What can we say of the next five years--of the five years during which
the Batavian Republic lived under her third constitution and outwardly
exercised all the functions of a normal, independent state? Very little,
indeed. Of course there is material enough. There rarely was a time when
so much ink was wasted on decrees and bills and pamphlets discussing the
decrees. Everything of any importance was referred to the voters, and
therefore had to be printed. But of what value is all this material?
Some day it may be used for a learned doctor's thesis. To the general
historical reader it is without any interest. In name the republic was
still a free commonwealth. In practice --we have repeatedly stated this
before--it was a French province. The First Consul ruled her and gave
his orders either through the Batavian minister in Paris or the French
minister in The Hague. That such orders were ever disobeyed we do not
find recorded. At times there was a little grumbling, but even if the
noise thereof ever penetrated to Paris it was dismissed as the silly
complaint of a lot of tradespeople who were always kicking. That was
part of their business. The best answer to their remonstrances was an
increase in the taxes--5 per cent. on this, 3 per cent. more on that, 20
per cent. on another article. Income, windows, light, air, newspapers,
bread, tobacco, cheese--there was not an item that did not contribute
toward making Napoleon's rule a success. For five years the republic,
with its twelve executive gentlemen, ambled along. The better elements
no longer appeared either in the assembly or in the colleges of the
voters. The government gradually was left entirely to professional
politicians of the lowest sort. The legislative body at once reflected
this attitude of the more intelligent people to abstain from
participation in the political life of their country.
It is true that the peace of Amiens made a momentary end to the French
wars and brought about peace between England and the republic. But
before the Dutch ships had been able to reach the Indian island war had
again broken out, the colonies were once more captured by the British,
and the Dutch coast was again blockaded. Bound to France by its
disastrous treaty of 1796, the republic must follow the fate of the
great sister republic. The people (we are now in 1803) had since the
beginning of the revolution produced 600,000,000 guilders in taxes. They
tried to convince the First Consul that they could not go on doing this
forever. He, however, was able to suggest quite a wonderful remedy for
their difficulties. The Batavian Republic must strengthen her fleet
until she could defeat England and take back the colonies which that
perfidious country had stolen. Very well! But the fleet could not be
improved without further millions, and so the republic moved in a
vicious circle which led to nowhere in particular but cost money all
along that eternal line.
For a change, and to remind them of their duty, the Consul sent urgent
demands for honorary dotations, for extraordinary dotations, for special
dotations, or whatever names he chose to give to those official thefts.
The Exchange upon such occasions would fly into a panic. Couriers would
race madly along the roads between The Hague and Paris. But invariably
the end of all this commotion was a new command for the republic to pay
up and be very quick about it, too. Continually during those five years
do we hear Napoleon's warning: "If the republic refuses to pay, and
refuses to obey my orders in general, I shall turn it into a French
department."
Schimmelpenninck, very moderate in his views, not too enthusiastic about
the Batavian form of government, and rather in favour of the American
system, during those very difficult days represented his country in
Paris as its diplomatic agent. He had to carry the brunt of those wordy
battles about the increased taxes. Napoleon may not have been able to
speak French grammatically; but he certainly did have at his command a
varied and choice collection of Parisian and Corsican Billingsgate.
Continually in his correspondence with the Batavian Republic the Consul
flew into a rage, called everybody very unpolite names, insulted the
persons and the families of the members of the executive, told everybody
indiscriminately what he thought of them or what he would do to their
worthless persons. The browbeaten executives could do nothing but bow
very low, accept the insults in an humble spirit, and express their
invariable loyalty to the man who called them a bunch of sneaking
grafters devoid of honour, energy, and patriotism.
This policy after a while had a very bad influence upon the Batavian
Government. People lost all hope for the future. All desire to start
upon new enterprises was killed. What was the use? The fruits of one's
industry were taken away for the benefit of the French armies. And any
day might be the last. The Consul might have had a bad night, he might
be out of temper, and "finis" then for the Republic of the Free
Batavians.
The year 1805 came, and with it a demand for 15,000,000 guilders to be
given as a loan, returnable in four years. Fortunately it was before the
battle of Jena had shown the weakness of Prussia, and Napoleon did not
dare to attack the republic too openly. But he had made up his mind that
the present weak form of government could not continue. The large
executive must be abolished, and a single man, be he a French general or
a member of the House of Bonaparte, must be made the head of the
republic. The republic alone seemed unable to walk. Napoleon would give
her somebody for her support. Unfortunately there was no general
available, and all the consular brethren were engaged elsewhere. For
lack of a Frenchman a Hollander must take the job. There was only one
Hollander whom the Consul (the Emperor since a few months) could trust
and for whom he had some personal liking. That was the Batavian
minister, Schimmelpenninck. The latter, however, had no ambitions of
this sort and refused the offer to become Proconsul of the Republic. He
pleaded ill health, a weakening eyesight. Napoleon refused to listen to
his excuses. If Schimmelpenninck were unwilling to accept, then France
must annex the republic. Whereupon the Batavian minister, inspired by
the unselfish interest which he took in his fatherland, agreed to accept
the difficult position. He sadly drove to The Hague along the heavy
roads of a very severe winter, and he informed the twelve citizens of
the executive body what the Emperor intended to do with him and with
them and with the Batavian Republic. The executive must resign at once.
As an executive body it had proved itself to be too large and too
ineffective. As a legislative body it had done nothing of any
importance. It must go. A new constitution (a fourth one, if you
please), more centralized and more after the French pattern, must be
adopted.
The executive, mild as lambs, approved of everything, said yea and amen
to all the proposals of the Emperor. It informed the legislative body of
the contemplated changes and advised the legislators that the
appointment of Schimmelpenninck as Proconsul was the only way out of
the difficulty. The legislative body, just to keep up appearances,
deliberated for six whole days. Then it expressed its full approval of
everything the Emperor proposed to do with them and for them. The new
constitution, made in Paris, was forwarded to The Hague by parcels post,
was put into type, and was brought before the electorate. The voters by
this time did not care what happened or who governed them so long as
they themselves were only left in peace. And when the time came for them
to express their opinion 139 men out of a total of 350,000, took the
trouble to say no, while less than one-twenty-fifth of the voting part
of the population took the trouble of expressing an affirmative opinion.
Out of every hundred voters, ninety-six stayed quietly at home. It saved
trouble.
[Illustration: SCHIMMELPENNINCK]