dedicated it to Antiochus Soter. The work consisted of three volumes,
of which we possess now but a few excerpts preserved in the chronicles
of several historiographers who have lived at different periods and
whom it may be well to mention. First of all there is Flavius Josephus,
the great historian of the Jews, born at Jerusalem 33 A.D.; then there
are St. Clement, the Alexandrian catechist (born early in the second
century A.D., died 217), Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea (author of the
_Symbol of Nice_, who lived from 267 to 338), and finally, George
Syncellus (so called from the office he filled under the Bishop of
Constantinople, and who died about the year 800). These writers took
from Berosus only just what was needed for their purposes, and none
in fact seems to have been personally acquainted with the work of the
learned Chaldean.
“For instance, Syncellus, whose writings show marks of haste and are
by no means free from error, borrows his quotations from Eusebius,
whom he often pretends to correct. Eusebius seems to be indebted to
Julius Africanus, who wrote in the third century of our era, and the
latter in turn mentions his obligation to Alexander Polyhistor, who
flourished twenty-five years before Christ. Now Polyhistor takes his
references from Apollodorus, who lived some years before. Josephus in
all probability used Alexander Polyhistor as his source, although he
does not say so. Clement of Alexandria had at his elbow the works of
King Juba of Mauritania, who reigned about 30 B.C., and who seems to
have taken his material, unfortunately too limited in amount, from the
very works of Berosus, in whom he placed the utmost confidence.
“One thing is certain, the original text of Berosus in passing through
so many hands and suffering condensation and mutilation must have been
considerably altered.
“Berosus had free access to those famous clay-tablet libraries which
Pliny describes and whose importance modern research has revealed. As
at Nineveh, there were at Babylon, Borsippa, Orchoë [Erech], and in
the large cities of Chaldea, archives which contained the national
traditions to which the Chaldean priest was obliged to resort.
“In the days of Berosus the writings in these archives were understood
not only in Babylon, but throughout western Asia. The Assyrio-Chaldean
language was still written in cuneiform characters till the time of
the Seleucidæ and even during the first century B.C. Berosus was thus
enabled to consult these precious sources, and we know that he went
to them. Already in the priceless débris of these curious archives,
fragments in corroboration of Berosus have been discovered, and these
acquisitions only make us regret the more what is irrevocably lost.”
We shall now take up some of the portions of Berosus’ history
transcribed by later historiographers.[a]
THE CREATION AND THE FLOOD, DESCRIBED BY POLYHISTOR
Berosus, in the first book of his history of Babylonia, informs us
that he lived in the age of Alexander, the son of Philip. And he
mentions that there were written accounts, preserved at Babylon with
the greatest care, comprehending a period of about fifteen myriads
of years; and that these writings contained histories of the heavens
and of the sea; of the birth of mankind; and of the kings, and of the
memorable actions which they had achieved.
And in the first place he describes Babylonia as a country situated
between the Tigris and the Euphrates; that it abounded with wheat and
barley, and ocrus, and sesame; and that in the lakes were produced
the roots called gongæ, which are fit for food, and in respect for
nutriment similar to barley. That there were also palm trees and
apples, and a variety of fruits; fish also and birds, both those which
are merely of flight, and those which frequent the lakes. He adds, that
those parts of the country which bordered upon Arabia were without
water and barren; but that the parts which lay on the other side were
both hilly and fertile.
[Illustration: ASSYRIAN BOAT
(From the Monuments)]
At Babylon there was (in these times) a great resort of people of
various nations, who inhabited Chaldea, and lived in a lawless manner,
like the beasts of the field.
In the first year there appeared from that part of the Erythræan Sea
[the Persian Gulf] which borders upon Babylonia, an animal destitute
of reason, by name Oannes [perhaps the same as Anu], whose whole body
(according to the account of Apollodorus) was that of a fish; that
under the fish’s head he had another head, with feet also below,
similar to those of a man, subjoined to the fish’s tail. His voice,
too, and language, was articulate and human; and a representation of
him is preserved even to this day.
This Being was accustomed to pass the day among men; but took no food
at that season; and he gave them an insight into letters and sciences,
and arts of every kind. He taught them to construct cities, to found
temples, to compile laws, and explained to them the principles of
geometrical knowledge. He made them distinguish the seeds of the earth,
and showed them how to collect the fruits; in short he instructed
them in everything which could tend to soften manners and humanise
their lives. From that time nothing material has been added by way of
improvement to his instructions. And when the sun had set, this Being,
Oannes, retired again into the sea, and passed the night in the deep;
for he was amphibious. After this there appeared other animals like
Oannes, of which Berosus proposes to give an account when he comes
to the history of the kings. Moreover, Oannes wrote concerning the
generation of mankind, and of their civil policy; and the following is
the purport of what he said:
“There was a time in which there existed nothing but darkness and
an abyss of waters, wherein resided most hideous beings, which were
produced of a twofold principle. There appeared men, some of whom
were furnished with two wings, others with four, and with two faces.
They had one body but two heads: the one that of a man, the other of
a woman; likewise in their several organs, they were both male and
female. Other human figures were to be seen with the legs and horns of
goats; some had horses’ feet; while others united the hind quarters of
a horse with the body of a man, resembling in shape the hippocentaurs.
Bulls likewise were bred there with the heads of men; and dogs with
fourfold bodies, terminated in their extremities with the tails of
fishes. In short, there were creatures in which were combined the limbs
of every species of animal. In addition to these, fishes, reptiles,
serpents, with other monstrous animals, which assumed each other’s
shape and countenance. Of all which were preserved delineations in the
temple of Belus at Babylon.
“The person who was believed to have presided over them, was a woman
named Omoroca [a Greek form of the Aramaic word ’Amqia, “the ocean”];
which in the Chaldean language is Thalath; in Greek, Thalassa, the
sea; but which might equally be interpreted the Moon. All things being
in this situation, Belus came, and cut the woman asunder: and of one
half of her he formed the earth, and of the other half the heavens;
and at the same time destroyed the animals within her. All this (he
says) was an allegorical description of nature. For, the whole universe
consisting of moisture, and animals being continually generated
therein, the deity above mentioned took off his own head: upon which
the other gods mixed the blood, as it gushed out, with the earth;
and from thence were formed men. On this account it is that they are
rational, and partake of divine knowledge.
“This Belus, by whom they signify Jupiter, divided the darkness, and
separated the Heavens from the Earth, and reduced the universe to
order. But the animals, not being able to bear the prevalence of light,
died. Belus, upon this, seeing a vast space unoccupied, though by
nature fruitful, commanded one of the gods to take off his head, and
to mix the blood with the earth; and from thence to form other men and
animals, which should be capable of bearing the air. Belus formed also
the stars, and the sun, and the moon, and the five planets.”
(Such, according to Alexander Polyhistor, is the account which Berosus
gives in his first book. In the second book was contained the history
of the ten kings of the Chaldeans, and the periods of the continuance
of each reign, which consisted collectively of 120 sars, or 432,000
years; reaching to the time of the Deluge. For Alexander, enumerating
the kings from the writings of the Chaldeans, after Ardates the IXth,
proceeds to the Xth, who is called by them Xisuthrus, in this manner:)
After the death of Ardates, his son Xisuthrus reigned 18 sars. In his
time happened a great Deluge; the history of which is thus described.
The Deity, Cronus, appeared to him in a vision, and warned him that
upon the fifteenth day of the month Dæsius [or Dæsia, _i.e._ May and
June] there would be a flood, by which mankind would be destroyed. He
therefore enjoined him to write a history of the beginning, procedure,
and conclusion of all things; and bury it in the city of the Sun at
Sippara; and to build a vessel, and to take with him into it his
friends and relations; and to convey on board everything necessary to
sustain life, together with all the different animals, both birds and
quadrupeds, and trust himself fearlessly to the deep. Having asked the
Deity, whither he was to sail, he was answered, “To the Gods”: upon
which he offered up a prayer for the good of mankind. He then obeyed
the divine admonition: and built a vessel five stadia in length and two
in breadth. Into this he put everything which he had prepared; and last
of all conveyed into it his wife, his children, and his friends.
After the flood had been upon the earth, and was in time abated,
Xisuthrus sent out birds from the vessel, which, not finding any food,
nor any place whereupon they might rest their feet, returned to him
again. After an interval of some days he sent them forth a second time;
and they now returned with their feet tinged with mud. He made a trial
a third time with these birds; but they returned to him no more: from
whence he judged that the surface of the earth had appeared above the
waters. He therefore made an opening in the vessel, and upon looking
out found that it was stranded upon the side of some mountain; upon
which he immediately quitted it with his wife, his daughter, and the
pilot. Xisuthrus then paid his adoration to the earth: and having
constructed an altar, offered sacrifices to the gods, and, with those
who had come out of the vessel with him, disappeared.
They who remained within, finding that their companions did not return,
quitted the vessel with many lamentations, and called continually on
the name of Xisuthrus. Him they saw no more; but they could distinguish
his voice in the air, and could hear him admonish them to pay due
regard to religion; and likewise informed them that it was on account
of his piety that he was translated to live with the gods; that his
wife and daughter, and the pilot, had obtained the same honour. To
this he added, that they should return to Babylonia; and, as it was
ordained, search for the writings at Sippara, which they were to make
known to all mankind: moreover, that the place wherein they then were,
was the land of Armenia [in the Hebrew, Ararat]. The rest having heard
these words, offered sacrifices to the gods; and, taking a circuit,
journeyed towards Babylonia.
The vessel being thus stranded in Armenia, some part of it yet remains
in the Corcyræan [or Gordyæan] Mountains of Armenia; and the people
scrape off the bitumen, with which it had been outwardly coated, and
make use of it by way of an alexipharmic and amulet. And when they
returned to Babylon, and had found the writings at Sippara, they built
cities, and erected temples: and Babylon was thus inhabited again.
OTHER CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS
_Of the Chaldean Kings_
This is the history which Berosus has transmitted to us. He tells
us that the first king was Alorus [or Ur, the Babylonian deity] of
Babylon, a Chaldean: he reigned ten sars: and afterwards Alaparus, and
Amelon, who came from Pantibiblon [Greek form of Sippara]: then Ammenon
the Chaldean, in whose time appeared the Musarus Oannes, the Annedotus
from the Erythræan Sea. (But Alexander Polyhistor, anticipating the
event, has said that he appeared in the first year; but Apollodorus
says that it was after forty sars; Abydenus, however, makes the second
Annedotus appear after twenty-six sars.) Then succeeded Megalarus from
the city of Pantibiblon; and he reigned eighteen sars: and after him
Daonus, the shepherd from Pantibiblon, reigned ten sars; in his time
(he says) appeared again from the Erythræan Sea a fourth Annedotus,
having the same form with those above, the shape of a fish blended with
that of a man. Then reigned Euedorachus, from Pantibiblon, for the term
of eighteen sars; in his days there appeared another personage from the
Erythræan Sea like the former, having the same complicated form between
a fish and a man, whose name was Odacon. (All these, says Apollodorus,
related particularly and circumstantially whatever Oannes had informed
them of: concerning these, Abydenus has made no mention.) Then reigned
Amempsinus, a Chaldean from Laranchæ [or Larissa]; and he, being the
eighth in order, reigned ten sars. Then reigned Otiartes, a Chaldean,
from Laranchæ; and he reigned eight sars. And upon the death of
Otiartes, his son Xisuthrus reigned eighteen sars: in his time happened
the great Deluge. So that the sum of all the kings is ten; and the term
which they collectively reigned was a hundred and twenty sars. [From
Eusebius.]
_Of the Chaldean Kings and the Deluge_
So much concerning the wisdom of the Chaldeans.
It is said that the first king of the country was Alorus, and that he
gave out a report that God had appointed him to be the Shepherd of the
people: he reigned ten sars: now a sar is esteemed to be three thousand
six hundred years; a ner six hundred; and a sos sixty.
After him Alaparus reigned three sars: to him succeeded Amillarus from
the city of Pantibiblon, who reigned thirteen sars: in his time came up
from the sea a second Annedotus, a semi-demon very similar in his form
to Oannes: after Amillarus reigned Ammenon twelve sars, who was of the
city of Pantibiblon: then Megalarus of the same place reigned eighteen
sars: then Daos, the shepherd, governed for the space of ten sars, he
was of Pantibiblon [Sippara]; in his time four double-shaped personages
came up out of the sea to land, whose names were Euedocus, Eneugamus,
Eneuboulus, and Anementus: afterwards in the time of Euedoreschus
appeared another Anodaphus. After these reigned other kings, and,
last of all, Sisithrus [Xisuthrus]: so that in the whole the number
amounted to ten kings, and the term of their reigns to an hundred and
twenty sars. (And, among other things not irrelative to the subject, he
continues thus concerning the Deluge): After Euedorechus some others
reigned and then Sisithrus. To him the deity Cronus foretold that on
the fifteenth day of the month Dæsius there would be a deluge of rain:
and he commanded him to deposit all the writings whatever which were in
his possession in the city of the Sun in Sippara. Sisithrus, when he
had complied with these commands, sailed immediately to Armenia, and
was presently inspired by God. Upon the third day after the cessation
of the rain Sisithrus sent out birds, by way of experiment, that he
might judge whether the flood had subsided. But the birds, passing over
an unbounded sea, without finding any place of rest, returned again to
Sisithrus. This he repeated with other birds. And when upon the third
trial he succeeded, for the birds then returned with their feet stained
with mud, the gods translated him from among men. With respect to the
vessel, which yet remains in Armenia, it is a custom of the inhabitants
to form bracelets and amulets of its wood. [From Eusebius.]
