with security for the exercise of
their functions, whether these may be of the same character or different
from those of men.
It has been suggested that the earlier English Commonwealth did actually
embrace both men and women in its idea of the “Whole,” because it was
composed of self-contained families consisting of men, women and
children, all three of which are essential for the continuance of human
society; but the mechanical State which replaced it, and whose
development has accompanied the extension of Capitalism, has regarded
the individual, not the family, as its unit, and in England this State
began with the conception that it was concerned only with male
individuals. Thus it came to pass that every womanly function was
considered as the private interest of husbands and fathers, bearing no
relation to the life of the State, and therefore demanding from the
community as a whole no special care or provision.
The implications of such an idea, together with the effect which it
produced upon a society in which formerly women had been recognised as
members, though perhaps not equal members, cannot be fully discussed in
this essay; the investigation would require a much wider field of
evidence than can be provided from the survey of one century. But from
the mere recognition that such a change took place, follow ideas of the
most far-reaching significance concerning the structure of human
society; we may even ask ourselves whether the instability,
superficiality and spiritual poverty of modern life, do not spring from
the organisation of a State which regards the purposes of life solely
from the male standpoint, and we may permit ourselves to hope that when
this mechanism has been effectively replaced by the organisation of the
whole, which is both male and female, humanity will receive a renewal of
strength that will enable them to grapple effectively with the blind
force Capitalism;—that force which, while producing wealth beyond the
dreams of avarice, has hitherto robbed us of so large a part of the joy
of creation.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Gloucestershire Rogers, J. E. Thorold, History of Agriculture and
Prices. Vol. VI., p. 694.
Hertfordshire Hardy, W. J., Hertford County Records.
Kent Rogers, J. E. T., History of Agriculture and
Prices. Vol. VII., p. 623.
Kingston-upon-Hull Dyson, Humfrey, Proclamations. G6463 (77).
Lancashire Rogers, J. E. T., History of Agriculture and
Prices. Vol. VI., p. 689.
Lincolnshire Hist. MSS. Com., Duke of Rutland, Vol. I., p. 460.
London Lord Mayor’s Proclamations. 21 h. 5 (61).
Middlesex Hardy, W. J., Middlesex County Records.
Norfolk English Historical Review, Vol. XIII., p. 522.
Rutland Archeologia, Vol. XI., pp. 200-7.
St. Albans Gibbs, Corporation Records.
Somerset Somerset Quarter Sessions Records.
Suffolk Cullum, Sir John., History of Hawstead.
Warwickshire Archeologia, Vol. XI., p. 208.
Wiltshire Hist. MSS. Com. Var. Coll., Vol. I., p. 163.
Worcestershire Hist. MSS. Com. Var. Coll., Vol. I., p. 323.
Yorkshire: Rogers, J. E. T., History of Agriculture and
East Riding Prices, Vol. VI., p. 686.
Yorkshire: Atkinson, J. C., Yorkshire, North Riding Quarter
North Riding Sessions Records, Vols. VI. and VII.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
INDEX
Agriculture, 9, 42-92 _passim_, 93, 150, 292;_seq._,
_see_ Apprentice, Capitalism, Dairy, Farmer, Husbandman, Labourer,
Pig-keeping, Poultry-keeping, Spinning, Wages, Wage-earner, Wife,
Yeoman;
_conditions for rearing children_, 43, 92.
Alehouse, 91 _seq._, 101, 225, 229, 231-233 _passim_;
_see_ Brewing, Inn-keeper;
_livelihood for widows and infirm people_, 230-232.
Alewife, 222, 232;
_see_ Brewing.
Apothecaries, 184, 259-263 _passim_;
_see_ Doctor, Gilds.
Apprentice, 6, 26, 112, 144, 156, 185, 195, 211, 213, 293;
_agriculture_, 59;
_Gild trades_, _boys_, 163, 165 _seq._, 177, 185, 187, 260, _girls_,
10, 150, 166, 175 _seq._, 185, 195, 261, 298;
_other trades_, _boys_, 159, 185, 214, 226, 261, _girls_, 151, 194,
217, 220, 293;
_retail trades_, 200 _seq._;
_silk trade_, 138, 141 _seq._;
_weavers_, 104 _seq._, 122;
_duties of apprentices_, 5, 157;
_restriction of numbers_, 10, 156, 188, 298;
_apprentices of women_, 162, 168 _seq._, 173, 179, 194, 220;
_of widows_, 104, 162, 168 _seq._, 173 _seq._, 183, 187 _seq._, 190,
293.
Apprenticeship, 146, 151, 156, 160 _seq._, 165, 177, 184, 191, 194,
196, 200 _seq._, 212-214 _passim_, 234, 261, 269 _seq._, 298, 301.
Apprentice Trade, 106.
Aristocracy,
_see_ Capitalist;
_character of women_, 38-41, 253, 289, 296 _seq._, 305 _seq._;
_confinements_, 267 _seq._;
_occupations_, 14-27, 35, 38, 53 _seq._, 253, 255 _seq._
Armourers and Brasiers, 178, 183 _seq._
_See_ Gilds.
Assheton, Nicholas, 280.
Astell, Mary, 38.
Assize, _of beer_, 224;
_of bread_, 211.
Badger, 204 _seq._
Baillie, Lady Grisell, 16, 68, 229.
Bakers, 8, 92, 202, 208-215 _passim_;
_corporations of_, 212 _seq._;
_restrictions on_, 210, 211, 215;
_women bake for domestic purposes_, 47, 50, 210, 214;
_for sale_, 30, 213, 214;
_wife assists husband_, 211 _seq._, 215.
Baptist, 240.
Barber-surgeons, 259-263 _passim_, 265, 276, 284;
_see_ Gilds.
Barrymore, Lady, 14.
Bedell, Mrs. Eliz., 256.
Best, 60-62 _passim_, 78.
Beverley, 180, 183, 211, 221 _seq._
Binder, 161, 167.
Birth-rate, 4, 43, 86 _seq._, 305.
Bleacher, 129, 145.
Bookseller, 161, 168.
Bourgeois, Mme. Louise, 275, 284.
Borough, 209;
_see_ Corporations.
Brathwaite, Richard, 29, 53.
Brewing, 8, 11, 209, 221-233 _passim_;
_see_ Alehouse, Alewife, Apprentices, Capitalism, Domestic, Gilds;
_Brewster_ 11, 155, 221 _seq._, 229;
_Common Brewers_, 223-227 _passim_, 230;
_Fellowship of_, 223-226;
_for domestic purposes_, 5, 8, 47, 50, 210, 223;
_for retail_, 210, 222-230;
_for wages_, 229 _seq._
Bristol, 103, 134, 182, 185, 191, 232.
Burford, Rose de, 140.
Burling, 105 _seq._, 132, 145.
Bury, 222.
Bury St. Edmunds, 227.
Business affairs of family, 41;
_see_ Family;
_managed by wife_, 16, 21 _seq._, 54 _seq._;
_superior capacity of Dutch women_, 36-38 _passim_;
_wife unequal to_, 20, 22 _seq._;
_women’s capacity for_, 20, 34, 38 _seq._
Butcher, 155, 202, 209 _seq._, 216-219 _passim_, 221;
_see_ Apprentices;
_selling wool_, 107;
_wage-earners_, 219.
