Transcriber’s note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=).
EARLY VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN THE LEVANT.
* * * * * *
The Hakluyt Society.
REPORT FOR 1892.
THE TRAVELS OF PIETRO DELLA VALLE IN INDIA, edited by Mr. Edward Grey, in
two volumes, have been issued to members during the year. More recently,
a volume containing Mr. Markham’s translation of the JOURNAL OF COLUMBUS’
FIRST VOYAGE, together with documents relating to the voyages of John
Cabot and Gaspar Corte-Real, has also been issued.
Mr. Theodore Bent’s EARLY VOYAGES TO THE LEVANT, comprising the Diary
of Thomas Dallam, and extracts from the Diaries of Dr. John Covel, is
now ready for issue; and there will shortly appear, in two volumes, a
collection of EARLY VOYAGES TO HUDSON’S BAY IN SEARCH OF A NORTH-WEST
PASSAGE, edited by Mr. Miller Christy. These contain carefully annotated
transcripts of the rare first editions of the North-West Foxe and Capt.
James’s Voyage.
The President has translated the LETTERS OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI, and other
documents relating to the career of the Florentine navigator, with Notes
and an Introduction. The volume is now ready for the press.
Dr. Robert Brown’s LEO AFRICANUS is also ready for press.
Among other works undertaken for our Society, Mr. Miller Christy has in
hand JENS MUNK’S VOYAGE TO HUDSON’S BAY, translated from the Danish. This
work will complete our series of voyages to the North-West in the first
half of the seventeenth century.
The Council having decided on sending a set of its publications, as
complete as possible, to the Chicago Exhibition, the books (80) were
suitably bound and sent to Chicago. They were placed in the British
Section (Liberal Arts, Group clv), in a case specially made to hold them.
This set has since been purchased by an American book collector at the
price fixed, 310 dollars.
Our list of Subscribers, with a total of 289, shows an increase on
previous years. The balance at the bank was £239 18_s._ 5_d._ at the end
of 1892.
The following Members of Council retire: Mr. Bouverie Pusey, Mr. Ernest
Satow, and Capt. Sir J. Sydney Webb; and the following gentlemen are
proposed for election: Capt. Nathan, R.E., Mr. F. Ducane Godman, F.R.S.,
and Mr. C. P. Lucas.
_Statement of the Accounts of the Hakluyt Society for the year 1892._
Dr. Cr.
-------------------------------+-----------------------------------------
Jan. 1. £ _s._ _d._| £ _s._ _d._
To Balance 266 6 8 | By Insurance 2 10 0
” Subscriptions | ” Rent 20 0 0
and Arrears 280 70 0 | ” Printing and Binding 281 3 9
” Sales 72 7 0 | ” Agent, Commission 16 15 0
| ” ” Gratuity for 1891
| and 1892 10 0 0
| ” Prætorius for Maps 10 0 0
| ” Autotype Co., for
| Portraits of Della
| Valle and Admiral
| Button 9 5 6
| ” Index for Della Valle 5 5 0
| ” Mr. Miller Christy, for
| Transcriptions 10 0 0
| ” Messrs. Tweedie, Law
| Expenses 6 0 6
| ” Advertising in _Literary
| Circular_ 8 0 0
| ” Cheque Stamps 0 2 6
| ” Balance 239 18 5
------------- | -------------
£619 0 8 | £619 0 8
------------- | -------------
Examined and found correct, CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM.
* * * * * *
Works Issued by
The Hakluyt Society.
EARLY VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN THE LEVANT.
No. LXXXVII.
[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF DR. COVEL, From the Painting in Christ’s
College, Cambridge.
_James Hyatt._]
EARLY VOYAGES AND TRAVELS IN THE LEVANT.
I.—THE DIARY OF MASTER THOMAS DALLAM,
1599-1600.
II.—EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARIES OF DR. JOHN COVEL,
1670-1679.
With Some Account of the Levant Company
of Turkey Merchants.
Edited with an Introduction and Notes by
J. THEODORE BENT, F.S.A., F.R.G.S.
London:
Printed for the Hakluyt Society,
4, Lincoln’s Inn Fields, W.C.
M.DCCC.XCIII.
London:
Printed by Chas. J. Clark, 4, Lincoln’S Inn Fields, W.C.
* * * * * *
COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, ESQ., C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S.,
_Associé Étranger de L’Institut de France_, VICE-PRESIDENT.
LORD ABERDARE, G.C.B., F.R.S.
VICE-ADMIRAL LINDESAY BRINE.
ROBERT BROWN, ESQ., M.A., PH.D.
MILLER CHRISTY, ESQ.
THE RIGHT HON. SIR MOUNTSTUART E. GRANT DUFF, G.C.S.I., _late Pres.
R.G.S._
F. DUCANE GODMAN, ESQ., F.R.S.
ALBERT GRAY, ESQ.