_Of the Tower of Babel_
They say that the first inhabitants of the earth, glorying in their
own strength and size, and despising the gods, undertook to raise a
tower whose top should reach the sky in the place in which Babylon now
stands: but when it approached the heaven, the winds assisted the gods,
and overthrew the work upon its contrivers: and its ruins are said to
be at Babylon: and the gods introduced a diversity of tongues among
men, who till that time had all spoken the same language: and a war
arose between Cronus and Titan. The place in which they built the tower
is now called Babylon, on account of the confusion of the tongues; for
confusion is by the Hebrews called Babel.[37] [From Eusebius.]
_Of Abraham [?]_
After the Deluge, in the tenth generation, was a certain man among the
Chaldeans renowned for his justice and great exploits, and for his
skill in the celestial sciences. [From Eusebius.]
_Of Nabonassar_
From the reign of Nabonassar only are the Chaldeans (from whom the
Greek mathematicians copy) accurately acquainted with the heavenly
motions: for Nabonassar collected all the mementos of the kings prior
to himself, and destroyed them, that the enumeration of the Chaldean
kings might commence with him. [From Syncellus.]
_Of the Destruction of the Jewish Temple_
He (Nabopolassar) sent his son Nebuchadrezzar with a great army against
Egypt, and against Judea, upon his being informed that they had
revolted from him; and by that means he subdued them all, and set fire
to the temple that was at Jerusalem; and removed our people entirely
out of their own country, and transferred them to Babylon, and our city
remained in a state of desolation during the interval of seventy years,
until the days of Cyrus, king of Persia. (He then says, that) this
Babylonian king conquered Egypt, and Syria, and Phœnicia, and Arabia,
and exceeded in his exploits all that had reigned before him in Babylon
and Chaldea. [From Josephus.]
_Of Nebuchadrezzar_
When Nabopolassar, his (Nebuchadrezzar’s) father, heard that the
governor, whom he had set over Egypt and the provinces of Cœle-Syria
and Phœnicia, had revolted, he was determined to punish his
delinquencies, and for that purpose entrusted part of his army to his
son Nebuchadrezzar, who was then of mature age, and sent him forth
against the rebel: and Nebuchadrezzar engaged and overcame him, and
reduced the country again under his dominion. And it came to pass that
his father, Nabopolassar, was seized with a disorder which proved
fatal, and he died in the city of Babylon, after he had reigned nine
and twenty years.
Nebuchadrezzar, as soon as he had received intelligence of his father’s
death, set in order the affairs of Egypt and the other countries, and
committed to some of his faithful officers the captives he had taken
from the Jews, and Phœnicians, and Syrians, and the nations belonging
to Egypt, that they might conduct them with that part of the forces
which had heavy armour, together with the rest of his baggage, to
Babylonia: in the meantime with a few attendants he hastily crossed
the desert to Babylon. When he arrived there he found that his affairs
had been faithfully conducted by the Chaldeans, and that the principal
person among them had preserved the kingdom for him: and he accordingly
obtained possession of all his father’s dominions. And he distributed
the captives in colonies in the most proper places in Babylonia: and
adorned the temple of Belus, and the other temples, in a sumptuous
and pious manner, out of the spoils which he had taken in this war.
He also rebuilt the old city, and added another to it on the outside,
and so far completed Babylon that none who might besiege it afterwards
should have it in their power to divert the river so as to facilitate
an entrance into it: and he effected this by building three walls
about the inner city, and three about the outer. Some of these walls
he built of burnt brick and bitumen, and some of brick only. When he
had thus admirably fortified the city, and had magnificently adorned
the gates, he added also a new palace to those in which his forefathers
had dwelt, adjoining them, but exceeding them in height and splendour.
Any attempt to describe it would be tedious: yet notwithstanding its
prodigious size and magnificence, it was finished within fifteen days.
In this palace he erected very high walks, supported by stone pillars;
and by planting what was called a pensile paradise, and replenishing it
with all sorts of trees, he rendered the prospect an exact resemblance
of a mountainous country. This he did to gratify his queen [Amytis],
because she had been brought up in Media, and was fond of a mountainous
situation. [From Josephus.]
_Of the Chaldean Kings after Nebuchadrezzar_
Nebuchadrezzar, whilst he was engaged in building the above-mentioned
wall, fell sick, and died after he had reigned forty-three years;
whereupon his son Evil-merodachus succeeded him in his kingdom. His
government, however, was conducted in an illegal and improper manner,
and he fell a victim to a conspiracy which was formed against his life
by Neriglissorus, his sister’s husband, after he had reigned about two
years.
Upon his death Neriglissorus, the chief of the conspirators, obtained
possession of the kingdom, and reigned four years.
He was succeeded by his son Labarosoarchodus [Labashi-Marduk], who was
but a child, and reigned nine months; for his misconduct he was seized
by conspirators, and put to death by torture.
After his death, the conspirators assembled, and by common consent
placed the crown upon the head of Nabonidus, a man of Babylon, and
one of the leaders of the insurrection. It was in this reign that the
walls of the city of Babylon which defend the banks of the river were
curiously built with burnt brick and bitumen.
In the seventeenth year of the reign of Nabonidus, Cyrus came out of
Persia with a great army, and, having conquered all the rest of Asia,
advanced hastily into the country of Babylonia. As soon as Nabonidus
perceived he was advancing to attack him, he assembled his forces and
opposed him, but was defeated, and fled with a few of his adherents,
and was shut up in the city of Borsippus. Upon this Cyrus took
Babylon, and gave orders that the outer walls should be demolished,
because the city appeared of such strength as to render a siege
almost impracticable. From thence he marched to Borsippus to besiege
Nabonidus; but Nabonidus delivered himself into his hands without
holding out the place: he was therefore kindly treated by Cyrus, who
provided him with an establishment in Carmania, but sent him out of
Babylonia. Nabonidus accordingly spent the remainder of his life in
that country, where he died. [From Josephus.[38]]
_Of the Feast of Sacea_
Berosus, in the first book of his Babylonian history, says: That in the
eleventh month, called Loos [July], is celebrated in Babylon the feast
of Sacea for five days, in which it is the custom that the masters
should obey their domestics, one of whom is led round the house,
clothed in a royal garment, and him they call Zoganes. [From Athenæus.]
_A Fragment of Megasthenes Concerning Nebuchadrezzar_
Abydenus, in his history of the Assyrians, has preserved the
following fragment of Megasthenes, who says: That Nabucodrosorus
[Nebuchadrezzar], having become more powerful than Hercules, invaded
Libya and Iberia [Spain], and when he had rendered them tributary, he
extended his conquests over the inhabitants of the shores upon the
right of the sea. It is, moreover, related by the Chaldeans that as he
went up into his palace he was possessed by some god; and he cried out
and said:
“Oh! Babylonians, I, Nabucodrosorus, foretell unto you a calamity which
must shortly come to pass, which neither Belus, my ancestor, nor his
queen Beltis, have power to persuade the Fates to turn away. A Persian
mule shall come, and by the assistance of your gods shall impose upon
you the yoke of slavery; the author of which shall be a Mede, the
vainglory of Assyria. Before he should thus betray my subjects, O! that
some sea or whirlpool might receive him, and his memory be blotted out
forever; or that he might be cast out to wander through some desert
where there are neither cities nor the trace of men, a solitary exile
among rocks and caverns, where beasts and birds alone abide. But for
me, before he shall have conceived these mischiefs in his mind a
happier end will be provided.”
When he had thus prophesied, he expired, and was succeeded by his
son Evilmaruchus [Evil-merodach], who was slain by his kinsman
Neriglisares; and Neriglisares left Labassoarascus his son; and when
he also had suffered death by violence, they crowned Nabannidochus
[Nabonidus], who had no connection with the royal family; and in his
reign Cyrus took Babylon, and granted him a principality in Carmania.
And concerning the rebuilding of Babylon by Nabuchodonosor, he
[Megasthenes] writes thus: It is said that from the beginning all
things were water, called the sea; that Belus caused this state of
things to cease, and appointed to each its proper place; and he
surrounded Babylon with a wall; but in process of time this wall
disappeared; and Nabuchodonosor walled it in again, and it remained
so with its brazen gates until the time of the Macedonian conquest.
And after other things he [Megasthenes] says: Nabuchodonosor having
succeeded to the kingdom, built the walls of Babylon in a triple
circuit in fifteen days; and he turned the river Armacale, a branch
of the Euphrates, and the Acracanus; and above the city of Sippara he
dug a receptacle for the waters, whose perimeter was forty parasangs
and whose depth was twenty cubits; and he placed gates at the entrance
thereof, by opening which they irrigated the plains, and these they
called echetognomones (sluices); and he constructed dikes against the
eruptions of the Erythræan Sea, and built the city of Teredon to check
the incursions of the Arabs; and he adorned the palaces with trees,
calling them hanging gardens. [From Abydenus.][b]
NINUS AND SEMIRAMIS
The reader, having already passed in review the chief events of
Mesopotamian history, is aware that the modern historian knows
nothing of a King Ninus, or of any warlike female ruler of Assyria.
Nevertheless this story of Diodorus--the only long account of Assyrian
affairs that has come down to us from antiquity--has true historical
value, as showing the manner of tradition that may be woven about the
half-remembered facts of history. The account has interest for yet
another reason: it is a record that passed current as the authentic
history of Assyria for some eighteen hundred years--from classical
times till after the middle of the nineteenth century.[a]
Asia was anciently govern’d, says Diodorus, by its own Native Kings, of
whom there’s no History extant, either as to any memorable Actions they
perform’d, or so much as to their Names.
Ninus is the First King of Assyria that is recorded in History; he
perform’d many great and noble Actions; of whom we have design’d to set
forth something particularly.
He was naturally of a Warlike Disposition, and very ambitious of Honour
and Glory, and therefore caus’d the strongest of his Young Men to be
train’d up in Martial Discipline, and by long and continual Exercise
inur’d them readily to undergo all the Toyls and Hazards of War.
Having therefore rais’d a gallant Army, he made a League with Arieus
King of Arabia, that was at that time full of strong and valiant Men.
For that Nation are constant Lovers of Liberty, never upon any Terms
admitting of any Foreign Prince: And therefore neither the Persian, nor
the Macedonian Kings after them, (though they were most powerful in
Arms) were ever able to conquer them. For Arabia being partly Desert,
and partly parcht up for want of Water (unless it be in some secret
Wells and Pits known only to the Inhabitants) cannot be subdu’d by any
Foreign Force.
Ninus therefore, the Assyrian King, with the Prince of Arabia his
Assistant, with a numerous Army, invaded the Babylonians, then next
bordering upon him: For the Babylon that is now, was not built at
that time; but the Province of Babylon had in it then many other
considerable Cities, whose Inhabitants he easily subdu’d, (being
rude and unexpert in Matters of War,) and impos’d upon them a Yearly
Tribute; but carried away the King with all his Children Prisoners, and
after put them to Death. Afterwards he entered Armenia with a great
Army, and having overthrown some Cities, he struck Terror into the
rest, and thereupon their King Barzanus seeing himself unable to deal
with him, met him with many rich Presents, and submitted himself; whom
Ninus out of his generous disposition, courteously receiv’d, and gave
him the Kingdom of Armenia, upon condition he should be his Friend for
the future, and supply him with Men and Provision for his Wars as he
should have occasion.
Being thus strengthen’d, he invaded Media, whose King Pharnus coming
out against him with a mighty Army, was utterly routed, and lost most
of his Men, and was taken Prisoner with his Wife and Seven Children,
and afterwards Crucified.
Ninus being thus successful and prosperous, his Ambition rose the
higher, and his desire most ardent to conquer all in Asia, which lay
between Tanais and Nile; (so far does Prosperity and Excess in getting
much, inflame the Desire to gain and compass more). In order hereunto,
he made one of his Friends Governor of the Province of Media, and he
himself in the meantime marcht against the other Provinces of Asia,
and subdu’d them all in Seventeen Years time, except the Indians
and Bactrians. But no Writer has given any Account of the several
Battels he fought, nor of the number of those Nations he conquer’d;
and therefore following Ctesias the Cnidian, we shall only briefly
run over the most famous and considerable Countries. He over-ran all
the Countries bordering upon the Sea, together with the adjoining
Continent, as Egypt and Phenicia, Celo-Syria, Cilicia, Pamphylia,
Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia, and Lydia; the Province of Troas and
Phrygia upon the Hellespont, together with Propontis, Bithynia,
Cappadocia, and the Barbarous Nations adjoyning upon Pontus, as far
as to Tanais; he gain’d likewise the Country of the Caddusians,
Tarpyrians, Hyrcanians, Dacians, Derbians, Carmanians, Choroneans,
Borchanians, and Parthians. He pierc’d likewise into Persia, the
Provinces of Susiana, and that call’d Caspiana, through those narrow
Straits, which from thence are call’d the Caspian Gates. He subdu’d
likewise many other less considerable Nations, which would be too
tedious here to recount. After much toyl and labour in vain, because
of the difficulty of the Passes, and the multitude of those Warlike
Inhabitants, he was forc’d to put off his War against the Bactrians to
another opportunity.