Buttons, 142, 144.
Butter, 8, 49;
_see_ Dairy.
Cane-chair bottoming, 195.
Capitalism, 6, 300, 308;
_see_ Capitalistic Organisation, Family Industry, Gilds,
Industrialism, Linen-manufacture, Silk, Textile Trades, Woollen;
_definition of_, 7;
_demand for labour_, 90 _seq._;
_effect on Domestic Industry_, 8, 11, 94;
_effect on Family Industry_, 8, 10, 11, 94, 142, 156, 165, 196, 297;
_effect on Marital Relations_, 40 _seq._, 158, 167, 197, 235, 296,
299, 301 _seq._;
_effect on Motherhood_, 8 _seq._, 11 _seq._, 306;
_effect on Social Organisation_, 8 _seq._, 40, 148, 300, 306 _seq._;
_effect on women’s economic position_, 8 _seq._, 10, 92, 94, 96, 98,
145 _seq._, 165, 167, 196, 235, 295-299 _passim_, 301, 302, 307;
_effect on women’s morale and physique_, 41;
_in agriculture_, 43, 56, 92;
_in brewing_, 11, 226, 230;
_in Crafts and Trades_, 156, 158, 165, 196.
Capitalists,
_see_ Aristocracy;
_Definition of_, 14;
_idleness of wives and daughters_, 10, 38, 41, 50, 235, 296-298
_passim_, 305;
_women’s activity as Capitalists_, 14-41 _passim_.
Capitalistic organisation, 13, 94, 146, 196, 236;
_see_ Capitalism, Industrialism.
Carding, _employment for poor_, 116, 132;
_men_, 102, 116;
_women_, 99, 108, 120 _seq._, 141.
Card maker, 190.
Carlisle, 44, 53, 153, 201, 203, 211, 215.
Carpenter, 170-178 _passim_, 187, 195;
_see_ Companies.
Carrier of letters, 63.
Cellier, Mrs., 195, 269, 273-276 _passim_.
Chamberlain, Dr. Hugh, 281, 283.
Chamberlain, Peter, 272 _seq._
Chandler, _wax and tallow_, 155, 195, 200, 202.
Chapmen, 109, 155, 206.
Cheese, 8, 49, 53, 208.
Chester, 155, 181, 211, 217, 232.
Child, Sir J., 36.
Child’s coate seller, 176.
Children, 22, 45, 88, 147 _seq._, 192-194 _passim_, 196, 256;
_see_ Agriculture, Apprentice, Capitalism, Cost of Living, Education,
Family, Father, Housing, Husband, Infant Mortality, Mother,
Nursing, Poor, Settlement, Wages, Wage-earners, Widow, Wife;
_attending gild dinners_, 180;
_employment in agriculture_, 59 _seq._, 64;
_in textile manufacture_, 9, 97 _seq._, 106, 108, 112-114 _passim_,
125, 130-134 _passim_, 140-144 _passim_, 292;
_reduce women’s wage-earning capacity_, 68 _seq._, 92, 136, 147;
_right to work in father’s trade_, 156, 165 _seq._, 185;
_share in family property_, 7, 182;
_share in supporting family_, 12, 72, 79, 105, 192 _seq._, 293;
_under-feeding of_, 64, 86 _seq._, 118.
Child-birth, 46, 267, 273, 276, 283, 285;
_see_ Aristocracy, Common-people, Midwifery.
Church, 236-242;
_supervision of midwives_, 277 _seq._
Clockmakers, 187.
Clothiers, 98-102 _passim_, 108-112 _passim_, 117-124 _passim_, 141,
147;
_see_ Poor;
_force workpeople to take goods for wages_, 117 _seq._;
_women_, 9, 100-102 _passim_, 124.
Cloth-workers, 184.
Coal-owner, 34.
Common-people, 3, 257, 305;
_definition of_, 148, 253;
_childbirth_, 267-269 _passim_;
_women’s position controlled by necessity_, 41.
Companies, 10, 25-27 _passim_, 189, 207, 212, 259, 260 _seq._;
_see_ Corporations, Gilds, Apothecaries, Armourers and Braziers,
Bakers, Barber-surgeons, Binder, Book-sellers, Brewsters,
Butchers, Carpenters, Clockmakers, Cloth-workers, Cutlers,
Drapers, Dyers, Embroiderers, Fishmongers, Fullers, Girdlers,
Glass-sellers, Glovers, Goldsmiths, Gold-wire Drawers, Grocers,
Joiners, Leather-sellers, Mercers, Merchants, Merchant, Taylors,
Midwives, Painter-Stainers, Pewterers, Physicians, Point-makers,
Printers, Publishers, Shoe-makers, Smiths, Stationers, Tailors,
Upholsterers, Whit-awers.
Congreve, 3.
Contractors, 31.
Cooking, 11.
Corporations (Municipal), 151, 199-204 _passim_, 209, 212, 218, 224,
263;
_see_ Boroughs, Companies, Customs, Gilds, Beverley, Bristol, Bury,
Bury St. Edmunds, Carlisle, Chester, Dorchester, Exeter, Grimsby,
Hull, Kingston-upon-Hull, Leicester, Lincoln, London, Manchester,
Norwich, Nottingham, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Reading, Rye, Salford,
Salisbury, Sandwich, St. Albans, Sheffield, Southampton, Tiverton,
Torksey, York.
Cost of living, 68-79 _passim_, 134;
_diet of children_, 68, 71, 223;
_servants_, 68;
_difference between men, women and children_, 71-73 _passim_, 127;
_Family of three Children_, 68, 73.
Cotton trade, 94, 124.
Cowden, parish of, 131, 264, 280.
Cows, 45, 47, 53, 55, 57, 209, 292;
_see_ Dairy, Milking.
Crafts, 10, 150-197;
_see_ Gilds, Trades.
Craftsman, 10, 197.
Cromwell family, 18, 69.
Culpeper, Nicholas, 271 _seq._
Custom (habit), 155, 158-161.
Customs, 160;
_see_ Corporations;
_excise_, 140.
Cutler, 187.
Cutworks, 32.
Dairy,
_see_ Butter, Cheese, Cows, Milking;
_produce for domestic consumption_, 5, 43;
_as pin-money_, 54;
_supplementing family income_, 55;
_women’s sphere_, 5, 50, 53, 292.
Dant, Joan, 32 _seq._, 206.
Daughters, 176 _seq._, 197 _seq._, 252, 284;
_see_ Burling, Education;
_employed in parents’ trade_, 184, _seq._, 195, 200, 217, 298;
_enters company by patrimony_, 191, 298;
_hired out as weavers_, 103;
_sustaining parents_, 115.
Decker, Thos., 158 _seq._
Defoe, Daniel, 96, 115 _seq._, 156 _seq._
Distaff, 13, 48, 107, 111.
Doctor,
_see_ Apothecaries, Barber-surgeons, Physicians, Midwifery.
Domestic Industry, 4 _seq._, 8, 40, 47-49, 151, 210, 254, 302;
_see_ Baking, Brewers, Capitalism, Dairy, Family Industry, Servants,
Spinning, Textile Trades;
_definition of_, 4-6 _passim_;
_drudgery performed by servants_, 156 _seq._, 294, 304;
_effect on women’s economic position_, 145, 290, 292;
_girls’ work_, 11 _seq._;
_men’s work_, 5.
