CHAPTER VI

LUXURY AND THE GREAT USEFUL EMPLOYMENT FRAUD

There is one excuse which is still too often made for the extravagance

of the rich, and that is the excuse that "_The consumption of luxuries

by the rich finds useful employment for the poor_."

It is a ridiculous excuse, and there is no eminent economist in the

world who does not laugh at it; but the capitalist, the landlord, and

many pressmen still think it is good enough to mislead or silence the

people with.

As it is the _only_ excuse the rich have to offer for their wasteful

expenditure and costly idleness, it is worth while taking pains to

convince the workers that it is no excuse at all.

It is a mere error or falsehood, of course, but it is such an

old-established error, such a plausible lie, and is repeated so often

and so loudly by non-Socialists, that its disproof is essential. Indeed,

I regard it as a matter of great importance that this subject of luxury

and labour should be thoroughly understanded of the people.

Here is this rich man's excuse, or defence, as it was stated by the Duke

of Argyll about a dozen years ago. So slowly do the people learn, and so

ignorant or dishonest does the Press remain, that the foolish statement

is still quite up to date--

But there are at least some things to be seen which are in the

nature of facts and not at all in the nature of speculation or mere

opinion. Amongst these some become clear from the mere clearing up

of the meaning of words such as "the unemployed." Employment in this

sense is the hiring of manual labour for the supply of human wants.

_The more these wants are stimulated and multiplied the more

widespread will be the inducement to hire. Therefore all outcries

and prejudices against the progress of wealth and of what is called

"luxury" are nothing but outcries of prejudice against the very

sources and fountains of all employment._ This conclusion is

absolutely certain.

I have no doubt at all that the duke honestly believed that statement,

and I daresay there are hundreds of eminent persons still alive who are

no wiser than he.

The duke is quite correct in saying that "the more the wants of the rich

are stimulated" the more employment there will be for the people. But

after all, that only means that the more the rich waste, the harder the

poor must work.

The fact is, the duke has omitted the most essential factor from the

sum: he does not say how the rich man gets his money, nor from _whom_ he

gets his money. A ducal landlord draws, say, L100,000 a year in rent

from his estates.

Who pays the rent? The farmers. Who earns the rent? The farmers and the

labourers.

These men earn and pay the rent, and the ducal landlord takes it.

What does the duke do with the rent? He spends it. We are told that he

spends it in finding useful employment for the poor, and one intelligent

newspaper says--

A rich man cannot spend his money without finding employment for

vast numbers of people who, without him, would starve.

That implies that the poor live on the rich. Now, I maintain that the

rich live on the poor. Let us see.

The duke buys food, clothing, and lodging for himself, for his family,

and for his servants. He buys, let us say, a suit of clothes for

himself. That finds work for a tailor. And we are told that but for the

duke the tailor must starve. _Why?_

The agricultural labourer is badly in want of clothes; cannot _he_ find

the tailor work? No. The labourer wants clothes, but he has no money.

_Why_ has he no money? _Because the duke has taken his clothing money

for rent!_

Then in the first place it is because the duke has taken the labourer's

money that the tailor has no work. Then if the duke did not take the

labourer's money the labourer could buy clothes? Yes. Then if the duke

did not take the labourer's money the tailor _would_ have work? Yes.

Then it is not the duke's money, but the labourer's money, which keeps

the tailor from starving? Yes. Then in this case the duke is no use? He

is worse than useless. The labourer, who _earns_ the money, has no

clothes, and the idle duke has clothes.

So that what the duke really does is to take the earnings of the

labourer and spend them on clothes for _himself_.

Well, suppose I said to a farmer, "You give me five shillings a week out

of your earnings, and I will find employment for a man to make cigars,

_I_ will smoke the cigars."

What would the farmer say? Would he not say, "Why should I employ you to

smoke cigars which I pay for? If the cigar maker needs work, why should

I not employ him myself, and smoke the cigars myself, since I am to pay

for them?"

Would not the farmer speak sense? And would not the labourer speak sense

if he said to the duke, "Why should I employ you to wear out breeches

which I pay for?"

My offer to smoke the farmer's cigars is no more impudent than the

assertion of the Duke of Argyll, that he, the duke, finds employment for

a tailor by wearing out clothes for which the farmer has to pay.

If the farmer paid no rent, _he_ could employ the tailor, and he would

have the clothes. The duke does nothing more than deprive the farmer of

his clothes.

But this is not the whole case against the duke. The duke does not spend

_all_ the rent in finding work for the poor. He spends a good deal of it

on food and drink for himself and his dependants. This wealth is

consumed--it is _wasted_, for it is consumed by men who produce nothing.