Having marcht back with his Army into Syria, he markt out a Place for
the building of a stately City: For in as much as he had surpast all
his Ancestors in the glory and success of his Arms, he was resolv’d to
build one of that state and grandeur as should not only be the greatest
then in the World, but such as none that ever should come after him
should be able easily to exceed.
The King of Arabia he sent back with his Army into his own Country,
with many rich Spoils, and noble Gifts. And he himself having got a
great number of his Forces together, and provided Mony and Treasure,
and other things necessary for the purpose, built a City near the River
Euphrates, very famous for its Walls and Fortifications; of a long
Form; for on both sides it ran out in length above an Hundred and Fifty
Furlongs; but the Two lesser Angles were only Ninety Furlongs apiece;
so that the Circumference of the whole was Four Hundred and Fourscore
Furlongs. And the Founder was not herein deceived, for none ever after
built the like, either as to the largeness of its Circumference, or the
stateliness of its Walls. For the Wall was an Hundred Foot in Height,
and so broad as Three Chariots might be driven together upon it in
breast: There were Fifteen Hundred Turrets upon the Walls, each of them
Two Hundred Foot high. He appointed the City to be inhabited chiefly by
the richest Assyrians, and gave liberty to People of any other Nation
(to as many as would) to dwell there, and allow’d to the Citizens a
large Territory next adjoining to them, and call’d the City after his
own Name, Ninus.
When he had finish’d his Work here, he marcht with an Army against the
Bactrians, where he marry’d Semiramis; who being so famous above any
of her Sex (as in History it is related) we cannot but say something of
her here in this Place, being one advanc’d from so low a Fortune, to
such a state and degree of Honour and Worldly Glory.
There’s a City in Syria, call’d Ascalon, near which is a deep Lake
abounding with Fish, where not far off stands a Temple dedicated to a
famous Goddess call’d by the Syrians Derceto [Dagon], she represents a
Woman in her Face, and a Fish in all other parts of her Body, upon the
account following, as the most Judicious among the Inhabitants report;
for they say, that Venus being angry at this Goddess, caus’d her to
fall into a vehement pang of Love with a beautiful Young Man, who was
among others sacrificing to her, and was got with Child by him, and
brought to Bed of a Daughter; and being asham’d afterwards of what she
had done, she kill’d the Young Man, and expos’d the Child among Rocks
in the Desert, and through Sorrow and Shame cast her self into the
Lake, and was afterwards transform’d into a Fish; whence it came to
pass, that at this very Day the Syrians eat no Fish, but adore them as
Gods. They say that the Infant that was expos’d, was both preserv’d and
nourish’d by a most wonderful Providence, by the means of a great Flock
of Pigeons that nestled near to the Place where the Child lay; for with
their Wings they cherish’t it, and kept it warm; and observing where
the Herdsmen and other Shepherds left their Milk in the Neighbouring
Cottages, took it up in their Bills, and as so many Nurses thrust their
Beaks between the Infants Lips, and so instil’d the Milk: And when the
Child was a Year old, and stood in need of stronger Nourishment, the
Pigeons fed it with pieces of Cheese which they pickt out from the
rest: When the Shepherds return’d, and found their Cheeses pickt round,
they wondred (at first) at the thing; but observing afterward how it
came to pass, they not only found out the cause, but likewise a very
beautiful Child, which they forthwith carry’d away to their Cottages,
and made a Present of it to the King’s Superintendent of his Flocks
and Herds (whose Name was Simma) who (having no Children of his own)
carefully bred up the Young Lady as if she had been his own Daughter,
and call’d her Semiramis, a denomination in the Syrian Language deriv’d
from Pigeons, which the Syrians ever after ador’d for Goddesses. And
these are the Stories told of Semiramis.
Being now grown up, and exceeding all others of her Sex for the Charms
of her Beauty, one of the King’s great Officers, call’d Menon, was
sent to take an account of the King’s Herds and Flocks: This Man was
Lord President of the King’s Council, and chief Governor of Syria, and
lodging upon this occasion at Simma’s House, at the sight of Semiramis,
fell in love with her, and with much intreaty obtain’d her from Simma,
and carried her away with him to Nineve, where he Marry’d her, and had
by her two Sons, Hypates and Hydaspes: And being a Woman of admirable
Parts as well as Beauty, her Husband was altogether at her Devotion,
and never would do any thing without her Advice, which was ever
successful.
About this time Ninus having finish’d his City (call’d after his own
Name), prepar’d for his Expedition against the Bactrians; and having
had experience of the greatness of their Forces, the valour of their
Souldiers, and the difficulties of passing into their Country, he
rais’d an Army of the choicest Men he could pick out from all Parts of
his Dominions; for because he was baffl’d in his former Expedition,
he was resolv’d to invade Bactria with a far stronger Army than he
did before. Bringing therefore his whole Army together at a General
Randezvouz, there were numbred (as Ctesias writes) Seventeen Hundred
Thousand Foot, above Two Hundred and Ten Thousand Horse, and no fewer
than Ten Thousand and Six Hundred Hooked Chariots. This number at
the first view seems to be very incredible; but to such as seriously
consider the largeness and populousness of Asia, it cannot be judg’d
impossible. For if any (not to say any thing of the Eight Hundred
Thousand Men that Darius had with him in his Expedition against the
Scythians, and the innumerable Army Xerxes brought over with him
into Greece) will but take notice of things done lately, even as of
Yesterday, he’l more easily credit what we now say. For in Sicily
Dionysius led only out of that one City of Syracuse, an Hundred and
Twenty Thousand Foot, and Twelve Thousand Horse; and lancht out of one
Port, a Navy of Four Hundred Sail, of which some were of Three Tyre
of Oars, and others of Five: And the Romans a little before the Times
of Hannibal, rais’d in Italy of their own Citizens and Confederates,
an Army little less than a Million of Fighting Men; and yet all Italy
is not to be compar’d with one Province of Asia for number of Men.
But this may sufficiently convince them that compute the ancient
Populousness of the Countries by the present depopulations of the
Cities at this day.
Ninus therefore marching with these Forces against the Bactrians,
divided his Army into Two Bodies, because of the straitness and
difficulty of the Passages. There are in Bactria many large and
populous Cities, but one is more especially Famous, call’d Bactria,
in which the King’s Palace, for greatness and magnificence, and the
Citadel for strength, far excel all the rest.
Oxyartes reign’d there at this time, who caus’d all that were able,
to bear Arms, and muster’d an Army of Four Hundred Thousand Men. With
these he met the Enemy at the Straights, entering into his Country,
where he suffered Ninus to enter with part of his Army: When he saw
a competent number enter’d, he fell upon them in the open Plain, and
fought them with that resolution, that the Bactrians put the Assyrians
to flight, and pursuing them to the next Mountains, kill’d a Hundred
Thousand of their Enemies; but after the whole Army enter’d, the
Bactrians were overpower’d by number, and were broken, and all fled to
their several Cities, in order to defend every one his own Country.
Ninus easily subdu’d all the rest of the Forts and Castles; but Bactria
itself was so strong and well provided, that he could not force it;
which occasion’d a long and tedious Siege, so that the Husband of
Semiramis (who was there in the King’s Camp) being Love-sick, impatient
of being any longer without his wife, sent for her, who being both
discreet and couragious, and endowed with other noble Qualifications,
readily imbrac’d the opportunity of shewing to the World her own
natural Valour and Resolution; and that she might with more safety
perform so long a Journey, she put on such a Garment as whereby she
could not be discern’d whether she were a Man or a Woman; and so made,
that by it she both preserv’d her Beauty from being scorcht by the heat
in her Journey, and likewise was thereby more nimble and ready for
any business she pleas’d to undertake, being of her self a youthful
and sprightly Lady; and this sort of Garment was in so high esteem,
that the Medes afterwards when they came to be Lords of Asia, wore
Semiramis’s Gown, and the Persians likewise after them.
As soon as she came to Bactria, and observ’d the manner of the Siege,
how Assaults were made only in open and plain Places most likely to
be enter’d, and that none dar’d to approach the Cittadel, because of
its natural Strength and Fortification, and that they within took more
care to defend the lower and weaker parts of the Walls, than the Castle
where they neglected their Guards, she took some with her that were
skilful in climbing up the Rocks, and with them with much Toyl, pass’d
over a deep Trench, and possess’d her self of part of the Castle;
whereupon she gave a Signal to them that were assaulting the Wall upon
the Plain. Then they that were within the City being suddenly struck
with a Panick Fear at the taking of the Castle, in desperation of
making any further defence forsook the Walls.
The City being taken in this manner, the King greatly admir’d the
Valour of the Woman, and bountifully rewarded her, and was presently
so passionately affected at the sight of her Beauty, that he us’d all
the Arguments imaginable to persuade her Husband to bestow his Wife
upon him, promising him as a Reward of his Kindness, to give him his
daughter Sosana in Marriage: But he absolutely refus’d; upon which the
King threaten’d him, that if he would not consent, he would pluck out
his Eyes.
Menon hereupon out of fear of the King’s Threats, and overpower’d with
the Love of his Wife, fell into a distracted Rage and Madness, and
forthwith hang’d himself. And this was the occasion of the advancement
of Semiramis to the Regal state and dignity.
Ninus having now possess’d himself of all the Treasures of Bactria
(where was abundance of Gold and Silver) and settled his Affairs
throughout the whole Province of Bactria, returned with his Army to his
own Country.
Afterwards he had a Son by Semiramis, call’d Ninyas, and dy’d leaving
his Wife Queen Regent. She bury’d her Husband Ninus in the Royal
Palace, and rais’d over him a Mount of Earth of a wonderful bigness,
being Nine Furlongs in height, and ten in breadth, as Ctesias says:
So that the City standing in a Plain near to the River Euphrates, the
Mount (many Furlongs off) looks like a stately Cittadel. And it’s said,
that it continues to this day, though Nineve was destroy’d by the Medes
when they ruin’d the Assyrian Empire.
SEMIRAMIS BUILDS A GREAT CITY
Semiramis was naturally of an high aspiring Spirit, ambitious to excel
all her Predecessors in glorious Actions, and therefore imploy’d all
her Thoughts about the building of a City in the Province of Babylon;
and to this end having provided Architects, Artists, and all other
Necessaries for the Work, She got together Two Millions of Men out of
all Parts of the Empire to be imploy’d in the building of the City.
It was so built as that the River Euphrates ran through the middle of
it, and she compass’d it round with a Wall of Three Hundred and Sixty
Furlongs in Circuit, and adorn’d with many stately Turrets; and such
was the state and grandeur of the Work, that the Walls were of that
breadth, as that Six Chariots abreast might be driven together upon
them. Their height was such as exceeded all Mens belief that heard
of it (as Ctesias Cnidius relates). But Clitarchus, and those who
afterwards went over with Alexander into Asia, have written that the
Walls were in Circuit Three Hundred Sixty Five Furlongs; the Queen
making them of that Compass, to the end that the Furlongs should be as
many in number as the Days of the Year: They were of Brick cemented
with Brimstone; in height as Ctesias says Fifty Orgyas; but as some
of the later Writers report, but Fifty Cubits only, and that the
Breadth was but a little more than what would allow two Chariots to
be driven afront. There were Two Hundred and Fifty Turrets, in height
and thickness proportionable to the largeness of the Wall. It is not
to be wondered at, that there were so few Towers upon a Wall of so
great a Circuit, being that in many Places round the City, there were
deep Morasses; so that it was judg’d to no purpose to raise Turrets
there where they were so naturally fortify’d: Between the Wall and the
Houses, there was a Space left round the City of Two Hundred Foot.