Dorchester, 132 _seq._, 185, 200, 217, 261, 263 _seq._
Drapers, 184, 200;
_see_ Gild.
Dunning, Richard, 132.
Dyer, 111, 155;
_of leather_, 158;
_in Ireland_, 18.
Education, 36, 242, 286 _seq._, 295, 302-306 _passim_;
_see_ Apprentice, Children, Mother, Poor Relief, Teaching;
_arithmetic unnecessary for girls_, 52;
_industrial_, 71, 130-135 _passim_;
_influence of domestic and family industry_, 40;
_institutions_, 239;
_medical_, 255, 288;
_nurses_, 249;
_want of specialised training for girls_, 243, 288, 301, 304.
Embroiderer, 184.
Elizabethan Period, Women of, 2, 3, 9, 38, 41.
Estate Management, 14, 15, 17.
Evelyn, John, 115.
Everenden, 62.
Executrix, 39, 188, 293.
Exeter, 206.
Eyre, Adam, 54.
Farmer, 42-56 _passim_, 108, 155;
_see_ Agriculture, Capitalism;
_definition of_, 43;
_demand for labour_, 81, 83, 90, 91;
_finds sureties for married labourers_, 83 _seq._;
_preference for unmarried labourers_, 12;
_wife’s occupation_, 46-50 _passim_, 111, 112;
_women’s characteristics_, 43 _seq._
Farrier, 155.
Father, 39, 45, 56, 79, 86, 145, 237;
_deserts starving family_, 118, 148;
_head of family_, 6, 300;
_interest in children_, 5, 54, 160, 295;
_profits of family industry vested in father_, 6, 7, 182, 294, 299.
Falkland, The Lady, 18-20 _passim_.
Falkland, The Lady Letice, 241, 251, 256.
Family, 73, 80, 100, 106, 122, 144, 204, 219, 242, 286, 291, 294, 299,
304, 307;
_see_ Business, Capitalism, Father, Mother, Wages, Wage-earners,
Widow, Wife;
_basis of social organisation_, 285, 288, 290, 299 _seq._;
_chargeable to Parish_, 80-88 _passim_, 134, 142, 146, 204;
_dependence on wages_, 43, 56, 178;
_see_ Husbandmen, Wage-earners;
_size of_, 86 _seq._;
_traditions lost_, 118, 148, 237, 287.
Family Industry, 6-11 _passim_, 92, 94, 96 _seq._, 102, 142, 151, 156,
165, 192 _seq._, 196, 216, 234, 290, 297, 301 _seq._, 305;
_see_ Capitalism.
Fanshawe, Lady, 22.
Fell, Sarah, 17, 51, 255.
Feltmaker, 190.
Fiennes, Celia, 62, 73, 124, 233.
Firmin, Thomas, 135-137 _passim_.
Fishmonger, 219 _seq._
Fishwives, 36, 209, 219-221;
_oyster wives_, 202, 220.
Fitzherbert, Sir Anthony, 46-50, 129.
Flax, 64, 146, 246, 291;
_sowing_, 40, 48, 128.
Foulis, Sir John, 32, 280 _seq._
Foreign Women, _Dutch merchants_, 36 _seq._, 219;
_Flanders, workers of woollen cloths_, 103;
_French midwives_, 268, 275, 284.
Fullers, 121, 145, 155, 157, 189.
Garden, _women’s sphere_, 5, 9, 48, 50, 53, 292.
Gardiner, Lady, 15.
Gilds, 10, 141, 150, 154-156 _passim_, 192, 196;
_see_ Apprentice, Capitalism, Companies, Journeyman, Wife;
_admission to_, 160 _seq._, 176 _seq._, 179, 191;
_charters_, 140, 160, 178, 181-183 _passim_; 187, 259;
_development into Companies_, 158;
_functions, religious, social and for trade purposes_, 154, 160,
171-181 _passim_;
_revilings_, 172, 182, 183;
_rules_, 157 _seq._, 179 _seq._, 187;
_women’s position in_, 150, 154-191 _passim_;
_in woman’s trade_, 195 _seq._
Girdlers, 185, 189;
_see_ Companies.
Glass-sellers, 187;
_see_ Companies.
Glovers, 181, 185, 191 _seq._;
_see_ Companies.
Gold and Silver Thread, 26, 143-145 _passim_;
_pauper trade_, 145 _seq._
Goldsmith, 184;
_see_ Companies.
Gold-wire Drawers;
_see_ Gold and Silver Thread.
Grimsby, 31.
Grocers, 179, 184, 201 _seq._, 260;
_see_ Companies.
Haberdasher, 200.
Hale, Sir Matthew, 79.
Harber, Sylvia, 122 _seq._
Harley, Brilliana Lady, 15 _seq._
Harley, Sir E., 16.
Harrowing, 87.
Hawkers, 204-207 _passim_.
Hay-making, 49, 62.
Hellyard, Elizabeth, 34 _seq._
Heylyn, Peter, 54 _seq._, 239, 278.
Heywood, Oliver, 87, 129.
Hobbes, 258, 303.
Holroyd, Joseph, 30.
Home, 4;
_see_ Industrial Revolution;
_includes workshop_, 7 _seq._, 156-160 _passim_, 294;
_men’s sphere as well as women’s_, 303;
_opportunities for production in home_, 147;
_wage-earners work away from home_, 296.
Howell, James, 37, 53.
Hospitals, 243-249;
_see_ Nurses.
Household, _accounts_, 17;
_affairs_, 157;
_of craftsmen_, 158 _seq._;
_size of_, 15, 50, 99.
Housing, 73-81 _passim_.
Huckster, 155.
Hull, 30, 212 _seq._
Husband, 10, 12, 15, 17, 18, 20, 22-24 _passim_, 34, 39, 46, 49, 88
_seq._, 95, 118, 171-173 _passim_, 212, 228, 233 _seq._, 240, 306;
_see_ Wife;
_acquires wife’s rights_, 161, 213;
_assists wife_, 199, 214, 301;
_companionship with wife_, 160, 183, 301-303 _passim_, 306;
_dependence on wife’s assistance_, 16, 36 _seq._, 46, 153, 165, 194,
196, 211;
_ill-treatment of wife_, 191;
_independence of wife_, 41, 197;
_meddles not with wife’s trade_, 231 _seq._;
_not responsible for wife’s debts_, 151 _seq._
Husbandman, 3, 56-64 _passim_;
_definition of_, 43, 57;
_girls’ environment_, 87;
_independence_, 56;
_rent_, 57;
_wages_, _men_, 59-62 _passim_, _women_, 60-63 _passim_;
_wife’s occupation_, 60-64 _passim_, 111 _seq._;
_wife as wet-nurse_, 58;
_women’s characteristics_, 58 _seq._
Hutchinson, Mrs. Lucy, 23 _seq._, 255, 263.
Hutchinson, Colonel, 23 _seq._, 252.
Keeper of tenis court, 25.
King, Gregory, 55, 80, 86.
Kingston-upon-Hull, 103, 181.
Knitting, 18, 26, 133.
Idleness, 138, 253.