And it all comes from the earnings of the men who pay the rent.

Therefore, if the farmer and his men, instead of giving the money to the

duke for rent, could spend it on themselves, they would find more

employment for the poor than the duke can, because they would be able to

spend all that the duke and his enormous retinue of servants waste.

Although the duke (with the labourer's money) does find work for some

tailors, milliners, builders, bootmakers, and others, yet he does not

find work for them all. There are always some tailors, bootmakers, and

builders out of work.

Now, I understand that in this country about L14,000,000 a year are

spent on horse-racing and hunting. This is spent by the rich. If it were

not spent on horse-racing and hunting, it could be spent on useful

things, and then, perhaps, there would be fewer tailors and other

working men out of work.

But you may say, "What then would become of the huntsmen, jockeys,

servants, and others who now live on hunting and on racing?" A very

natural question. Allow me to explain the difference between necessaries

and luxuries.

All the things made or used by man may be divided into two classes,

under the heads of necessaries and luxuries.

I should count as necessaries all those things which are essential to

the highest form of human life.

All those things which are not necessary to the highest form of human

life I should call luxuries, or superfluities.

For instance, I should call food, clothing, houses, fuel, books,

pictures, and musical instruments, necessaries; and I should call

diamond ear-rings, racehorses, and broughams luxuries.

Now it is evident that all those things, whether luxuries or

necessaries, are made by labour. Diamond rings, loaves of bread, grand

pianos, and flat irons do not grow on trees; they must be made by the

labour of the people. And it is very clear that the more luxuries a

people produce, the fewer necessaries they will produce.

If a community consists of 10,000 people, and if 9000 people are making

bread and 1000 are making jewellery, it is evident that there will be

more bread than jewellery.

If in the same community 9000 make jewellery and only 1000 make bread,

there will be more jewellery than bread.

In the first case there will be food enough for all, though jewels be

scarce. In the second case the people must starve, although they wear

diamond rings on all their fingers.

In a well-ordered State no luxuries would be produced until there were

enough necessaries for all.

Robinson Crusoe's first care was to secure food and shelter. Had he

neglected his goats and his raisins, and spent his time in making

shell-boxes, he would have starved. Under those circumstances he would

have been a fool. But what are we to call the delicate and refined

ladies who wear satin and pearls, while the people who earn them lack

bread?

Take a community of two men. They work upon a plot of land and grow

grain for food. By each working six hours a day they produce enough food

for both.

Now take one of those men away from the cultivation of the land, and set

him to work for six hours a day at the making of bead necklaces. What

happens?

This happens--that the man who is left upon the land must now work

twelve hours a day. Why? Because although his companion has ceased to

grow grain he has not ceased to _eat bread_. Therefore the man who grows

the grain must now grow grain enough for two. That is to say, that the

more men are set to the making of luxuries, the heavier will be the

burden of the men who produce necessaries.

But in this case, you see, the farmer does get some return for his extra

labour. That is to say, he gets half the necklaces in exchange for half

his grain; for there is no rich man.

Suppose next a community of three--one of whom is a landlord, while the

other two are farmers.

The landlord takes half the produce of the land in rent, but does no

work. What happens?

We saw just now that the two workers could produce enough grain in six

hours to feed two men for one day. Of this the landlord takes half.

Therefore, the two men must now produce four men's food in one day, of

which the landlord will take two, leaving the workers each one. Well, if

it takes a man six hours to produce a day's keep for one, it will take

him twelve hours to produce a day's keep for two. So that our two

farmers must now work twice as long as before.

But now the landlord has got twice as much grain as he can eat. He

therefore proceeds to _spend_ it, and in spending it he "finds useful

employment" for one of the farmers. That is to say, he takes one of the

farmers off the land and sets him to building a house for the landlord.

What is the effect of this?

The effect of it is that the one man left upon the land has now to find

food for all three, and in return gets nothing.

Consider this carefully. All men must eat, and here are two men who do

not produce food. To produce food for one man takes one man six hours.

To produce food for three men takes one man eighteen hours. The one man

left on the land has, therefore, to work three times as long, or three

times as hard, as he did at first. In the case of the two men, we saw

that the farmer did get his share of the bead necklaces, but in the case

of the three men the farmer gets nothing. The luxuries produced by the

man taken from the land are enjoyed by the rich man.

The landlord takes from the farmer two-thirds of his produce, and

employs another man to help him to spend it.