That the Work might be the more speedily dispatcht, to each of her
Friends was allotted a Furlong, with an allowance of all Expences
necessary for their several Parts, and commanded all should be finish’d
in a Years time; which being diligently perfected with the Queen’s
Approbation, she then made a Bridge over the narrowest part of the
River, Five Furlongs in length, laying the Supports and Pillars of the
arches with great Art and Skill in the Bottom of the Water Twelve Foot
distance from each other. That the Stones might be the more firmly
joyn’d, they were bound together with Hooks of Iron, and the Joints
fill’d up with melted Lead. And before the Pillars, she made and placed
Defences, with sharp pointed Angles, to receive the Water before it
beat upon the flat sides of the Pillars, which caus’d the Course of the
Water to run round by degrees gently and moderately as far as to the
broad sides of the Pillars, so that the sharp Points of the Angles cut
the Stream, and gave a check to its violence, and the roundness of them
by little and little giving way, abated the force of the Current. This
bridge was floor’d with great Joices and Planks of Cedar, Cypress and
Palm Trees, and was Thirty Foot in breadth, and for Art and Curiosity,
yielded to none of the works of Semiramis. On either side of the River
she rais’d a Bank, as broad as the Wall, and with great cost drew it
out in length an Hundred Furlongs. She built likewise Two Palaces at
each end of the Bridge upon the Bank of the River, whence she might
have a Prospect over the whole City, and make her Passage as by Keys
to the most convenient Places in it, as she had occasion. And whereas
Euphrates runs through the middle of Babylon, making its course to the
South, the Palaces lye the one on the East and the other on the West
Side of the River; both built at exceeding Costs and Expence. For that
on the West had an high and stately Wall, made of well burnt Brick,
Sixty Furlongs in compass; within this was drawn another of a round
Circumference, upon which were portray’d in the Bricks, before they
were burnt, all sorts of living Creatures, as if it were to the Life,
laid with great Art in curious Colours. This Wall was in Circuit Forty
Furlongs, Three Hundred Bricks thick, and in height (as Ctesias says) a
Hundred Yards, upon which were Turrets an Hundred and Forty Yards high.
The Third and most inward Wall immediately surrounded the Palace,
Thirty Furlongs in Compass, and far surmounted the middle Wall, both in
height and thickness; and on this Wall and the Towers were represented
the Shapes of all sorts of Living Creatures, artificially exprest in
most lively Colours. Especially was represented a General Hunting of
all sorts of wild Beasts, each Four Cubits high and upwards; amongst
these was to be seen Semiramis on Horseback, striking a Leopard through
with a Dart, and next to her, her Husband Ninus in close Fight with a
Lion, piercing him with his Lance. To this Palace she built likewise
Three Gates, under which were Apartments of Brass for Entertainments,
into which Passages were open’d by a certain Engin.
This Palace far excell’d that on the other side of the River, both
in greatness and adornments. For the outmost Wall of that (made of
well burnt Brick) was but Thirty Furlongs in compass. Instead of the
curious Portraiture of Beasts, there were the Brazen Statues of Ninus
and Semiramis, the Great Officers, and of Jupiter, whom the Babylonians
call Belus; and likewise Armies drawn up in Battalia, and divers sorts
of Hunting were there represented, to the great diversion and pleasure
of the Beholders. After all these in a low Ground in Babylon, she
sunk a Place for a Pond Four-square, every Square being Three Hundred
Furlongs in length, lin’d with Brick, and cemented with Brimstone, and
the whole Five and Thirty Foot in depth: Into this having first turn’d
the River, she then made a Passage in nature of a Vault, from one
Palace to another, whose Arches were built of firm and strong Brick,
and plaister’d all over on both sides with Bitumen Four Cubits thick.
The Walls of this Vault were Twenty Bricks in thickness, and Twelve
Foot High, beside and above the Arches; and the breadth was Fifteen
Foot. This Piece of Work being finish’d in Two Hundred and Sixty Days,
the River was turn’d into its ancient Channel again, so that the River
flowing over the whole Work, Semiramis could go from one Palace to the
other, without passing over the River. She made likewise Two Brazen
Gates at either end of the Vault, which continu’d to the time of the
Persian Empire.
In the middle of the City, she built a Temple to Jupiter, whom the
Babylonians call Belus (as we have before said) of which since
Writers differ amongst themselves, and the Work is now wholly decay’d
through length of Time, there’s nothing that can certainly be related
concerning it: Yet it’s apparent it was of an exceeding great height,
and that by the advantage of it, the Chaldean Astrologers exactly
observ’d the setting and rising of the Stars. The whole was built of
Brick, cemented with Brimstone, with great Art and Cost. Upon the top
she plac’d Three Statues of beaten Gold of Jupiter, Juno and Rhea.
That of Jupiter stood upright in the posture as if he were walking; he
was Forty Foot in height, and weigh’d a Thousand Babylonish Talents.
The Statue of Rhea was of the same weight sitting on a Golden Throne,
having Two Lions standing on either side, one at her Knees, and near to
them Two exceeding great Serpents of Silver, weighing Thirty Talents
apiece. Here likewise the Image of Juno stood upright, and weighed
Eight Hundred Talents, grasping a Serpent by the Head in her right
Hand, and holding a Scepter adorn’d with precious Stones in her left.
For all these Deities there was plac’d a Common Table made of beaten
Gold, Forty Foot long, and Fifteen broad, weighing Five Hundred
Talents: Upon which stood Two Cups weighing Thirty Talents, and near to
them as many Censers weighing Three Hundred Talents: There were there
likewise plac’d Three Drinking Bowls of Gold, one of which dedicated
to Jupiter, weigh’d Twelve Hundred Babylonish Talents, but the other
Two Six Hundred apiece; but all those the Persian Kings sacrilegiously
carry’d away. And length of Time has either altogether consum’d, or
much defac’d the Palaces and the other Structures; so that at this day
but a small part of this Babylon is inhabited, and the greatest part
which lay within the Walls is turn’d into Tillage and Pasture.
There was likewise a Hanging Garden (as it’s call’d) near the Citadel,
not built by Semiramis, but by a later Prince, call’d Cyrus, for the
sake of a Curtesan, who being a Persian (as they say) by Birth, and
coveting Meadows on Mountain Tops, desir’d the King by an Artificial
Plantation to imitate the Land in Persia. This Garden was Four Hundred
Foot Square, and the Ascent up to it was as to the Top of a Mountain,
and had Buildings and Apartments out of one into another, like unto
a Theater. Under the Steps to the Ascent, were built Arches one
above another, rising gently by degrees, which supported the whole
Plantation. The highest Arch upon which the Platform of the Garden was
laid, was Fifty Cubits high, and the Garden itself was surrounded with
Battlements and Bulwarks. The Walls were made very strong, built at no
small Charge and Expence, being Two and Twenty Foot thick, and every
Sally-port Ten Foot wide: Over the several Stories of this Fabrick,
were laid Beams and Summers of huge Massy Stones each Sixteen Foot
long, and Four broad.
The Roof over all these was first cover’d with Reeds, daub’d with
abundance of Brimstone; then upon them was laid double Tiles pargeted
together with a hard and durable Mortar (such as we call Plaister
of Paris), and over them after all, was a Covering with Sheets of
Lead, that the Wet which drencht through the Earth, might not rot
the Foundation. Upon all these was laid Earth of a convenient depth,
sufficient for the growth of the greatest Trees. When the Soyl was laid
even and smooth, it was planted with all sorts of Trees, which both for
Greatness and Beauty, might delight the Spectators. The Arches (which
stood one above another, and by that means darted light sufficient one
into another) had in them many stately Rooms of all Kinds, and for all
purposes. But there was one that had in it certain Engins, whereby it
drew plenty of Water out of the River through certain Conduits and
Conveyances from the Platform of the Garden, and no body without was
the wiser, or knew what was done. This Garden (as we said before) was
built in later Ages.
But Semiramis built likewise other Cities upon the Banks of Euphrates
and Tigris, where she establish’d Marts for the vending of Merchandize
brought from Media and Paretacena, and other Neighbouring Countries.
For next to Nile and Ganges, Euphrates and Tigris are the noblest
Rivers of all Asia, and have their Spring-heads in the Mountains of
Arabia, and are distant one from another Fifteen Hundred Furlongs. They
run through Media and Paretacena into Mesopotamia, which from its lying
in the middle between these Two Rivers, has gain’d from them that Name;
thence passing through the Province of Babylon, they empty themselves
into the Red Sea. These being very large Rivers, and passing through
divers Countries, greatly inrich the Merchants that traffick in those
Parts; so that the Neighbouring Places are full of Wealthy Mart Towns,
and greatly advanc’d the glory and majesty of Babylon.
Semiramis likewise caus’d a great Stone to be cut out of the Mountains
of Armenia, an Hundred and Twenty Five Foot in length, and Five in
breadth and thickness; this she convey’d to the River by the help
of many Yokes of Oxen and Asses, and there put it Aboard a Ship,
and brought it safe by Water to Babylon, and set it up in the most
remarkable High-way as a wonderful Spectacle to all Beholders. From
its shape it’s call’d an Obelisk (Obelos in Greek signifies a Spit)
and is accounted one of the Seven Wonders of the World. There are
indeed many remarkable and wonderful things to be seen in Babylon;
but amongst these, the great quantity of Brimstone that there flows
out of the Ground, is not to be the least admir’d, which is so much,
that it not only supply’d all their occasions in building such great
and mighty Works, but the common People profusely gather it, and when
it’s dry, burn it instead of Fewel; and though it be drawn out by an
innumerable Company of People, as from a great Fountain, yet it’s as
plentiful as ever it was before. Near this Fountain there’s a Spring
not big, but very fierce and violent, for it casts forth a Sulphureous
and gross Vapour, which suddenly kills every living Creature that comes
near to it; for the Breath being stopt a long time, and all power
of Respiration taken away by the force of the Exhalation, the Body
presently swells so, that the Parts about the Lungs are all in a Flame.
Beyond the River there is a Morass, about which is a crusty Earth; if
any unacquainted with the Place get into it, at first he floats upon
the Top, when he comes into the Middle he’s violently hal’d away,
and striving to help himself, seems to be held so fast by something
or other, that all his Labour to get loose is in vain. And first his
Feet, then his Legs and Thighs to his Loyns are benumm’d, at length
his whole Body is stupify’d, and then down he sinks to the Bottom, and
presently after is cast up dead to the Surface. And thus much for the
Wonders of Babylon.
SEMIRAMIS BEGINS A CAREER OF CONQUEST
When Semiramis had finish’d all her Works, she marcht with a great Army
into Media, and encamp’d near to a Mountain call’d Bagistan; there she
made a Garden twelve Furlongs in Compass: It was in a plain Champain
Country, and had a great Fountain in it, which water’d the whole
Garden. Mount Bagistan is dedicated to Jupiter, and towards one side
of the Garden has steep Rocks seventeen Furlongs from the Top to the
Bottom. She cut out a Piece of the lower Part of the Rock, and caus’d
her own Image to be carv’d upon it, and a Hundred of her Guard that
were Launceteers standing round about her. She wrote likewise in Syriac
Letters upon the Rock, That Semiramis ascended from the Plain to the
Top of the Mountain by laying the Packs and Fardles of the Beasts that
follow’d her one upon another.
Marching away from hence, she came to Chaone, a City of Media, where
she incamp’d upon a rising Ground, from whence she took notice of an
exceeding great and high Rock, where she made another very great Garden
in the very Middle of the Rock, and built upon it stately Houses of
Pleasure, whence she might both have a delightful Prospect into the
Garden, and view the Army as they lay incamp’d below in the Plain;
being much delighted with this Place she stay’d here a considerable
Time, giving up her self to all kinds of Pleasures and Delights,
for she forbore marrying lest she should then be depos’d from the
Government, and in the mean time she made Choice of the handsomest
Commanders to be her Gallants; but after they had layn with her she cut
off their Heads.
From hence she march’d towards Ecbatana, and arriv’d at the Mountain
Zarcheum, which being many Furlongs in Extent, and full of steep
Precipices and craggy Rocks, there was no passing but by long and
tedious Windings and Turnings. To leave therefore behind her an Eternal
Monument of her Name, and to make a short Cut for her Passage, she
caus’d the Rocks to be hew’d down, and the Valleys to be fill’d up with
Earth, and so in a short time at a vast Expence laid the Way open and
plain, which to this day is call’d Semiramis’s Way.
When she came to Ecbatana, which is situated in a low and even Plain,
she built there a stately Palace, and bestow’d more of her Care and
Pains here than she had done at any other Place. For the City wanting
Water (there being no Spring near) she plentifully supply’d it with
good and wholesom Water, brought thither with a great deal of Toyl and
Expence, after this manner: There’s a Mountain call’d Orontes, twelve
Furlongs distant from the City, exceeding high and steep for the Space
of five and twenty Furlongs up to the Top; on the other side of this
Mount there’s a great Mear which empties it self into the River. At the
Foot of this Mountain she dug a Canal fifteen Foot in Breadth and Forty
in Depth, through which she convey’d Water in great Abundance into the
City. And these are the Things which she did in Media.
Afterwards she made a Progress through Persia and all the rest of her
Dominions in Asia, and all along as she went she plain’d all the Way
before her, levelling both Rocks and Mountains. On the other hand
in Champain Countries she would raise Eminences on which she would
sometimes build Sepulchres for her Officers and Commanders, and at
other times Towns and Cities. Throughout her whole Expeditions she
always us’d to raise an Ascent, upon which she pitcht her own Pavilion,
that from thence she might have a View of her whole Army. Many Things
which she perform’d in Asia remain to this day, and are call’d
Semiramis’s Works.