Industrialism, 94, 123;
_see_ Capitalism;
_attempted introduction of factory system_, 99, 124.
Industrial Revolution, 8 _seq._
Industry;
_see_ Domestic, Family, Capitalism.
Infant Mortality, 58, 86, 273, 276, 283, 305.
Inn-keeper, 155, 209, 213, 225, 227, 233.
Insurance Office, 33.
Ireland, 18, 126.
Ironmonger, 155.
Joiners, 181;
_see_ Companies.
Jonson, Ben, 28, 257.
Josselin, the Rev. R., 50, 257.
Journeyman, 156, 159, 180, 212, 297 _seq._;
_see_ Widow;
_employed by women_, 174, 185, 189, 261;
_organisation of_, 10, 166;
_wives and daughters excluded_, 10, 166, 197, 234, 298, 301;
_wife unpaid servant_, 10.
Labourer, _see_ Farmer, Husbandman, Wage earner, Wages.
Laundry, _maid_, 50;
_work_, 5, 13, 49, 135, 155.
Law, 236 _seq._
Lace, _see_ Ireland;
_bone-lace_, 142, 144.
Leather-sellers, 158, 185;
_see_ Companies.
Leicester, 210, 222 _seq._
Leland, 99.
Lincoln, 157.
Linen manufacture, 94, 96, 124-137 _passim_, 138;
_see_ Drapers, Flax, Poor, Spinning, Weaving;
_appropriateness to women_, 128 _seq._;
_capitalistic_, 124, 136;
_company_, 126-128 _passim_, 136;
_domestic_, 5, 40, 48, 96, 125, 128, 129, 137;
_family_, 128;
_in Ireland_, 126 _seq._;
_printers_, 126;
_in Scotland_, 126, 129;
_wages for spinning_, 48, 95 _seq._, 128-137 _passim_, 146.
London, 29, 31, 33, 131, 135, 138-141 _passim_, 152, 158-195 _passim_,
202, 206, 208, 217, 220, 233, 243-249 _passim_, 258-263 _passim_,
281.
Malt-making, 47, 49 _seq._, 224-226 _passim_.
Manchester, 206, 213, 218, 221.
Mansell, Lady, 35.
Mantua-making, 195, 234, 293.
Marriage, 191;
_see_ Poor relief, Wife, Mother;
_confers woman’s rights on her husband_, 261;
_strengthens man’s economic position_, 39.
Married Woman;
_see_, Mother, Wife.
Market, 4, 119, 202, 204, 217, 291;
_corn-market_, 211;
_Farmer’s wife attends market_, 49-51;
_labour market_, 145, 167, 298;
_price of spinning_, 129;
_market spinner_, 107, 109 _seq._, 113;
_town_, 224 _seq._;
_thread, yarn and wool, sold in market_, 107-109 _passim_, 112, 127
_seq._;
_woman_, 135.
Martindale, Adam, 55, 257.
McMath, James, 267, 282.
Medicine, 242, 253-265 _passim_, 286, 288, 294;
_see_ Poor, Servants;
_domestic practice_, 242, 254-257 _passim_;
_education of women_, 255, 294;
_their exclusion from schools_, 254, 265, 294;
_fees_, 262, 264;
_Licensed by Bishop_, 276;
_professional practice_, 242, 254, 257-259 _passim_, 263 _seq._;
_restrictions on women_, 259 _seq._;
_women’s skill extended to neighbours_, 255-257 _passim_, 294.
Mercers, 184, 201.
Merchant, 29, 36, 140, 155, 180-184 _passim_;
_see_ Joan Dant.
Middle-man, 110, 124;
_see_ Market spinner.
Midwife, 258;
_see_ Midwifery;
_Baptism by_, 277-279 _passim_;
_Fees_, 268, 279-281 _passim_;
_Licences_, 272-279 _passim_;
_Man-midwife_, 265, 271 _seq._, 284;
_Prosecutions of_, 279.
Midwifery, 242 _seq._, 265-285, 288;
_see_ Midwife;
_chiefly professional_, 265;
_doctor’s assistance_, 271, 280-284 _passim_;
_French_, 268, 275, 279, 284;
_training of women_ for, 269-275 _passim_, 288.
Milking, 47.
Mill, 47, 210, 215 _seq._
Miller, 209, 212, 215 _seq._;
_wages of_, 66.
Milliner, 176, 195, 234, 293.
Milton, John, 240, 304.
Money-lender, 28 _seq._,
_see_ Pawnbroker.
Monopolies and patents, 25-28 _passim_.
Moore, Rev. Giles, 252.
Mother, 43, 63 _seq._, 73, 125, 196, 198, 214;
_see_ Capitalism, Domestic Industry, Spinning, Wages, Widow, Wife;
_desertion of children_, 86;
_educating children_, 21, 95, 159, 242, 286, 295;
_head of family_, 7, 234, 300;
_sharing father’s work_, 6 _seq._;
_supporting family_, 12, 29, 55, 64, 78 _seq._, 114, 178, 192-194
_passim_, 198;
_tending children_, 47, 63, 95;
_under-feeding_, 87-89 _passim_, 306;
_value of productive activity_, 145, 290 _seq._, 304;
_worship of_, 238 _seq._
Motherhood, women’s capacity for, 8 _seq._, 58, 87, 305.
Murray, Lady, 16.
Needlework, 13.
Netmaker, 155.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 34, 226.
Nicholson, Dame Margaret, 60.
Norwich, 107, 116, 219, 229.
Nottingham, 130, 201, 217, 232.
Nurse, _sick_, 13, 135, 155;
_salaries_, 243-246 _passim_, 248, 250 _seq._
_Nursing_, 242-253;
_see_ Poor, Servants.
Ogden, Hester, 164.
Orphan, _see_ Children, Poor Relief.
Osborne, Dorothy, 57.
Painter-Stainer, 188.
Paper-maker, 32.
Pauper, _see_ Poor.
Pawnbroker, 28 _seq._;
_see_ Money-lender.
Pechey, 275.
Pedlar, 32, 204-207 _passim_.
Pepys Samuel, 3, 38 _seq._, 59, 62, 281, 296 _seq._
Peronne, Mme., 268.
Petitions, _from women_, 23-27 _passim_, 118, 121, 138;
_of married woman objected to_, 77.
Petty, Dorothy, 33 _seq._
Pewterers, 183, 186 _seq._, 191, 210, 294;
_see_ Companies.
Physicians, 259, 262, 265, 271, 275 _seq._, 284.
Politics, _see_ Petitions;
_women’s interest in_, 23 _seq._
Pig-keeping, 5, 48, 52 _seq._, 292.
Pin-maker, 193.
Point-maker, 191.
Poor,
_see_ Hospitals, Midwife, Silk, Spinning, Wages, Wage-earners;
_census of_, 219;
_clothiers’ poor_, 109;
_confinements_, 277, 280;
_education of_, 130-134 _passim_;
_increased wages_, 115;
_medical attendance_, 255 _seq._, 263-265 _passim_;
_not all vagrants_, 135;
_nursing_, 243, 251 _seq._;
_relief_, 69-92 _passim_, 118, 129-137 _passim_, 204;
_set on work_, 110, 120, 130-137 _passim_, 140, 148;
_synonymous with pauper_, 148;
_widows and orphans maintained by parish_, 204;
_workhouse_, 72, 131-134 _passim_.