C. P. LUCAS, ESQ.
A. P. MAUDSLAY, ESQ.
CAPTAIN NATHAN, R.E.
ADMIRAL SIR E. OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.
E. A. PETHERICK, ESQ.
S. W. SILVER, ESQ.
COUTTS TROTTER, ESQ.
PROF. E. B. TYLOR, D.C.L.
CAPTAIN W. J. L. WHARTON, R.N.
[Transcriber’s Note: no name, a blank space], _Honorary Secretary_.
* * * * * *
CONTENTS.
PORTRAIT OF DR. COVEL, photographed from the painting at
Christ’s College, Cambridge, by kind permission of
Vice-Chancellor J. Peile _frontispiece_
PAGE
INTRODUCTION i
LIST OF ENGLISH AMBASSADORS TO THE PORTE IN THE SIXTEENTH
AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES xlii
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA xliii
DALLAM’S TRAVELS (1599-1600) 1
DR. COVEL’S DIARY (1670-1679) 99
INDEX 289
[Illustration]
INTRODUCTION.
§ 1.—OF THE FORMATION OF THE LEVANT COMPANY OF TURKEY MERCHANTS.
The two manuscript diaries which are published in this volume give us the
experiences of men who resided in Constantinople during the earlier days
of the Levant Company. When Master Thomas Dallam went with the present
of a marvellous organ from Queen Elizabeth to the Sultan Mahomed III in
1599, our Company of Turkey Merchants had scarcely organised themselves.
When Dr. Covel went as chaplain to the embassy in 1670, the Company was
still struggling to gain for itself those rights—or capitulations, as
they are called—which formed the basis of the prosperity of the Company
during the ensuing century and a half. Consequently, I think, a succinct
account of the rise of this Company will form a suitable introduction to
the perusal of the diaries themselves.
In the development of our system of commerce the Company of Turkey
Merchants played a most important part, second perhaps only to the great
East India Company, and its history is the history of one of those
pillars on which British prosperity has been constructed. It was a marked
feature of the sixteenth century, when all those Companies—the African
Company, the Muscovy Company, the East India Company—all had their
rise, and by them was laid the foundation of our subsequent mercantile
successes. The Levant Company lived an active life of 244 years; and,
besides the amount of wealth it accumulated for this country, it did
infinite service in the development of art and research, geography and
travel, the suppression of slavery, and the spread of civilisation
in countries which would still have been unapproachable had not the
continued efforts of the 244 years been towards civilisation and humanity.
The history of the capitulations or treaties with which foreign nations
sought to establish themselves in the greatest centre of commercial
enterprise before the opening out of other routes to India is a very
interesting one, and dates back to remote ages, when commercial bodies
were formed in the city of Constantine, at the time when the power of
the Greek emperors was on the wane. As far back as the ninth and tenth
centuries of our era, the emperors of the East granted to the Warings or
Varangians from Scandinavia capitulations or rights of exterritoriality,
which gave them permission to own wharves, carry on trade, and govern
themselves in the Eastern capital: these rights established numerous
_imperia in imperio_ during the succeeding centuries in Constantinople.
The Venetians obtained them early in the eleventh century; the Amalfians
in 1056, the Genoese in 1098, and the Pisans in 1110, and henceforward
they became so general, that the Greeks of the later empire complained
that there were no wharves for themselves, and that they could not
compete with these indefatigable foreign traders; much as we hear
complaints now amongst our own artisans of the influx of German and
Belgian workmen into England.
When the Turks took Constantinople they did little to interfere
with the existing order of things: the Genoese and Venetians got
their capitulations renewed; the right to have disputes with their
fellow-countrymen decided by their own authorities; the right to have
questions between them and Ottoman subjects decided only in presence of
a Venetian interpreter; exemption from the tax imposed on Christians in
lieu of military service; and the right to appoint their own magistrates
in Constantinople. Being a nomadic race, the Ottoman Turks cared little
for commerce: their ships were the caïques of the Greeks; their emperors
wrote their decrees in red ink, as their Greek predecessors had done; and
to the foreign traders who flocked to Constantinople they gave the same
privileges that the Greek emperors had done, and, as far as they were
concerned, the _status quo_ was maintained.
Meanwhile trade was passing westwards; the time was come when the
Portuguese, the French, and finally the English were to succeed the
Italian republics as the commercial nations of the world.
In 1536 Sieur Foret arranged a capitulation for the French between
Sultan Solyman I and Francis I, and the essential articles of this
treaty have been often redrawn and embodied in many treaties with the
different European Powers, and still remain as the foundation of the
many treaties under which foreigners now live in Constantinople: matters
of dispute between Frenchmen were to be decided only by their own
authorities; questions between Frenchmen and Turks were to be decided
only in the presence of the French dragoman; they could appoint their own
magistrates, and were exempt from the _harach_. This was the first of
what we may call the modern capitulations, by which the Western nations
have obtained their footing in Constantinople; they are by no means an
invention of the Turks, but a distinct inheritance from the old Byzantine
days, which they were compelled to adopt, and which has turned out to be
as great a boon to the Mussulman as to the foreigner who obtained it.