Afterwards she pass’d through all Egypt, and having conquer’d the
greatest Part of Lybia, she went to the Temple of Jupiter Hammon, and
there inquir’d of the Oracle how long she should live; which return’d
her this Answer, That she should leave this World and afterwards be for
ever honour’d by some Nations in Asia, when Ninyas her Son should be
plotting against her.
When she had perform’d these things, she marcht into Ethiopia, and
having subdu’d many Places in it, she had an Opportunity to see what
was there very remarkable and wonderful. For they say there’s a
foursquare Lake, a hundred and sixty Foot in Circuit, the Water of
which is in Colour like unto Vermilion, and of an extraordinary sweet
Flavour, much like unto old Wine; yet of such wonderful Operation, that
whosoever drinks of it goes presently mad, and confesses all the faults
that ever he had been before guilty of; but some will scarce believe
this Relation.
The Ethiopians have a peculiar way of burying their Dead; for after
they have embalm’d the Body they pour round about it melted Glass, and
then place it upon a Pillar, so that the Corps may be plainly seen
through the Glass, as Herodotus has reported the thing. But Ctesias of
Cnidus affirms that he tells a Winter-tale, and says that it’s true
indeed that the Body is embalm’d, but that Glass is not pour’d upon the
naked Body, for the Bodies thereby would be so scorch’d and defac’d
that they could not possibly retain any likeness to the dead: And that
therefore they make an hollow Statue of Gold, and put the Body within
it and then pour the melted Glass round upon this Statue, which they
set upon some high Place, and so the Statue which resembles the dead
is seen through the Glass, and thus he says they used to bury those of
the richer Sort; But those of meaner Fortunes they put into Statues of
Silver; and for the poor they make Statues of Potter’s Clay, every one
having Glass enough, for there’s Abundance to be got in Ethiopia, and
ready at hand for all the Inhabitants. But we shall speak more fully of
the Customs and Laws of the Ethiopians and the Product of the Land and
other things worthy of Remark presently when we come to relate their
Antiquities and old Fables and Stories.
SEMIRAMIS INVADES INDIA
Semiramis having settl’d her affairs in Egypt and Ethiopia, return’d
with her Army into Asia to Bactria: And now having a great Army, and
enjoying a long Peace, she had a longing Desire to perform some notable
Exploit by her Arms. Hearing therefore that the Indians were the
greatest Nation in the whole World, and had the largest and richest
Tract of Land of all others, she resolv’d to make War upon them.
Stabrobates was at that time King, who had innumerable Forces, and many
Elephants bravely accoutred and fitted to strike Terror into the Hearts
of his Enemies. For India for the Pleasantness of the Country excell’d
all others, being water’d in every Place with many Rivers, so that the
Land yielded every year a double Crop; and by that Means was so rich
and so abounded with Plenty of all things necessary for the Sustenance
of Man’s Life, that it supply’d the Inhabitants continually with such
things as made them excessively rich, insomuch as it was never known
that there was ever any Famine amongst them, the Climate being so happy
and favourable; and upon that account likewise there’s an incredible
Number of Elephants, which for Courage and Strength of Body far excel
those in Africa. Moreover this country abounds in Gold, Silver, Brass,
Iron and pretious Stones of all sorts, both for Profit and Pleasure.
All which being nois’d abroad, so stirr’d up the Spirit of Semiramis,
that (tho’ she had no Provocation given her), yet she was resolv’d upon
the War against the Indians. But knowing that she had need of great
Forces, she sent Dispatches to all the Provinces, with Command to the
Governors to list the choicest young Men they could find, ordering the
Proportion of Souldiers every Province and Country should send forth
according to the largeness of it; and commanded that all should furnish
themselves with new Arms and Armour, and all appear in three years time
at a general Randezvouz in Bactria bravely arm’d and accoutred in all
Points. And having sent the Shipwrights out to Phœnicia, Syria, Cyprus,
and other Places bordering upon the Sea-costs, she prepar’d Timber for
them fit for the Purpose, and order’d them to build Vessels that might
be taken asunder and convey’d from place to place wherever she pleas’d.
For the River Indus bordering upon that Kingdom being the greatest in
those parts, she stood in need of many River-boats to pass it in Order
to repress the Indians. But being there was no Timber near that River
she was necessitated to convey the Boats thither by Land from Bactria.
She further consider’d that she was much inferior to the Indians for
Elephants (which were absolutely necessary for her to make use of) she
therefore contriv’d to have Beasts that should resemble them, hoping by
this Means to strike a Terror into the Indians, who believ’d there were
no Elephants in any place but India.
To this End she provided three hundred thousand black Oxen, and
distributed the Flesh amongst a Company of ordinary Mechanicks and such
Fellows as she had to play the Coblers for her, and ordered them by
stitching the Skins together and stuffing them with Straw to imitate
the Shape of an Elephant, and in every one of them she put a Man to
govern them, and a Camel to carry them, so that at a distance they
appear’d to all that saw them as if they were really such Beasts.
They that were imploy’d in this Work wrought at it night and day in a
Place which was wall’d round for the Purpose, and Guards set at every
Gate, that none might be admitted either to go in or out, to the end
that none might see what they were doing, lest it should be nois’d
abroad and come to the Ears of the Indians.
Having therefore provided Shipping and Elephants in the space of two
years, in the third she randezvouz’d all her Forces in Bactria. Her
Army consisted (as Ctesias says) of three Millions of Foot, two hundred
Thousand Horse, and a hundred Thousand Chariots, and a hundred Thousand
Men mounted upon Camels with Swords four Cubits long. The Boats that
might be taken asunder were two Thousand; which the Camels carry’d
by Land as they did the Mock-Elephants, as we have before declar’d.
The Souldiers made their Horses familiar with these feign’d Beasts by
bringing them often to them, lest they should be terrify’d at the Sight
of them; which Perseus imitated many Ages after when he was to fight
with the Romans, who had Elephants in their Army out of Africa. However
this contrivance prov’d to be of no Advantage either to him or her, as
will appear in the Issue herein a little after related.
When Stabrobates the Indian King heard of these great Armies and the
mighty Preparations made against him, he did all he could to excel
Semiramis in everything. And first he built of great Canes four
Thousand River-boats: For abundance of these Canes grow in India about
the Rivers and Fenns, so thick as a Man can scarce fathom: And Vessels
made of these Reeds (they say) are exceeding useful, because they’l
never rot or be worm-eaten.
He was very diligent likewise in preparing of Arms and going from Place
to Place throughout all India, and so rais’d a far greater Army than
that of Semiramis. To his former Number of Elephants he added more,
which he took by hunting, and furnish’d them all with everything that
might make them look terrible in the Face of their Enemies, so that
by their Multitude and the Compleatness of their Armour in all Points
it seem’d above the Strength and Power of Man to bear up against the
violent Shock of these Creatures.
Having therefore made all these Preparations, he sent Embassadours to
Semiramis (as she was on her March towards him) to complain and upbraid
her for beginning a War without any Provocation or Injury offer’d her;
and by his private Letters taxed her with her whorish Course of Life,
and vow’d (calling the Gods to witness) that if he conquer’d her he
would nail her to the Cross. When she read the Letters, she smil’d, and
said, the Indian should presently have a Trial of her Valour by her
Actions. When she came up with her Army to the River Indus she found
the Enemies Fleet drawn up in a Line of Battle; whereupon she forthwith
drew up her own, and having mann’d it with the stoutest Souldiers,
joyn’d Battle, yet so ordering the Matter as to have her Land-forces
ready upon the Shoar to be assisting as there should be Occasion. After
a long and sharp Fight with Marks of Valour on both sides, Semiramis
was at length victorious, and sunk a Thousand of the Enemies Vessels,
and took a great number of Prisoners. Puffed up with this Success she
took in all the Cities and Islands that lay in the River, and carry’d
away a hundred Thousand Captives. After this the Indian King drew off
his Army (as if he fled for Fear) but in Truth to decoy his Enemies to
pass the River.
Semiramis therefore (seeing things fall out according to her wish) laid
a broad Bridge of Boats (at a vast Charge) over the River, and thereby
passed over all her Forces, leaving only threescore Thousand to guard
the Bridge, and with the rest of her Army pursu’d the Indians. She
plac’d the Mock-Elephants in the Front that the Enemies Scouts might
presently inform the King what Multitudes of Elephants she had in her
Army: And she was not deceiv’d in her hopes; for when the Spies gave
an Account to the Indians what a great Multitude of these Creatures
were advancing towards them, they were all in amaze, inquiring among
themselves, whence the Assyrians should be supply’d with such a vast
number of Elephants: But the Cheat could not be long conceal’d, for
some of Semiramis’s Souldiers being laid by the Heels for their
Carelessness upon the Guard (through Fear of further Punishment) made
their Escape and fled to the Enemy, and undeceiv’d them as to the
Elephants; upon which the Indian King was mightily encourag’d, and
caus’d Notice of the Delusion to be spread through the whole Army,
and then forthwith march’d with all his Force against the Assyrians,
Semiramis on the other hand doing the like.
When they approach’d near one to another, Stabrobates the Indian King
plac’d his Horse and Chariots in the Van-guard at a good distance
before the main Body of his Army. The Queen having plac’d her
Mock-Elephants at the like distance from her main Body, valiantly
receiv’d her Enemies Charge; but the Indian Horse were most strangely
terrify’d; for in Regard the Phantasms at a distance seem’d to be real
Elephants, the Horses of the Indians (being inur’d to those Creatures)
prest boldly and undauntedly forward; but when they came near and saw
another sort of Beast than usual, and the smell and every thing else
almost being strange and new to them, they broke in with great Terror
and Confusion, one upon another, so that they cast some of their Riders
headlong to the Ground, and ran away with others (as the Lot happen’d)
into the midst of their Enemies.
Whereupon Semiramis readily making use of her Advantage, with a Body
of choice Men fell in upon them, and routed them, forcing them back to
their main Body: And though Stabrobates was something astonish’d at
this unexpected Defeat, yet he brought up his Foot against the Enemy
with his Elephants in the Front: He himself was in the right Wing,
mounted upon a stately Elephant, and made a fierce Charge upon the
Queen her self, who happen’d then to be opposite to him in the left.
And tho’ the Mock-Elephants in Semiramis’s Army did the like, yet they
stood the violent shock of the other but a little while, for the Indian
Beasts being both exceeding strong and stout, easily bore down and
destroy’d all that oppos’d them, so that there was a great Slaughter;
for some they trampl’d under foot, others they rent in pieces with
their Teeth, and toss’d up others with their Trunks into the Air. The
Ground therefore being cover’d with Heaps of dead Carcases and nothing
but Death and Destruction to be seen on every hand, so that all were
full of Horror and Amazement, none durst keep their Order or Ranks any
longer.
Upon which the whole Assyrian Army fled outright, and the Indian King
encountered with Semiramis, and first wounded her with an Arrow in the
Arm, and afterwards with a Dart (in wheeling about) in the Shoulder,
whereupon the Queen (her Wounds not being mortal) fled, and by the
Swiftness of her Horse (which far exceeded the other that pursu’d her)
she got off. But all making one way to the Bridge of Boats, and such
a vast Multitude of Men thronging together in one strait and narrow
Passage, the Queen’s Souldiers miserably perish’d by treading down one
another under foot, and (which was strange and unusual) Horse and Foot
lay tumbling promiscuously one over another.
When they came at length to the Bridge, and the Indians at their
Heels, the consternation was so great that many on both sides the
Bridge were tumbled over into the River. But when the greatest part
of those that remain’d had got over, Semiramis caus’d the Cords and
Tenons of the Bridge to be cut, which done, the Boats (which were
before joyn’d together, and upon which was a great Number of Indians
not in the Pursuit) being now divided into many Parts, and carry’d
here and there by the force of the Current, Multitudes of the Indians
were drown’d, and Semiramis was now safe and secure, having such a
Barrier as the River betwixt her and her Enemies. Whereupon the Indian
King being forewarn’d by Prodigies from Heaven and the Opinions of the
Soothsayers, forbore all further pursuit. And Semiramis making Exchange
of Prisoners in Bactria return’d with scarce a third part of her Army.
A little time after, Semiramis being assaulted by an Eunuch through
the treacherous Contrivance of her Son, remembred the former Answer
given her by the Oracle at the Temple of Hammon, and therefore pass’d
the Business over without punishing of him who was chiefly concern’d
in the Plot: But surrendring the Crown to him, commanded all to obey
him as their lawful King, and forthwith disappear’d as if she had been
translated to the Gods, according to the Words of the Oracle. There
are some which fabulously say she was metamorphos’d into a Pigeon; and
that she flew away with a Flock of those Birds that lighted upon her
Palace: And hence it is that the Assyrians adore a Dove, believing
that Semiramis was enthron’d amongst the Gods. And this was the End
of Semiramis Queen of all Asia, except India, after she had liv’d
Sixty two years, and reign’d Forty two. And these are the Things which
Ctesias the Cnidian reports of her in his History.