Poultry-keeping, 5, 48, 50, 87, 209, 292.
Pregnancy, 24, 72 _seq._, 82, 89.
Printer, 161-167;
_see_ Companies.
Professions, 5, 236-289 _passim_;
_see_ Church, Education, Law, Medicine, Midwifery, Nursing, Teaching;
_services_, 4 _seq._, 294 _seq._;
_women’s position in_, 13, 304.
Projector, 28.
Provision Trades, 150, _seq._, 209-234 _passim_;
_see_ Alehouse, Alewife, Apprentice, Bakers, Brewing, Butcher,
Fishwife, Inn-keeper, Malt-making, Miller, Retail Trades, Vintner,
Wife, Widow;
_women’s position in_, 10 _seq._
Publisher, 167;
_see_ Companies.
Pulling pease, 61 _seq._
Quakers, 51, 168, 199, 240;
_see_ Fell;
_Adams (wife of John)_, 153;
_Banks, (wife of John)_, 44;
_Batt, Mary_, 45 _seq._;
_Bownas (wife of Samuel)_, 52;
_Townsend, Will., marriage of_, 190.
Rawdon, Marmaduke, 257.
Raynold, 266 _seq._, 269.
Reading, 85, 132, 189, 203 _seq._, 213, 216, 249 _seq._
Regrater, 204 _seq._, 207-209 _passim_, 218 _seq._
Religion, _independence of married women_, 240.
Restoration Period, _women of_, 2, 9, 38, 41.
Retail Trade, 197-209 _passim_;
_see_ Chapmen, Badger, Haberdashers, Hawkers, Pedlars, Regrater,
Shopkeepers;
_women’s position in_, 10 _seq._, 150 _seq._, 156, 172, 197, 209,
293.
Rous, Margaret, 17.
Rye, 152 _seq._
Salford, 52 _seq._, 84, 212.
Salisbury, 184, 213, 258 _seq._
Salisbury, Earl of, 25, 111.
Sandwich, 152.
Salt concerns, 17 _seq._
Scotland, 126, 129.
Scottish, 140.
Semptsress, 155, 175 _seq._, 202, 221.
Servants, 5 _seq._, 26, 155 _seq._, 176, 187, 202, 220, 241;
_see_ Brewing, Journeyman, Wages, Wages assessments;
_diet of_, 68, 88;
_dresses_, 126;
_employed in domestic drudgery_, 5, 157, 196, 292, 294;
_employed in spinning_, 125;
_farm_, 47, 50, 116, 210, 229;
_married_, 81, 88;
_scarcity of_, 56;
_housekeepers’ duties_, 255;
_medical attendance on_, 252, 263;
_men servants brought up by women_, 141;
_of clothiers_, 101;
_nursing of_, 251 _seq._;
_shoemaker_, 66, 203;
_training of_, 253;
_women, scarcity of_, 157.
Sex-jealousy, _an anachronism_, 299;
_absence in woollen trade_, 95, 123;
_exclusion of women from trades_, 103, 105, 106, 191.
Shakespeare, 3.
Sharp, Jane, 269-271 _passim_.
Shearing, _corn_, 49, 60;
_sheep_, 62.
Sheffield, 187.
Shepherd, 62.
Shipping, 29-31 _passim_.
Shoemaker, 155, 158 _seq._, 184, 202 _seq._;
_see_ Servants.
Shopkeeper, 158, 168, 198-209 _passim_.
Silk manufacture, 94, 126, 138-143;
_see_ Apprentice, Poor, Textiles, Weaving;
_capitalistic_, 142;
_occupation of gentlewomen_, 10, 138-140 _passim_, 142;
_refuge of paupers_, 140-142 _passim_, 146;
_silk women_, 140;
_stockings_, 26 _seq._;
_wages_, 142.
Smith, 155, 189, 210, 259, 294.
Social position of women, 8, 40, 249, 283, 306 _seq._
Southampton, 101, 195 _seq._
Spinning, 5;
_see_ Poor, Linen-manufacture, Woollen;
_demand for_, 95, 110, 112 _seq._, 124, 129, 146;
_domestic industry_, 9, 40, 64, 96, 125, 129, 137, 147, 291 _seq._;
_employment of poor_, 13, 100, 110 _seq._, 128-137 _passim_, 146
_seq._, 209, 291;
_instruction in_, 13, 111, 130-137;
_monopoly of women and children_, 93, 102, 145, 292;
_organisation of_, 107-113, 123 _seq._;
_resource for mothers_, 9, 13, 63, 95, 151, 209;
_wages_;
_withdraws women from agriculture and service_, 112, 115.
Spinner, 18, 102, 110, 113, 117, 120, 128 _seq._, 141, 221;
_market spinner_, 107, 109 _seq._, 113.
Spinster, 95 _seq._, 107-109 _passim_, 112-136 _passim_, 147, 155, 221;
_classes of_, 111 _seq._
Spreading muck, 62.
St. Albans, 202.
Stapley, Richard, 125.
State, 242, 286, 299, 303, 307 _seq._
Stationers, 158, 161-170 _passim_;
_see_ Companies.
Stumpe, 99;
_see_ Clothier.
Suckle calves, 47.
Surgeons, _see_ Barber-surgeons.
Surgery, _see_ Medicine.
Tailor, 155, 181.
Tanner, 185.
Thatching, 61.
Taylor, Randall, 58.
Teaching, 242, 265, 286 _seq._, 294 _seq._
Textile Trades, 9, 93-149 _passim_, 150;
_see_ Burling, Capitalism, Carding, Clothiers, Cotton, Domestic
Industry, Family Industry, Fuller, Gold and Silver, Knitting,
Linen-manufacture, Silk, Spinning, Spinner, Weaver, Wage-earner,
Wages, Woollen;
_industrial organisation of_, 96;
_proportion of women’s labour_, 93 _seq._, 97 _seq._, 114, 133
_seq._, 292;
_proportion of children’s labour_, 108, 112, 114, 116, 133 _seq._;
_women’s position in_, 93 _seq._, 95, 146.
Thierry, Rachel, 100 _seq._
Thornton, Mrs. Alice, 16.
Tiverton, 227.
Tobacco pipe makers, 192.
Torksey, 222.
Trades;
_see_ Crafts, Provision, Retail Textile;
_women’s occupation in_, 10, 146, 293.
Turbeville, Mrs. Mary, 258 _seq._
Upholsterer, 184, 195.
Vantrollier (wife of Thos.), 163.
Verney, Lady, 20;
_Sir Edmund_, 15;
_Sir Ralph_, 15, 20, 258.
Vintners, 209, 233 _seq._
Village Community, 56, 253;
_disintegration of_, 148;
_vigorous stock of_, 42;
_women’s influence in_, 148.
Vives, 37.