We have here three classes--

1. The landlord, who does no work.

2. The landlord's servant, who does work for the benefit of the

landlord.

3. The farmer, who produces food for himself and the other two.

Now, all the peoples of Europe, if not of the world, are divided into

those three classes.

And it is _most important_ that you should thoroughly understand those

three classes, never forget them, and never allow the rich man, nor the

champions of the rich man, to forget them.

The jockeys, huntsmen, and flunkeys alluded to just now, belong to the

class who work, but whose work is all done for the benefit of the idle.

Do not be deceived into supposing that there are but _two_ classes:

there are _three_. Do not believe that the people may be divided into

workers and idlers: they must be divided into (1) idlers, (2) workers

who work for the idlers, and (3) workers who support the idlers and

those who work for the idlers.

These three classes are a relic of the feudal times: they represent the

barons, the vassals, and the retainers.

The rich man is the baron, who draws his wealth from the workers; the

jockeys, milliners, flunkeys, upholsterers, designers, musicians, and

others who serve the rich man, and live upon his custom and employment,

are the retainers; the workers, who earn the money upon which the rich

man and his following exist, are the vassals.

Remember the _three_ classes: the rich, who produce nothing; the

employees of the rich, who produce luxuries for the rich; and the

workers, who find everything for themselves and all the wealth for the

other two classes.

It is like two men on one donkey. The duke rides the donkey, and boasts

that he carries the flunkey on his back. So he does. But the donkey

carries both flunkey and duke.

Clearly, then, the duke confers no favour on the agricultural labourer

by employing jockeys and servants, for the labourer has to pay for them,

and the duke gets the benefit of their services.

But the duke confers a benefit on the men he employs as huntsmen and

servants, and without the duke they would starve? No; without him they

would not starve, for the wealth which supports them would still exist,

and they could be found other work, and could even add to the general

store of wealth by producing some by their own labour.

The same remark applies to all those of the second class, from the

fashionable portrait-painter and the diamond-cutter down to the

scullery-maid and the stable-boy.

Compare the position of an author of to-day with the position of an

author in the time of Dr. Johnson. In Johnson's day the man of genius

was poor and despised, dependent on rich patrons: in our day the man of

genius writes for the public, and the rich patron is unknown.

The best patron is the People; the best employer is the People; the

proper person to enjoy luxuries is the man who works for and creates

them.

My Lady Dedlock finds useful employment for Mrs. Jones. She employs Mrs.

Jones to make her ladyship a ball-dress.

Where does my lady get her money? She gets it from her husband, Sir

Leicester Dedlock, who gets it from his tenant farmer, who gets it from

the agricultural labourer, Hodge.

Then her ladyship orders the ball-dress of Mrs. Jones, and pays her with

Hodge's money.

But if Mrs. Jones were not employed making the ball-dress for my Lady

Dedlock, she could be making gowns for Mrs. Hodge, or frocks for Hodge's

girls.

Whereas now Hodge cannot buy frocks for his children, and his wife is a

dowdy, because Sir Leicester Dedlock has taken Hodge's earnings and

given them to his lady to buy ball costumes.

Take a larger instance. There are many yachts which, in building and

decoration, have cost a quarter of a million.

Average the wages of all the men engaged in the erection and fitting of

such a vessel at 30s. a week. We shall find that the yacht has "found

employment" for 160 men for twenty years. Now, while those men were

engaged on that work they produced no necessaries for themselves. But

they _consumed_ necessaries, and those necessaries were produced by the

same people who found the money for the owner of the yacht to spend.

That is to say, that the builders were kept by the producers of

necessaries, and the producers of necessaries were paid for the

builders' keep, with money which they, the producers of necessaries, had

earned for the owner of the yacht.

The conclusion of this sum being that the producers of necessaries had

been compelled to support 160 men, and their wives and children, for

twenty years; and for what?

That they might build _one yacht_ for the pleasure of _one idle man_.

Would those yacht builders have starved without the rich man? Not at

all. But for the rich man, the other workers would have had more money,

could afford more holidays, and that quarter of a million spent on the

one yacht would have built a whole fleet of pleasure boats.

And note also that the pleasure boats would find more employment than

the yacht, for there would be more to spend on labour and less on costly

materials.

So with other dependants of the rich. The duke's gardeners could find

work in public parks for the people; the artists, who now sell their

pictures to private collections, could sell them to public galleries;

and some of the decorators and upholsterers who now work on the rich

men's palaces might turn their talents to our town halls and hospitals

and public pavilions. And that reminds me of a quotation from Mr.