ANOTHER VIEW OF SEMIRAMIS
Athenæus, and some other Writers, affirm that she was a most beautiful
Strumpet, and upon that account the King of Assyria fell in Love with
her, and at first was taken into his Favour, and at length becoming
his lawful Wife she prevail’d with her Husband to grant her the sole
and absolute Authority of the regal Government for the space of five
days. Taking therefore upon her the Scepter and royal Mantle of the
Kingdom, the first day she made a sumptuous Banquet and magnificent
Entertainments, to which she invited the Generals of the Army and all
the Nobility, in order to be observant to all her Commands.
The next day having both great and small at her beck, she committed her
Husband to the Gaol: And in Regard she was of a bold and daring Spirit,
apt and ready to undertake any great Matters, she easily gain’d the
Kingdom, which she held to the time of her old Age, and became famous
for her many great and wonderful Acts: And these are the Things which
Historians variously relate concerning her.[c]
The second account of Semiramis which Diodorus summarises in the
concluding paragraph above from “Athenæus and some other writers” would
appear to have been widely accepted in classical times. The same story
is told by Ælianus, and is worth quoting, if for nothing else, for the
quaintness of diction of Fleming’s sixteenth century translation.
“Of Semiramis some say this, and some set downe that, and amonge all
other thinges this (as deserving a monument of sempeternall memorye)
is recorded that shee was the moste bewtifull, the most amiable Lady
and Queene throughout the universall worlde, albeit shee dyd litle
regarde her fine proporcion, her excellent comlynesse, her angelicall
grace: and had no respect to the trymming and decking of her body
with gorgeous garments, and robes of royalty. It fortuned that this
Semiramis, by reason of the rumor and fame of her surpassing beauty,
was sent for into Assiria, that the king of that region might satisfie
himselfe with the sight of her peerelesse majestie, before whose
presence she came according to the tennor of the message.
“The King of Assiria, had no sooner cast his wanton eye upon her, but
was forthwith inflamed with the fire of affection towardes her. After
certaine circumstances over passed, she required of the King a rich
rewarde, namely, a robe of estate, the government of Asia for five
dayes continuaunce, and the absolute authorytie in all thinges that
were done in the kingdome. Which peticion of the Queene was granted
unto by the King, no deniall made to the contrary. In conclusion when
she was set and established in the throne of majesty, and had gotten
all things (without exception) in the gripes of her aspiryng minde she
commanded the King to be slayne, whereby he was dispossessed of his
dominion, and she presently thereupon enjoyed the scepter and crowne
imperiall over Assiria universall.”[d]
REIGN OF NINYAS TO SARDANAPALUS
To complete our view of the classical traditions regarding Assyria, we
must hear what Diodorus has to tell us of the successors of Semiramis.
Comparison of his account with the lists of Assyrian monarchs, as
now known to us, will show how greatly the perspective of Assyrian
history was foreshortened as viewed by the classical eye, and how
vague appeared the outline of the historical picture. Not even the
names of the greatest of oriental monarchs were remembered, though the
reminiscences of their deeds had not quite been forgotten. We shall
see in subsequent chapters how the names and the accurate records of
the deeds were restored to history. It may be added, however, that
no authentic account of the destruction of Nineveh has been as yet
recovered. For aught that is known to the contrary, the picturesque
story of Sardanapalus, as narrated by Diodorus, may be true in its
essentials, though it is improbable that the name of the last ruler of
Nineveh is correctly given. Still, the rather theatrical character of
the Greek conception of oriental customs is not to be forgotten.
It should be added that modern historians are not quite agreed as
to the exact period of Assyrian history to which the Sardanapalus
stories were applied. Lenormant was disposed to believe that the
Greek tradition was based upon reminiscences of a relatively early
destruction of Nineveh. It is known that the Assyrian Empire suffered
a partial eclipse after its first period of greatness, and it is
possible that some unknown king of about the tenth century B.C. was the
original of the Sardanapalus fable. Most recent historians, however,
are disposed to think that the Greek story really applies to the final
destruction of Nineveh, and that Asshurbanapal was the historical
monarch whose vaguely remembered deeds gave foundation to the chief
features of the story. The fact that Asshurbanapal was so great a
connoisseur of literature and art, lends a certain colour to this
supposition. It is of course understood that Asshurbanapal was not the
last ruler of Nineveh, and that the Greek myth, if based upon his life,
erred in associating him with the final catastrophe.[a] Here is the
story as Diodorus tells it:
Ninyas the Son of Ninus and Semiramis, succeeded, and reign’d
peaceably, nothing at all like his Mother for Valour and martial
Affairs. For he spent all his Time shut up in his Palace, insomuch as
he was never seen of any but of his Concubines and Eunuchs; for being
given up wholly to his Pleasures, he shook off all Cares and everything
that might be irksome and troublesome, placing all the Happiness of a
King in a Sordid Indulgence of all sorts of Voluptuousness. But that he
might reign the more securely, and be fear’d of all his Subjects, every
year he rais’d out of every Province a certain number of Souldiers,
under their several Generals, and having brought them in the City,
over every Country appointed such a Governor as he could most confide
in, and were most at his Devotion. At the end of the year he rais’d
as many more out of the Provinces, and sent the former home, taking
first of them an Oath of Fidelity. And this he did, that his Subjects
observing how he always had a great Army ready in the Field, those
of them who were inclin’d to be refractory or rebel (out of fear
of Punishment) might continue firm in their due Obedience. And the
further Ground likewise of this Yearly Change was, that the Officers
and Souldiers might from time to time be disbanded before they could
have time to be well acquainted one with another. For length of Time
in martial Imployments so improves the Skill and advances the Courage
and Resolution of the Commanders, that many times they conspire against
their Princes, and wholly fall off from their Allegiance.
His living thus close and unseen, was a covert to the Voluptuous Course
of his Life, and in the meantime (as if he had been a God) none durst
in the least mutter anything against him. And in this manner (creating
Commanders of his Army, constituting of Governors in Provinces,
appointing the Chamberlains and Officers of his Houshold, placing of
Judges in their several Countries, and the ordering and disposing of
all other Matters as he thought fit most for his own Advantage) he
spent his Days in Nineve.
After the same manner almost liv’d all the rest of the Kings for the
space of Thirty Generations, in a continu’d Line of Succession from
Father to Son, to the very Reign of Sardanapalus; in whose time the
Empire of the Assyrians devolv’d upon the Medes, after it had continu’d
above Thirteen Hundred and Sixty Years, as Ctesias the Cnidian says
in his Second Book. But it’s needless to recite their Names, or how
long each of them reign’d, in regard none of them did any thing worth
remembring, save only that it may deserve an Account how the Assyrians
assisted the Trojans, by sending them some Forces under the Command of
Memnon the Son of Tithon.
For when Teutamus reign’d in Asia, who was the Twentieth from Ninyas
the Son of Semiramis, it’s said the Grecians under their General
Agamemnon, made War upon the Trojans, at which time the Assyrians had
been Lords of Asia above a Thousand Years. For Priam the King of Troy
(being a Prince under the Assyrian Empire, when War was made upon him)
sent Ambassadors to crave aid of Teutamus, who sent him Ten Thousand
Ethiopians, and as many out of the Province of Susiana, with Two
Hundred Chariots under the Conduct of Memnon the Son of Tithon. For
this Tithon at that time was Governor of Persia, and in special Favour
with the King above all the rest of the Princes: And Memnon was in the
Flower of his Age, strong and couragious, and had built a Pallace in
the Cittadel of Susa, which retain’d the Name of Memnonia to the time
of the Persian Empire. He pav’d also there a Common High-way, which is
call’d Memnon’s Way to this day. But the Ethiopians of Egypt question
this, and say that Memnon was their Countryman, and shew several
antient Palaces which (they say) retain his Name at this day, being
call’d Memnon’s Palaces.
Notwithstanding, however it be as to this matter, yet it has been
generally and constantly held for a certain Truth, that Memnon led to
Troy Twenty Thousand Foot, and Two Hundred Chariots, and signaliz’d his
Valour with great Honour and Reputation, with the Death and Destruction
of many of the Greeks, till at length he was slain by an Ambuscade laid
for him by the Thessalians. But the Ethiopians recover’d his Body, and
burnt it, and brought back his Bones to Tithon. And these things the
Barbarians say are recorded of Memnon in the Histories of their Kings.
Sardanapalus, the Thirtieth from Ninus, and the last King of the
Assyrians, exceeded all his Predecessors in Sloth and Luxury; for
besides that, he was seen of none out of his Family, he led a most
effeminate Life: For wallowing in pleasure and wanton Dalliances,
he cloathed himself in Womens Attire, and spun fine Wool and Purple
amongst the throngs of his Concubines. He painted likewise his Face,
and deckt his whole Body with other Allurements and proceeded to such
a degree of Voluptuousness and sordid Uncleanness, that he compos’d
Verses for his Epitaph, with a Command to his Successors to have them
inscrib’d upon his Tomb after his Death, which were thus Translated by
a Grecian out of the Barbarian Language (An Epitaph fitter for an Ox
than a Man, says Aristotle),
What once I gorg’d I now enjoy,
And wanton Lusts me still imploy.
All other things by Mortals priz’d,
Are left as Dirt by me despis’d.
Being thus corrupt in his Morals, he not only came to a miserable
end himself, but utterly overturn’d the Assyrian Monarchy, which had
continu’d longer than any we read of.
For Arbaces a Mede, a Valiant and Prudent Man, and General of the
Forces which were sent every Year out of Media to Nineve, was stir’d up
by the Governor of Babylon (his Fellow Soldier, and with whom he had
contracted an intimate familiarity) to overthrow the Assyrian Empire.
This Captain’s Name was Belesis, a most Famous Babylonian Priest, one
of those call’d Caldeans, expert in Astrology and Divinations; of
great Reputation upon the account of foretelling future Events, which
happen’d accordingly. Amongst others, he told his Friend, the Median
General, that he should depose Sardanapalus, and be Lord of all his
Dominions. Arbaces hereupon hearkning to what he said, promis’d him,
that if he succeeded in his Attempt, Belesis should be chief Governor
of the Province of Babylon: Being therefore fully persuaded of the
truth of what was foretold, as if he had receiv’d it from an Oracle,
he enter’d into an Association with the Governors of the rest of the
Provinces, and by feasting and caressing of them, gain’d all their
Hearts and Affections. He made it likewise his great business to get
a sight of the King, that he might observe the Course and manner of
his Life; to this end he bestow’d a Cup of Gold upon an Eunuch, by
whom being introduc’d into the King’s Presence, he perfectly came to
understand his Lasciviousness, and Effeminate course of Life. Upon
sight of him, he contemn’d and despis’d him as a Vile and Worthless
Wretch, and thereupon was much more earnest to accomplish what the
Chaldean had before declar’d to him. At length he conspir’d with
Belesis so far, as that he himself persuaded the Medes and Persians
to a defection, and the other brought the Babylonians into the
Confederacy. He imparted likewise his Design to the King of Arabia, who
was at this time his special Friend.
And now the Years attendance of the Army being at an end, new Troops
succeeded, and came into their Place, and the former were sent every
one here and there, into their several Countries. Hereupon Arbaces
prevail’d with the Medes to invade the Assyrian Empire, and drew in the
Persians in hopes of Liberty, to join in the Confederacy. Belesis in
like manner persuaded the Babylonians to stand up for their Liberties.
He sent Messengers also into Arabia, and gain’d that Prince (who was
both his Friend, and had been his Guest) for a Confederate.
When therefore the Yearly Course was run out, all these with a great
number of forces flockt together to Nineve, in shew to serve their Turn
according to custom, but in truth to overturn the Assyrian Empire. The
whole number of Soldiers now got together out of those Four Provinces,
amounted to Four Hundred Thousand Men. All these (being now in one
Camp) call’d a Council of War in order to consult what was to be done.
Sardanapalus being inform’d of the Revolt, led forth the Forces of the
rest of the Provinces against them; whereupon a Battel being fought,
the Rebels were totally routed, and with a great Slaughter were forc’d
to the Mountains Seventy Furlongs from Nineve.
Being drawn up a Second time in Battalia to try their Fortune in the
Field, and now fac’d by the Enemy, Sardanapalus caus’d a Proclamation
to be made by the Heralds, that whosoever kill’d Arbaces the Mede,
should receive as a Reward, Two Hundred Talents of Gold, and double the
Sum to him (together with the Government of Media,) who should take him
alive. The like Sum he promis’d to such as should kill Belesis, or take
him alive. But not being wrought upon by these Promises, he fought them
again, and destroy’d many of the Rebels, and forc’d the rest to fly to
their Camp upon the Hills.
Arbaces being disheartn’d with these Misfortunes, call’d a Council
of War to consider what was fit further to be done: The greater part
were for returning into their own Countries, and possess themselves of
the strongest Places, in order to fit and furnish themselves with all
things further necessary for the War. But when Belesis the Babylonian
assur’d them that the Gods promis’d, that after many Toyls and Labours
they should have good success, and all should end well, and had us’d
several other Arguments (such as he thought best) he prevail’d with
them to resolve to run through all the hazards of the War.