Wage-earner, 4, 6, 64-92 _passim_, 99;
_see_ Agriculture, Birth-rate, Butcher, Capitalism, Children, Infant
Mortality, Journeyman, Marriage, Motherhood, Spinning, Silk,
Textile-Manufactures, Wages, Widow, Wife, Woollen;
_definition of_, 43, 65;
_children of_, 86 _seq._;
_class of undesirables_, 90;
_combination among_, 121-124 _passim_, 298, 301;
_family income_, 65-69 _passim_, 71, 79 _seq._, 178;
_insolvency_, 80-92 _passim_, 129, 146-149, 209, 293;
_numbers of_, 4, 90 _seq._, 305;
_wife of_, 9 _seq._, 76-89 _passim_, 235;
_her earning capacity_, 68 _seq._, 89, 92, 147 _seq._, 209, 292;
_her virtual exclusion from skilled trades_, 298.
Wages, 35, 59, 65, 100, 301;
_see_ Brewing, Carpenters, Doctors, Husbandmen, Linen-manufacture,
Nurse (sick), Midwife, Miller, Poor, Spinning, Silk, Woollen;
_assessments_, 50, 59 _seq._, 62, 65-67 _passim_, 72, 83, 90, 210,
293;
_difference between family and individual wages_, 7, 296, 299;
_day labourers, men_, 9, 56, 60-62 _passim_, 65 _seq._, 96;
_day labourers, women_, 9, 60-66 _passim_, 68, 72, 89;
_servants, men_, 50, 56, 65 _seq._;
_servants, women_, 50, 65, 157;
_married men_, 65 _seq._;
_not expected to keep family_, 12, 86, 90, 293;
_relation to cost of living_, 10, 68 _seq._, 79 _seq._, 83, 89, 95,
130, 134-137 _passim_, 145, 178;
_women’s, do not represent value of their work_, 64, 137, 145, 291
_seq._, 304.
Weaver, 155, 259;
_see_ Apprentice;
_assault women_, 126;
_complaints against clothiers_, 114, 117-123 _passim_,
_domestic purposes_, 40, 64, 125;
_linen_, 18, 124 _seq._, 128, 136;
_women_, 129;
_woollen_, 18, 99, 111, 116;
_women_, 102-106, 145;
_forbidden to weave cloth_, 103;
_widow_, 103 _seq._;
_ribbons and tape_; 104;
_silk_, 138, 141;
_Wages_, 120, 149.
_Webber_, 102, 221;
_see_ Weaver.
Webster, 102, 155, 221;
_see_ Weaver.
Weeding, 62, 89.
Wet-nurse, 26, 58.
Whipping dogs out of Church, 63.
Whit-awers, 191.
Winchcombe, John, 99.
Winnowing, 49.
Widow, 29, 33, 45, 86, 100, 122, 129, 137, 156, 171, 177, 189 _seq._,
195, 200, 201, 204 _seq._, 209, 213, 216, 218, 227, 230, 249-252
_passim_, 264, 268;
_see_ Apprentice, Housing, Journeymen, Poor Relief, Weaver;
_dependence on journeymen_, 185, 189, _seq._, 261;
_membership in late husband’s gild_, 160 _seq._, 168, 174, 176
_seq._, 179 _seq._, 183, 185, 187, 233 _seq._, 261, 298;
_pensions_ to, 69, _seq._ 170;
_of soldiers_, 248 _seq._;
_succession to late husband’s business_, 11, 30-34 _passim_, 104
_seq._, 151, 154 _seq._, 160-163 _passim_, 167-173 _passim_, 188
_seq._, 215, 217, 221, 293.
Wife, 45, 70, 216, 237, 280;
_see_ Alehouse, Bakers, Business, Capitalist, Dairy, Doctor,
Domestic, Farmer, Household Management, Husbandman, Journeyman,
Mother, Pig-keeping, Poultry-keeping, Shop-keeper, Sick nursing,
Spinning, Wage-earner;
_economic position of_, 11, 292;
_membership in husband’s gild_, 150, 160, 171 _seq._, 179 _seq._,
191, 261, 301;
_mutual dependence of husband and wife_, 12, 41, 44, 49, 54 _seq._,
300-302 _passim_;
_pauperisation of wife_, 92, 147, 149;
_wife provides food and clothes for family_, 12 _seq._, 39, 60, 63,
90, 94 _seq._, 106, 112, 125, 137, 145, 291, 293, 304;
_separate business_, 17, 40, 151-156 _passim_, 165, 175-178 _passim_,
194 _seq._, 202 _seq._, 206, 208, 214, 219, 221, 228 _seq._, 231;
_settlement_, 80-89 _passim_;
_soldier’s wife_, 142;
_subjection to husband_, 16, 35, 41, 45, 197, 240, 302-304 _passim_;
_working in husband’s business_, 29, 34 _seq._, 40 _seq._, 45, 95,
100-102 _passim_, 144, 151, 153-159 _passim_, 163, 172 _seq._,
175, 184-187 _passim_, 192 _seq._, 196 _seq._, 202 _seq._, 212,
215 _seq._, 220 _seq._, 229, 234 _seq._, 293 _seq._, 302.
Woollen manufacture, 42, 94, 97-124 _passim_, 126, 129, 138;
_see_ Clothiers, Drapers, Poor, Spinning, Weaver;
_capitalistic_, 94, 96 _seq._, 123 _seq._, 147;
_domestic_, 49, 106;
_family_, 97, 106;
_dependence on women’s and children’s labour_, 97 _seq._, 112, 114;
_fluctuations in trade_, 98 _seq._, 110 _seq._, 118-122 _passim_, 147
_seq._;
_instruction in_, 110 _seq._;
_men and women wage-earners unite in trade disputes_, 116-123
_passim_;
_political power_, 126;
_wages for spinning_, 49, 95-97 _passim_, 100, 108 _seq._, 113-118
_passim_, 120, 122 _seq._, 124, 134 _seq._, 137;
_women’s position in_, 98, 102 _seq._, 106, 124;
_wool-combers_, 155.
Wycherley, 3, 37.
Yeoman, 9, 50, 76, 90.
York, 212.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
LIST OF STUDIES IN ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE.
------------------
_A Series of Monographs by Lecturers and Students connected with the
London School of Economics and Political Science._
------------------
EDITED BY THE
DIRECTOR OF THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE.
------------------
=1. The History of Local Rates in England.= The substance of five
lectures given at the School in November and December, 1895. By EDWIN
CANNAN, M.A., LL.D. 1896; second, enlarged edition, 1912; xv. and 215
pp., Crown 8vo, cloth. 4s. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=2. Select Documents Illustrating the History of Trade Unionism.= 1.—THE
TAILORING TRADE. By F. W. GALTON. With a Preface by SIDNEY WEBB, LL.B.
1896; 242 pp., Crown 8vo, cloth. 5s. _P. S. King & Son._
=3. German Social Democracy.= Six lectures delivered at the School in
February and March, 1896. By the Hon. BERTRAND RUSSELL, B.A., late
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. With an Appendix on Social
Democracy and the Woman Question in Germany. By ALYS RUSSELL, B.A. 1896;
204 pp., Crown 8vo, cloth. 3s. 6d. _P. S. King & Son._
=4. The Referendum in Switzerland.= By M. SIMON DEPLOIGE, University of
Louvain. With a Letter on the Referendum in Belgium by M. J. VAN DEN
HUEVEL, Professor of International Law in the University of Louvain.