Mallock, cited in _Merrie England_. Mr. Mallock said--

Let us take, for instance, a large and beautiful cabinet, for which

a rich man of taste pays L2000. The cabinet is of value to him for

reasons which we will consider presently; as possessed by him it

constitutes a portion of his wealth. But how could such a piece of

wealth be distributed? Not only is it incapable of physical

partition and distribution, but, if taken from the rich man and

given to the poor man, the latter is not the least enriched by it.

Put a priceless buhl cabinet into an Irish labourer's cottage, and

it will probably only add to his discomforts; or, if he finds it

useful, it will only be because he keeps his pigs in it. A picture

by Titian, again, may be worth thousands, but it is worth thousands

only to the man who can enjoy it.

Now, isn't that a precious piece of nonsense? There are two things to be

said about that rich man's cabinet. The first is, that it was made by

some workman who, if he had not been so employed, might have been

producing what _would_ be useful to the poor. So that the cabinet has

cost the poor something. The second is, that a priceless buhl cabinet

_can_ be divided. Of course, it would be folly to hack it into shavings

and serve them out amongst the mob; but if that cabinet is a thing of

beauty and worth the seeing, it ought to be taken from the rich

benefactor, whose benefaction consists in his having plundered it from

the poor, and it ought to be put into a public museum where thousands

could see it, and where the rich man could see it also if he chose.

This, indeed, is the proper way to deal with all works of art, and this

is one of the rich man's greatest crimes--that he keeps hoarded up in

his house a number of things that ought to be the common heritage of the

people.

Every article of luxury has to be paid for not in _money_, but in

_labour_. Every glass of wine drunk by my lord, and every diamond star

worn by my lady, has to be paid for with the sweat and the tears of the

poorest of our people. I believe it is a literal fact that many of the

artificial flowers worn at Court are actually stained with the tears of

the famished and exhausted girls who make them.

To say that the extravagance of the rich finds useful employment for the

poor, is more foolish than to say that the drunkard finds useful

employment for the brewers.

The drunkard may have a better defence than the duke, because he may

perhaps have produced, or earned, the money he spends in beer, whereas

the duke's rents are not produced by the duke nor earned by him.

That is clear, is it not? And yet a few weeks since I saw an article in

a London weekly paper in which we were told that the thief was an

indispensable member of society, because he found employment for

policemen, gaolers, builders of gaols, and other persons.

The excuse for the thief is as valid as the excuse for the duke. The

thief finds plenty of employment for the people. But who _pays_ the

persons employed?

The police, the gaolers, and all the other persons employed in catching,

holding, and feeding the thief, are paid out of the rates and taxes. Who

pays the taxes? The British public. Then the British public have to

support not only the police and the rest, but the thief as well.

What do the police, the thief, and the gaoler produce? Do they produce

any wealth? No. They consume wealth, and the thief is so useful that if

he died out for ever, it would pay us better to feed the gaolers and

police for doing nothing than to fetch the thief back again to feed him

as well.

Work is useless unless it be productive work. It would be work for a man

to dig a hole and then fill it up again; but the work would be of no

benefit to the nation. It would be work for a man to grow strawberries

to feed the Duke of Argyll's donkey on, but it would be useless work,

because it would add nothing to the general store of wealth.

Policemen and gaolers are men withdrawn from the work of producing

wealth to wait upon useless criminals. They, like soldiers and many

others, do not produce wealth, but they consume it, and the greater the

number of producers and the smaller the number of consumers the richer

the State must be. For which family would be the better off--the family

wherein ten earned wages and none wasted them, or the family in which

two earned wages and eight spent them?

Do not imagine, as some do, that increased consumption is a blessing. It

is the amount of wealth you produce that makes a nation prosperous; and

the idle rich man, who produces nothing, only makes his crime worse by

spending a great deal.

The great mass of the workers lead mean, penurious, and joyless lives;

they crowd into small and inconvenient houses; they occupy the darkest,

narrowest, and dirtiest streets; they eat coarse and cheap food, when

they do not go hungry; they drink adulterated beer and spirits; they

wear shabby and ill-made clothes; they ride in third-class carriages,

sit in the worst seats of the churches and theatres; and they stint

their wives of rest, their children of education, and themselves of

comfort and of honour, that they may pay rent, and interest, and profits

for the idle rich to spend in luxury and folly.

And if the workers complain, or display any signs of suspicion or

discontent, they are told that the rich are keeping them.

That is not _true_. It is the workers who are keeping the rich.

Britain for the British · 第 6 / 19 章