Another Battle therefore was fought, wherein the King gain’d a third
Victory, and pursu’d the Revolters as far as to the Mountains of
Babylon. In this Fight Arbaces himself was wounded, though he fought
stoutly, and slew many of the Assyrians with his own Hand.
After so many Defeats and Misfortunes one upon the neck of another,
the Conspirators altogether despair’d of Victory, and therefore
the Commanders resolv’d every one to return to their own Country.
But Belesis, who lay all that Night Star-gazing in the open Field,
prognosticated to them the next day, that if they would but continue
together Five Days, unexpected Help would come, and they would see
a mighty change, and that Affairs would have a contrary aspect to
what they then had; for he affirm’d, that through his Knowledge in
Astrology, he understood that the Gods portended so much by the Stars;
therefore he intreated them to stay so many days, and make trial of his
Art, and wait so long to have an Experiment of the Goodness of the Gods.
All being thus brought back, and waiting till the time appointed,
News on a sudden was brought that mighty Forces were at hand, sent to
the King out of Bactria. Hereupon Arbaces resolv’d with the stoutest
and swiftest Soldiers of the Army, forthwith to make out against the
Captains that were advancing, and either by fair words to perswade
them to a defection, or by Blows to force them to join with them in
their Design. But Liberty being sweet to every one of them, first
the Captains and Commanders were easily wrought upon, and presently
after the whole Army join’d, and made up one intire Camp together. It
happen’d at that time, that the King of Assiria not knowing any thing
of the Revolt of the Bactrians, and puft up by his former Successes,
was indulging his Sloath and Idleness, and preparing Beasts for
Sacrifice, plenty of Wine, and other things necessary in order to feast
and entertain his Soldiers.
While his whole Army was now feasting and revelling, Arbaces (receiving
intelligence by some Deserters of the Security and Intemperance of the
Enemy) fell in upon them on the sudden in the Night; and being in due
order and discipline, and setting upon such as were in confusion, he
being before prepar’d, and the other altogether unprovided, they easily
broke into their Camp, and made a great Slaughter of some, forcing the
rest into the City.
THE DESTRUCTION OF NINEVEH
Hereupon Sardanapalus committed the charge of the whole Army to
Salemenus his Wife’s Brother, and took upon himself the defence of the
City. But the Rebels twice defeated the King’s Forces, once in the open
Field, and the Second time before the Walls of the City; in which last
ingagement Salemenus was kill’d, and almost all his Army lost, some
being cut off in the pursuit, and the rest (save a very few) being
intercepted, and prevented from entring into the City, were driven
headlong into the River Euphrates; and the number of the Slain was
so great, that the River was dy’d over with Blood, and retain’d that
Colour for a great distance, and a long course together.
The King being afterwards besieg’d, many of the Nations (through desire
of Liberty) revolted to the Confederates; so that Sardanapalus now
perceiving that the Kingdom was like to be lost, sent away his Three
Sons and Two Daughters, with a great deal of Treasure into Paphlagonia,
to Cotta, the Governor there, his most intire friend; and sent posts
into all the Provinces of the Kingdom, in order to raise Souldiers,
and make all other Preparations necessary to indure a siege. And he
was the more incouraged to this, for that he was acquainted with an
ancient Prophesy, That Nineve could never be taken by force, till the
River became the City’s Enemy; which the more incourag’d him to hold
out, because he conceiv’d that was never like to be; therefore he
resolv’d to indure the Siege till the Aids which he expected out of the
Provinces came up to him.
The Enemy on the other hand grown more couragious by their Successes,
eagerly urg’d on the Siege, but made little impression on the Besieg’d
by reason of the strength of the Walls; for Ballistes to cast Stones,
Testudos to cast up Mounts, and Battering Rams were not known in those
Ages. And besides (to say truth) the King had been very careful (as to
what concern’d the defence of the place) plentifully to furnish the
Inhabitants with every thing necessary. The Siege continu’d Two Years,
during which time nothing was done to any purpose, save that the Walls
were sometimes assaulted, and the Besieg’d pen’d up in the City. The
Third Year it happened that Euphrates overflowing with continual Rains,
came up into a part of the City, and tore down the Wall Twenty Furlongs
in length.
The King hereupon conceiving that the Oracle was accomplish’d, in that
the River was an apparent Enemy to the City, utterly despair’d, and
therefore that he might not fall into the Hands of his Enemies, he
caus’d a huge Pile of Wood to be made in his Palace Court, and heapt
together upon it all his Gold, Silver, and Royal Apparel, and enclosing
his Eunuchs and Concubines in an Apartment within the Pile, caus’d it
to be set on Fire, and burnt himself and them together, which when the
Revolters came to understand, they enter’d through the Breach of the
Walls, and took the City; and cloath’d Arbaces with a Royal Robe, and
committed to him the sole Authority, proclaiming him King.
When he had rewarded his followers, every one according to their
demerit, and appointed Governors over the several Provinces, Belesis
the Babylonian, who had foretold his advancement to the Throne, put
him in mind of his Services, and demanded the Government of Babylon,
which he had before promis’d him. He told him likewise of a Vow that
he himself had made to Belus, in the heat of the War, that when
Sardanapalus was conquer’d, and the Palace consum’d, he would carry the
Ashes to Babylon, and there raise a Mount near to his Temple, which
should be an eternal Monument to all that sailed through Euphrates, in
memory of him that overturn’d the Assyrian Empire.
But that which in truth induc’d him to make this Request was, that
he had been inform’d of the Gold and Silver by an Eunuch (that was
a Deserter) whom he had hid and conceal’d: Arbaces therefore being
ignorant of the Contrivance (because all the rest beside this Eunuch,
were consum’d with the King) granted to him liberty both to carry away
the Ashes, and likewise the absolute Government of Babylon without
paying any Tribute. Whereupon Belesis forthwith prepar’d Shipping,
and together with the Ashes carry’d away most of the Gold and Silver
to Babylon. But when the King came plainly to understand the Cheat,
he committed the Examination and Decision of this Theft to the other
Captains who were his Assistants in the deposing of Sardanapalus.
Belesis upon his Trial confess’d the Fact, and thereupon they condemn’d
him to lose his Head.
But the King being a Man of a noble and generous Spirit, and willing
to adorn the beginning of his Reign with the Marks of his Grace and
Mercy, not only pardon’d him, but freely gave him all the Gold and
Silver which had been carry’d away; neither did he deprive him of
the Government of Babylon, which at the first he conferr’d upon him,
saying, That his former good Services did overballance the Injuries
afterwards. This gracious Disposition of the King being nois’d abroad,
he thereby not only gain’d the Hearts of his People, but was highly
honour’d, and his Name famous among all the Provinces, and all judg’d
him worthy of the Kingdom, who was so compassionate and gracious to
offenders.
The like Clemency he shew’d to the Inhabitants of Nineve; for though he
dispers’d them into several Country Villages, yet he restor’d to every
one of them their Estates, but raz’d the City to the ground.
The rest of the Silver and Gold that could be found in the Pile (of
which there were many Talents) he convey’d to Echatana the Seat Royal
of Media.
And thus was the Assyrian Empire overturn’d by the Medes after it
had continu’d Thirty Generations: from Ninus above Fourteen Hundred
Years.[c]
FOOTNOTES
[37] [Babylon is actually the Greek form of the Assyrian Bab-ilu,
“Gate of God.” The somewhat similar Hebrew word meaning “confusion” is
Bilbool (from balbel). Hence the legend.]
[38] [It is interesting to note that the name of the last native
king of Babylonia is given correctly by Josephus, who seems here to
follow the Greek writers in preference to the canonical records of
his own race. The latter, it will be recalled, substitute the name of
Belshazzar, a name not borne by any historical Babylonian king.]
APPENDIX B. EXCAVATIONS IN MESOPOTAMIA, AND THEIR RESULTS
The consecrated metals found
And ivory tablets, underground,
Winged seraphim, and creatures crown’d
When air and daylight filled the mound,
Fell into dust immediately.
And even as these, the images
Of awe and worship--even as these--
So, smitten with the sun’s increase,
Her glory mouldered and did cease
From immemorial Nineveh.--ROSSETTI.
A wish expressed by Herder early in the nineteenth century, that
explorations might be made in the region of the buried cities of
Babylonia and Assyria, was destined to meet with early realisation.
The exact sites of various of these cities, long utterly forgotten,
were discovered; excavations were made, and a harvest of buried
records brought to light, surpassing in interest and importance the
wildest dreams of anticipation. Not merely the ruins of city walls and
of fallen palaces were exhumed, but with them wonderfully preserved
sculptures and ornaments of surprising artistic excellence; and, more
important still, voluminous written records, historical and literary,
imprinted on slabs and cylinders of brick--the books of the period--in
strange wedge-shaped characters of unknown import, which modern
scholarship soon sufficed to decipher. How these marvellous feats were
accomplished had best be explained before we turn to the historical
records which they brought to light. It is a thrilling record, which
has no exact counterpart elsewhere in history.[a] The story of how the
work was begun is told by that pioneer in the field of Assyriology, Sir
A. H. Layard:
THE RUINS OF NINEVEH AND M. BOTTA’S FIRST DISCOVERY
Were the traveller to cross the Euphrates to seek for such ruins in
Mesopotamia and Chaldea as he had left behind him in Asia Minor or
Syria, his search would be vain. The graceful column rising above the
thick foliage of the myrtle, ilex, and oleander; the gradines of the
amphitheatre covering a gentle slope, and overlooking the dark blue
waters of a lake-like bay; the richly carved cornice or capital half
hidden by the luxuriant herbage, are replaced by the stern, shapeless
mound rising like a hill from the scorched plain, the fragments of
pottery, and the stupendous mass of brickwork occasionally laid bare by
the winter rains. He has left the land where nature is still lovely,
where, in his mind’s eye, he can rebuild the temple or the theatre,
half doubting whether they would have made a more grateful impression
upon the senses than the ruin before him. He is now at a loss to
give any form to the rude heaps upon which he is gazing. Those of
whose works they are the remains, unlike the Roman and the Greek, have
left no visible traces of their civilisation, or of their arts: their
influence has long since passed away. The more he conjectures, the more
vague the results appear. The scene around is worthy of the ruin he is
contemplating; desolation meets desolation: a feeling of awe succeeds
to wonder; for there is nothing to relieve the mind, to lead to hope,
or to tell of what has gone by. These huge mounds of Assyria made a
deeper impression upon me, gave rise to more serious thoughts and more
earnest reflection, than the temples of Baalbec and the theatres of
Ionia.
In the middle of April I left Mosul for Baghdad. As I descended the
Tigris on a raft, I again saw the ruins of Nimrud, and had a better
opportunity of examining them. It was evening as we approached the
spot. The spring rains had clothed the mound with the richest verdure,
and the fertile meadows, which stretched around it, were covered with
flowers of every hue. Amidst this luxuriant vegetation were partly
concealed a few fragments of bricks, pottery, and alabaster, upon which
might be traced the well-defined wedges of the cuneiform character.
Did not these remains mark the nature of the ruin, it might have been
confounded with a natural eminence. A long line of consecutive narrow
mounds, still retaining the appearance of walls or ramparts, stretched
from its base, and formed a vast quadrangle. The river flowed at some
distance from them: its waters, swollen by the melting of the snows on
the Armenian hills, were broken into a thousand foaming whirlpools by
an artificial barrier, built across the stream. On the eastern bank
the soil had been washed away by the current; but a solid mass of
masonry still withstood its impetuosity. The Arab, who guided my small
raft, gave himself up to religious ejaculations as we approached this
formidable cataract, over which we were carried with some violence.
Once safely through the danger, he explained to me that this unusual
change in the quiet face of the river was caused by a great dam which
had been built by Nimrod, and that in the autumn, before the winter
rains, the huge stones of which it was constructed, squared, and united
by cramps of iron, were frequently visible above the surface of the
stream.[39] It was, in fact, one of those monuments of a great people,
to be found in all the rivers of Mesopotamia, which were undertaken to
ensure a constant supply of water to the innumerable canals, spreading
like network over the surrounding country, and which, even in the days
of Alexander, were looked upon as the works of an ancient nation. No
wonder that the traditions of the present inhabitants of the land
should assign them to one of the founders of the human race! The Arab
explained the connection between the dam and the city built by Athur,
the lieutenant of Nimrod, the vast ruins of which were then before us,
and of its purpose as a causeway for the mighty hunter to cross to the
opposite palace, now represented by the mound of Hammum Ali. He was
telling me of the histories and fate of the kings of a primitive race,
still the favourite theme of the inhabitants of the plains of Shinar,
when the last glow of twilight faded away, and I fell asleep as we
glided onward to Baghdad.
My curiosity had been greatly excited, and from that time I formed the
design of thoroughly examining, whenever it might be in my power, these
singular ruins.