Translated by C. P. TREVELYAN, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge, and
edited with Notes, Introduction, Bibliography, and Appendices, by LILIAN
TOMN (Mrs. Knowles), of Girton College, Cambridge, Research Student at
the School. 1898; x. and 334 pp., Crown 8vo, cloth. 7s. 6d. _P. S. King
& Son._
=5. The Economic Policy of Colbert.= By A. J. SARGENT, M.A., Senior
Hulme Exhibitioner, Brasenose College, Oxford, and Whately Prizeman,
1897, Trinity College, Dublin. 1899; viii. and 138 pp., Crown 8vo,
cloth. 2s. 6d. _P. S. King & Son._
=6. Local Variation in Wages.= (The Adam Smith Prize, Cambridge
University, 1898). By F. W. LAWRENCE, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge. 1899; viii. and 90 pp., with Index and 18 Maps and Diagrams.
4to, 11 in. by 8¼ in., cloth. 8s. 6d. _Longmans, Green & Co._
=7. The Receipt Roll of the Exchequer for Michaelmas Term of the
Thirty-first Year of Henry II. (1185).= A unique fragment transcribed
and edited by the Class in Palæography and Diplomatic, under the
supervision of the Lecturer, HUBERT HALL, F.S.A., of H.M. Public Record
Office. With thirty-one Facsimile Plates in Collotype and Parallel
readings from the contemporary Pipe Roll. 1899; vii. and 37 pp., Folio,
15¼ in. by 11¼ in., in green cloth; 2 Copies left. Apply to the Director
of the London School of Economics.
=8. Elements of Statistics.= By ARTHUR L. BOWLEY, M.A., Sc.D., F.S.S.,
Cobden and Adam Smith Prizeman, Cambridge; Guy Silver Medallist of the
Royal Statistical Society; Newmarch Lecturer, 1897-98. 500 pp. and 40
Diagrams, Demy 8vo, cloth. 1901; Third edition, 1907; viii. and 336 pp.
12s. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=9. The Place of Compensation in Temperance Reform.= By C. P. SANGER,
M.A., late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, Barrister-at-Law. 1901;
viii. and 136 pp., Crown 8vo, cloth. 2s. 6d. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=10. A History of Factory Legislation.= By B. L. HUTCHINS and A.
HARRISON (Mrs. Spencer), B.A., D.Sc. (Econ.), London. With a Preface by
SIDNEY WEBB, LL.B. 1903; new and revised edition, 1911; xvi. and 298
pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 7s. 6d. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=11.The Pipe Roll of the Exchequer of the See of Winchester for the
Fourth Year of the Episcopate of Peter Des Roches (1207).= Transcribed
and edited from the original Roll in the possession of the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners by the Class in Palæography and Diplomatic,
under the supervision of the Lecturer, HUBERT HALL, F.S.A., of H.M.
Public Record Office. With a Frontispiece giving a Facsimile of the
Roll. 1903; xlviii. and 100 pp., Folio, 13½ in. by 8½ in., green cloth.
15s. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=12. Self-Government in Canada and How it was Achieved: The Story of
Lord Durham’s Report.= By F. BRADSHAW, B.A., D.Sc. (Econ.), London;
Senior Hulme Exhibitioner, Brasenose College, Oxford. 1903; 414 pp.,
Demy 8vo, cloth. 7s. 6d. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=13. History of the Commercial and Financial Relations Between England
and Ireland from the Period of the Restoration.= By ALICE EFFIE MURRAY
(Mrs. Radice), D.Sc. (Econ.), London, former Student at Girton College,
Cambridge; Research Student of the London School of Economics and
Political Science. 1903; 486 pp. Demy 8vo, cloth. 7s. 6d. net. _P. S.
King & Son._
=14. The English Peasantry and the Enclosure of Common Fields.= By
GILBERT SLATER, M.A., St. John’s College, Cambridge; D.Sc. (Econ.),
London. 1906; 337 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 10s. 6d. net. _Constable & Co._
=15. A History of the English Agricultural Labourer.= By Dr. W. HASBACH,
Professor of Economics in the University of Kiel. Translated from the
Second Edition (1908), by RUTH KENYON. Introduction by SIDNEY WEBB,
LL.B. 1908; xvi. and 470 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 7s. 6d. net. _P. S. King
& Son._
=16. A Colonial Autocracy: New South Wales under Governor Macquarie,
1810-1821.= By MARION PHILLIPS, B.A., Melbourne; D.Sc. (Econ.), London.
1909; xxiii. and 336 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 10s. 6d. _P. S. King & Son._
=17. India and the Tariff Problem.= By H. B. LEES SMITH, M.A., M.P.
1909; 120 pp., Crown 8vo, cloth. 3s. 6d. net. _Constable & Co._
=18. Practical Notes on the Management of Elections.= Three Lectures
delivered at the School in November, 1909, by ELLIS T. POWELL, LL.B.,
D.Sc. (Econ.), London, Fellow of the Royal Historical and Royal Economic
Societies, of the Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Law, 1909; 52 pp., 8vo,
paper. 1s. 6d. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=19. The Political Development of Japan.= By G. E. UYEHARA, B.A.,
Washington, D.Sc. (Econ.), London. xxiv. and 296 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth.
1910. 8s. 6d. net. _Constable & Co._
=20. National and Local Finance.= By J. WATSON GRICE, D.Sc. (Econ.),
London. Preface by SIDNEY WEBB, LL.B. 1910; 428 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth.
12s. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=21. An Example of Communal Currency.= Facts about the Guernsey
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SIDNEY WEBB, LL.B. 1911; xiv. and 62 pp., Crown 8vo, cloth. 1s. 6d. net;
paper, 1s. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=22. Municipal Origins.= History of Private Bill Legislation. By F. H.
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CLARKE, K.C. 1911; xi. and 333. pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 10s. 6d. net.
_Constable & Co._
=23. Seasonal Trades.= By VARIOUS AUTHORS. With an Introduction by
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1912; xi. and 410 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 10. 6d. net. _Constable & Co._
24. =Grants in Aid.= A Criticism and a Proposal. By SIDNEY WEBB, LL.B.
1911; vii. and 135 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 5s. net. _Longmans, Green &
Co._
25. =The Panama Canal: A Study in International Law.= By H. ARIAS, B.A.,
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10s. 6d. net. _P. S. King & Son._
26. =Combination Among Railway Companies.= By W. A. ROBERTSON, B.A.
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& Co._
27. =War and the Private Citizen=: Studies in International Law. By A.
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28. =Life in an English Village=: an Economical and Historical Survey of
the Parish of Corsley, in Wiltshire. By M. F. DAVIES 1909; xiii. and 319
pp., illustrations, bibliography, Demy 8vo, cloth. 10s. 6d. net. _T.
Fisher Unwin._
29. =English Apprenticeship and Child Labour=: a History. By O. JOCELYN
DUNLOP, D.Sc. (Econ.), London; with a Supplementary Section on the
Modern Problem of Juvenile Labour, by the Author and R. D. DENMAN, M.P.
1912; pp. 390, bibliography, Demy 8vo, cloth. 10s. 6d. net. _T. Fisher
Unwin._
30. =Origin of Property and the Formation of the Village Community.= By
_J. St. Lewinski_, D.Ec.Sc., Brussels. 1913; xi. and 71 pp., Demy 8vo,
cloth. 3s. 6d. net. _Constable & Co._
31. =The Tendency Towards Industrial Combination (in some Spheres of
British Industry).= By G. R. CARTER, M.A. 1913; xxiii. and 391 pp., Demy
8vo, cloth. 6s. net. _Constable & Co._
32. =Tariffs at Work=: an outline of Practical Tariff Administration. By
JOHN HEDLEY HIGGINSON, B.Sc. (Econ.), London, Mitchell Student of the
University of London; Cobden Prizeman and Silver Medallist. 1913; 150
pp., Crown 8vo, cloth. 2s. 6d. net. _P. S. King & Son._
33. =English Taxation, 1640-1799.= An Essay on Policy and Opinion. By
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the London School of Economics and Political Science. 1913; 200 pp.,
Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. _G. Bell & Sons._
34. =Emigration from the United Kingdom to North America, 1763-1912.= By
STANLEY C. JOHNSON, M.A., Cambridge, D.Sc. (Econ.), London. 1913; xvi.
and 387 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 6s. net. _G. Routledge & Sons._
=35. The Financing of the Hundred Years’ War, 1337-1360.= By SCHUYLER B.
TERRY. 1913; xvi. and 199 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 6s. net. _Constable &
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=36. Kinship and Social Organisation.= By W. H. R. RIVERS, M.D., F.R.S.,
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2s. 6d. net. _Constable & Co._
=37. The Nature and First Principle of Taxation.= By ROBERT JONES, D.Sc.
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=38. The Export of Capital.= By C. K. HOBSON, M.A., D.Sc. (Econ.),
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and Political Science. 1914; xxv. and 264 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 7s. 6d.
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=39. Industrial Training.= By NORMAN BURRELL DEARLE, M.A., D.Sc.
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Student of the London School of Economics and Political Science. 1914;
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=40. Theory of Rates and Fares.= From the French of Charles Colson’s
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and C. TRAVIS. Edited and arranged by CHARLES TRAVIS, with an
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=41. Advertising: a Study of a Modern Business Power.= By G. W. GOODALL,
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=42. English Railways: their Development and their Relation to the
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Oxford; D.Sc. (Econ.), London; Shaw Research Student of the London
School of Economics and Political Science. 1915; xvi. and 325 pp., Demy
8vo, cloth. 6s. net. _G. Routledge & Sons._
=43. The Lands of the Scottish Kings in England.= By MARGARET F. MOORE,
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Professor of Ancient Scottish History and Palæography, University of
Edinburgh. 1915; xi. and 141 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth, 5s. net. _George
Allen & Unwin._
=44. The Colonisation of Australia, 1829-1842: the Wakefield Experiment
in Empire Building.= By RICHARD C. MILLS, LL.M., Melbourne; D.Sc.
(Econ.), London; with an Introduction by GRAHAM WALLAS, M.A., Professor
of Political Science in the University of London. 1915; xx., 363 pp.,
Demy 8vo, cloth. 10s. 6d. net. _Sidgwick & Jackson._
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University College, London; Reader in Logic and Ethics in the University
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=46. English Public Health Administration.= By B. G. BANNINGTON; with a
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=48. Village Government in British India.= By JOHN MATTHAI, D.Sc.
(Econ.), London; with a Preface by SIDNEY WEBB, L.L.B., Professor of
Public Administration in the University of London. 1915; xix., 211 pp.,
Demy 8vo, cloth. 4s. 6d. net. _T. Fisher Unwin._
=49. Welfare Work: Employers’ Experiments for Improving Working
Conditions in Factories.= By E. D. PROUD, B.A., Adelaide; D.Sc. (Econ.),
London, with a Foreword by the Rt. Hon. D. LLOYD GEORGE, M.P. 1916; xx.,
363 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 7s. 6d. net. _George Bell & Sons._
=50. Rates of Postage.= By A. D. SMITH, D.Sc (Econ.), London. 1917;
xii., 431 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 16s. net. _George Allen & Unwin._
=51. Metaphysical Theory of the State.= By L. T. HOBHOUSE, M.A., Martin
White Professor of Sociology in the University of London. [In Press.]
_George Allen & Unwin._
=52. Outlines of Social Philosophy.= By J. S. MACKENZIE, M.A., Professor
of Logic and Philosophy in the University College of South Wales. [In
Press.] _George Allen & Unwin._
_Monographs on Sociology._
=1. The Material Culture and Social Institutions of the Simpler
Peoples.= By L. T. HOBHOUSE, M.A., Martin White Professor of Sociology
in the University of London, G. C. WHEELER, B.A., and M. GINSBERG, B.A.
1915; 300 pp., Demy 8vo, paper. 2s. 6d. net. _Chapman & Hall._
=2. Village and Town Life in China.= By TAO LI KUNG, B.Sc. (Econ.),
London, and LEONG YEW KOH, LL.B., B.Sc. (Econ.), London. Edited by L. T.
HOBHOUSE, M.A. 1915; 153 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 5s. net. _George Allen &
Unwin._
_Series of Bibliographies by Students of the School._
=1. A Bibliography of Unemployment and the Unemployed.= By F. ISABEL
TAYLOR, B.Sc. (Econ.), London. Preface by SIDNEY WEBB, LL.B. 1909; xix.
and 71 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth, 2s. net; paper, 1s. 6d. net. _P. S. King &
Son._
=2. Two Select Bibliographies of Mediæval Historical Study.= By MARGARET
F. MOORS, M.A.; with Preface and Appendix by HUBERT HALL, F.S.A. 1912;
185 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 5s. net. _Constable & Co._
=3. Bibliography of Roadmaking and Roads in the United Kingdom.= By
DOROTHY BALLEN, B.Sc. (Econ.), London; an enlarged and revised edition
of a similar work compiled by Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb in 1906. 1914;
xviii. and 281 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 15s. net. _P. S. King & Son._
=4. A Select Bibliography for the Study, Sources, and Literature of
English Mediæval Economic History.= Edited by HUBERT HALL, F.S.A. 1914;
xiii. and 350 pp., Demy 8vo, cloth. 5s. net. _P. S. King & Son._
_Series of Geographical Studies._
=1. The Reigate Sheet of the One-inch Ordnance Survey.= A Study in the
Geography of the Surrey Hills. By ELLEN SMITH. Introduction by H. J.
MACKINDER, M.A., M.P. 1910; xix. and 110 pp., 6 maps, 23 illustrations.
Crown 8vo, cloth. 5s. net. _A. & C. Black._
=2. The Highlands of South-West Surrey.= A Geographical Study in Sand
and Clay. By E. C. MATTHEWS, 1911; viii. and 124 pp., 7 maps, 8
illustrations, 8vo, cloth. 5s. net. _A. & C. Black._
_Series of Contour Maps of Critical Areas._
=1. The Hudson-Mohawk Gap.= Prepared by the Diagram Company from a map
by B. B. Dickinson. 1913; 1 sheet 18″ by 22½″. Scale 20 miles to 1 inch.
6d. net; post free, folded 7d., rolled 9d. _Sifton, Praed & Co._
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● Transcriber’s Notes:
○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.
○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.
○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only
when a predominant form was found in this book.
○ Text that:
was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_);
was in bold by is enclosed by “equal” signs (=bold=).