It was not until the summer of 1842 that I again passed through Mosul
on my way to Constantinople. I was then anxious to reach the Turkish
capital, and, travelling Tatar, had no time to explore ruins. I had
not, however, forgotten Nimrud. I had frequently spoken to others
on the subject of excavations in this and another mound, to which a
peculiar interest also attached; and at one time had reason to hope
that some persons in England might have been induced to aid in the
undertaking. I had even proposed an examination of the ruins to M.
Coste, an architect who had been sent by the French government, with
its embassy to Persia, to draw and describe the monuments of that
country.
On my arrival at Mosul, I found that M. Botta had, since my first
visit, been named French consul there; and had already commenced
excavations on the opposite side of the river, in the large mound
called Kuyunjik. These excavations were on a very small scale, and, at
the time of my passage, only fragments of brick and alabaster, upon
which were engraved a few letters in the cuneiform character, had been
discovered.
[Illustration: EXCAVATIONS AT KUYUNJIK
(Layard)]
Whilst detained by unexpected circumstances at Constantinople, I
entered into correspondence with a gentleman in England on the subject
of excavations; but, with this exception, no one seemed inclined to
assist or take any interest in such an undertaking. I also wrote to
M. Botta, encouraging him to proceed, notwithstanding the apparent
paucity of results, and particularly calling his attention to the mound
of Nimrud, which, however, he declined to explore on account of its
distance from Mosul and its inconvenient position. I was soon called
away from the Turkish capital to the provinces; and for some months
numerous occupations prevented me turning my attention to the ruins and
antiquities of Assyria.
In the meanwhile M. Botta, not discouraged by the want of success which
had attended his first essay, continued his excavations in the mound
of Kuyunjik: and to him is due the honour of having found the first
Assyrian monument. This remarkable discovery owed its origin to the
following circumstances. The small party employed by M. Botta were
at work on Kuyunjik, when a peasant from a distant village chanced
to visit the spot. Seeing that every fragment of brick and alabaster
uncovered by the workmen was carefully preserved, he asked the reason
of this, to him, strange proceeding. On being informed that they were
in search of sculptured stones, he advised them to try the mound on
which his village was built, and in which, he declared, many such
things as they wanted had been exposed on digging for the foundations
of new houses. M. Botta, having been frequently deceived by similar
stories, was not at first inclined to follow the peasant’s advice, but
subsequently sent an agent and one or two workmen to the place.
After a little opposition from the inhabitants, they were permitted
to sink a well in the mound; and at a small distance from the surface
they came to the top of a wall which, on digging deeper, they found
to be built of sculptured slabs of gypsum. M. Botta, on receiving
information of this discovery, went at once to the village, which was
called Khorsabad. He directed a wider trench to be formed, and to be
carried in the direction of the wall. He soon found that he had opened
a chamber, which was connected with others, and constructed of slabs of
gypsum covered with sculptured representations of battles, sieges, and
similar events. His wonder may be easily imagined.
A new history had been suddenly opened to him--the records of an
unknown people were before him. He was equally at a loss to account
for the age and the nature of the monument. The art shown in the
sculptures, the dresses of the figures, the mythic forms on the walls,
were all new to him, and afforded no clew to the epoch of the erection
of the edifice, and to the people who were its founders. Numerous
inscriptions, accompanying the bas-reliefs, evidently contained the
explanation of the events thus recorded in sculpture. They were in the
cuneiform, or arrow-headed, character. The nature of these inscriptions
was at least evidence that the building belonged to a period preceding
the conquest of Alexander; for it was generally admitted that after
the subjugation of the west of Asia by the Macedonians, the cuneiform
writing ceased to be employed. But too little was then known of this
character to enable M. Botta to draw any inference from the peculiar
arrangement of the wedges, which distinguishes the varieties used
in different countries. However, it was evident that the monument
appertained to a very ancient and very civilised people; and it was
natural from its position to refer it to the inhabitants of Nineveh--a
city, which, although it could not have occupied a site so distant from
the Tigris, must have been in the vicinity of the place. M. Botta had
discovered an Assyrian edifice, the first, probably, which had been
exposed to the view of man since the fall of the Assyrian Empire.
M. Botta was not long in perceiving that the building which had been
thus partly excavated, unfortunately owed its destruction to fire; and
that the gypsum slabs, reduced to lime, were rapidly falling to pieces
on exposure to the air. No precaution could arrest this rapid decay;
and it was to be feared that this wonderful monument had only been
uncovered to complete its ruin. The records of victories and triumphs,
which had long attested the power and swelled the pride of the Assyrian
kings, and had resisted the ravages of ages, were now passing away
forever. They could scarcely be held together until an inexperienced
pencil could secure an imperfect evidence of their former existence.
Almost all that was first discovered thus speedily disappeared; and
the same fate has befallen nearly everything subsequently found at
Khorsabad. A regret is almost felt that so precious a memorial of a
great nation should have been thus exposed to destruction, when no
precaution could keep entire or secure the greater part of it; but as
far as the object of the monument is concerned, the intention of its
founders will be amply fulfilled, and the records of their might will
be more widely spread, and more effectually preserved, by modern art,
than the most exalted ambition could have contemplated.
M. Botta lost no time in communicating his remarkable discovery to the
principal scientific body in France. Knowing the interest I felt in
his labours, he allowed me to see his letters and drawings as they
passed through Constantinople; and I was amongst the first who were
made acquainted with his success. And here I gladly avail myself of the
opportunity of mentioning, with the acknowledgment and praise which
they deserve, his disinterestedness and liberality, so honourable to
one engaged in the pursuit of knowledge. During the entire period of
his excavations, M. Botta regularly sent me not only his descriptions,
but copies of the inscriptions, without exacting any promise as to the
use I might make of them. That there are few who would have acted thus
liberally, those who have been engaged in a search after antiquities in
the East will not be inclined to deny.
M. Botta’s communications were laid before the “Académie,” by M. Mohl;
and that body, perceiving at once the importance of the discovery, lost
no time in applying to the Minister of Public Instruction for means to
carry on the researches. The recommendation was attended to with that
readiness and munificence which almost invariably distinguished the
French government in undertakings of this nature. Ample funds to meet
the cost of extensive excavations were at once assigned to M. Botta,
and an artist of acknowledged skill was placed under his orders to draw
such parts of the monument discovered as could not be preserved or
removed.
[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF FISH, HILLS, AND TREES]
With the exception of a few interruptions on the part of the local
authorities, who were suspicious of the objects of the excavations, the
work was carried on with activity and success, and by the beginning of
1845 the monument had been completely uncovered. The researches of M.
Botta were not extended beyond Khorsabad; and having secured many fine
specimens of Assyrian sculpture for his country, he returned to Europe
with a rich collection of inscriptions, the most important result of
his discovery.[b]
LAYARD’S DISCOVERIES AT NINEVEH
It is indeed a matter for regret there is not the space to continue
Layard’s own account of his discoveries. Professor Hommel has
summarised this, however, in an exceedingly satisfactory manner, and
his account is here given.
Brilliant as Botta’s achievements had been, they were quite cast into
the shade by what the English statesman, Sir (then Mr.) A. H. Layard,
the sole discoverer of Nineveh, had accomplished for all branches of
investigation and knowledge of Assyrian antiquity, by means of the
excavations, principally in Kuyunjik and Nimrud, but also in Neby
Yunus, Kalah Shergat, and other mounds of ruins in the neighbourhood
of Nineveh; these excavations were made with the assistance of Hormuzd
Rassam, who subsequently continued them. We remember how, from as far
back as the year 1840, it was Layard’s ardent desire to be able to
undertake some excavations. He had hailed Botta’s lucky find without
envy, and was indeed the first who, in some letters in the _Malta
Times_ which afterwards went the rounds of many European newspapers,
directed public attention to the newly discovered Assyrian royal
palace, which Botta at first assigned to the Sassanian period. Then, in
the autumn of 1845, the eagerly-looked-for funds were at last obtained
by the munificence of the English ambassador at Constantinople, Sir
Stratford Canning (afterwards Lord Stratford de Redcliffe), to whom
the British Museum already owed the acquisition of the costly marbles
of Halicarnassus. Thus, towards the end of the year 1845, Layard was
able to begin the excavations. He set to work on the Nimrud pile of
ruins, which lies a distance of five hours to the south of Mosul, and
had previously attracted his attention when Botta was still in Mosul.
He laboured under the greatest difficulties, far greater than those
which Botta had to overcome--to see how far this statement is from
exaggeration, Layard’s own account should be perused--the work having
at first to be carried on in profound secrecy so as to excite as little
suspicion as possible in the Turkish authorities and in the population.
It was not to be long before Layard’s efforts were crowned with
success. By the end of November several bas-reliefs were laid bare,
whose execution appeared to surpass even those of the sculptures of
Khorsabad, and which were accompanied by cuneiform inscriptions. In
spite of many interruptions the work proceeded rigorously, and manifold
were the discoveries thus brought to light. One deserving of special
interest was that of the gigantic head of one of the colossal winged
lions, with men’s heads, which the Assyrians placed at the entrance of
their palaces for the sake of spreading terror amongst the inhabitants
of surrounding districts. For it was everywhere whispered and believed
that none other than Nimrod in person had risen from the earth. All
this had occurred in the spring of the year 1846. The funds for the
excavations lasted till the middle of June 1847; and when Layard
returned to Europe he had laid bare in Nimrud no less than three great
Assyrian royal palaces, namely: the grand northwestern palace, which
Asshurnazirpal had built (884-861 B.C.) on the ruins of an ancient
structure (dating from Shalmaneser I, the founder of Calah, _circa_
1300 B.C.?); the central palace, probably built by Asshurnazirpal’s
successor, Shalmaneser II (a predecessor of the biblical Shalmaneser),
where was found the famous black obelisk; and lastly, Esarhaddon’s
once magnificent southwestern palace (681-669 B.C.). The northwestern
palace yielded the richest spoil: it was also far better preserved
than the contents of Sargon’s palace at Khorsabad, where Botta had
made his excavations. As Sir Stratford Canning had presented the
British Museum with everything moveable which Layard had discovered and
brought to light, even at the end of this first expedition of Layard’s,
a collection of Assyrian antiquities (principally bas-reliefs and
inscriptions), such as existed nowhere else, was despatched to London.
The unwearied energy of the discoverer of Nineveh succeeded in taking
it unhurt, first to Bassorah, from whence the valuable freight was
forwarded to the ship--truly not the smallest part of the task he had
begun so gloriously, and now still more gloriously accomplished.
The period which followed was employed by Layard in summarising
the results obtained in a vigorous narrative, furnished with many
illustrations, the work called _Nineveh and its Remains_, which was
published just as Layard was on the point of going to Assyria for the
second time--on this occasion at the expense of the British Museum.
The sensation which the book created in England was enormous, and its
most important result was that henceforth the government turned its
attention to the excavations. So in 1849 Layard was given leave of
absence from his diplomatic post at Constantinople for the purpose of
making new discoveries on Assyrian soil, and Hormuzd Rassam, who had
already been his assistant and happened just then to be in London, was
sent after him (also officially).
[Illustration: BAS-RELIEF REPRESENTING A FORTIFIED CITY, A RIVER WITH A
BOAT AND RAFT, AND A CANAL
(Found at Kuyunjik.--Layard)]
If on the first expedition Layard had done little more than explore
Nimrud (the ancient Calah), the labours of the second (1849-1851),
were on the contrary practically limited to the mounds of ruins of
Kuyunjik with Neby Yunus, the site of Nineveh itself. Here Botta had
first begun his excavations, but entirely without success, for he had
merely caused diggings to be made to the depth of a few feet, and
without any method, instead of making his chief object the remains of
the platform, on which the buildings he was seeking had been erected.
And it was here that Layard, at the end of his first expedition, and
after having been obliged to dig twenty feet down, had discovered
Sennacherib’s southwestern palace (705-682 B.C.). But the real fruits
of this discovery were now the object of the second undertaking. For if
in this Layard was still occupied with Nimrud, the work there was only
a species of gleaning, the excavations and discoveries in Arban, on the
Khabur and in Bavian were, in comparison with the rest, only a short
trial-trip, and the main thing still remained the minute investigation
and laying bare of the great southwestern palace in Kuyunjik. It was
not till this was finished that he employed the rest of his time and
money in a visit to Babylonia (at the end of 1850), of which, however,
Layard himself says “that they (_i.e._ the discoveries amongst the
ruins of ancient Babylon) were far fewer and of far less importance
than he had expected”; he also gave the first exact description of the
mounds of Niffer, the ancient Nippur, southeast of Babylon. All his
experiences and all the results of this second expedition were set down
by Layard in the _Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon_,
a work, seven hundred pages in length and with many illustrations,
besides plans and maps, which appeared in London as early as the
beginning of the year 1853.
This popular book had, like the former one, a prodigious success,
and was shortly after translated into German; as a supplement to it
Layard’s great publications were announced, namely, that magnificent
work, the _Monuments of Nineveh_, and a volume of inscriptions which
was the forerunner to the great work on inscriptions published by the
British Museum in five volumes (1861-1884).