In proportion to the exigencies of the Turk and his want of money, the
system of capitulations has increased in strength. Encroachments have
occurred; fresh clauses have had to be introduced to meet the subtleties
of the Turk; the so-called _avanias_, of which we shall hear more in Dr.
Covel’s diary, had to be combated; but, nevertheless, the progress has
been continuous, and no Company has contributed more to the success of
the foreigner on Turkish soil than the “Turkey Merchants” of England.
During the reign of Elizabeth, our infantile commercial adventures were
beginning to make themselves felt. Early in the sixteenth century there
had been a few isolated cases of voyages to the Levant in search of
wealth. From 1511 to 1534 we hear of certain “tall ships belonging to
London, Southampton, and Bristol, which made voyages to the East, trading
with Sicily, Crete, Chios, and sometimes Cyprus, Tripoli, and Beyrout in
Syria”; but there appears to have been no systematic commerce carried on
in English bottoms in those days, most of the trade between the Levant
and England being conducted by the Venetians. So far back as 1513 we had
a consul established at Chios, and in 1534 (Hakluyt, vol. ii, p. 98) we
read of an exciting voyage made by _The Holy Cross_ and _The Matthew
Gonson_ to Crete and Chios, both ships coming back much the worse for
wear. In 1550 Captain Bodenham, with “the great Barke _Aucher_”, went to
Chios, and three years later Anthony Jenkinson went to Aleppo, and got
trading privileges “on a footing with the most favoured nations”. This
was the actual foundation of our future capitulations, and the first
commencement of our Levant Company.
Up to this time the carrying trade between England and the Levant had
been carried on, on ships called argosies, by the Venetians. Sir Paul
Ricaut, son of a London merchant, who was born in 1620, was secretary to
Lord Winchilsea, and consul at Smyrna for eleven years; he wrote, by
the direction of Charles II, a work entitled _The Present State of the
Greek and Armenian Churches_. He also wrote a book entitled _The Present
State of the Turkish Empire_, a very interesting work, the first edition
of which, Pepys tells us, was destroyed in the Great Fire of London. In
this work he tells us that the ships known as argosies were so called
because they were built at Ragusa for the Venetian merchants. “These vast
carracks called argosies, which are so famed for the vastness of their
burthen and bulk, were corruptly so denominated from Ragosies, ships of
Ragusa.” The Ragusans, as merchants, were much to the fore in those days,
prior to the great earthquake, and had, as we see from Dr. Covel’s diary,
an ambassador of their own at Constantinople.
“Your mind is tossing on the ocean;
There, where your argosies, with portly sail,—
Like signiors and rich burghers on the flood,
Or, as it were, the pageants of the sea,—
Do over-peer the petty traffickers,
That curt’sy to them, do them reverence,
As they fly by them with their woven wings.”
(Shakes., _Merchant of Venice_, Act i, Scene 1.)
One of these argosies was wrecked off the Isle of Wight about 1575, and
it is said that the Venetians refused to bring merchandise into such
dangerous seas after this catastrophe. Perhaps this argosy may be the
very one which suggested to Shakespeare the shipwreck of the Venetian
merchantman. At any rate, this fact obliged individual action on the
part of the English merchants of the day, and at once necessitated the
formation of a distinct Company, if the trade with the Levant was to be
continued.
Another point also contributed to the starting of an independent trade
with the Levant, namely, a quarrel with Venice concerning the duties on
currants (_State Papers, Domestic_, 11th April, 1606). In 1575 Venice had
granted a patent to one Acerbo Velutelli, a native of Lucca, which gave
him the sole right of importing to England currants and oil from Venetian
dominions. Velutelli contrived to get these articles conveyed to England
on English ships, and, by exacting an export duty for his own benefit,
enriched himself and impoverished the Venetian traders. Venice then
imposed a fine of 5_s._ 6_d._ on currants and oil conveyed to England in
other than Venetian bottoms. Elizabeth retaliated by a similar fine on
their importation, and for a time trade in these commodities was at a
standstill.
Yet another, and that a political, cause promoted our intercourse with
Turkey. Queen Elizabeth was just entering into her vital contest with
Philip II of Spain, and to secure the alliance and co-operation of the
Sultan was one of her favourite schemes at this critical juncture. Until
the reign of Amurath III the English had been altogether strangers to
Turkey; but in 1579 three merchants were sent to Constantinople—William
Harebone, Edward Ellis, and Richard Staple—to spy out the land, as it
were, and, if possible, obtain for English merchants the same social
and commercial privileges that other nations enjoyed. Two years later
Queen Elizabeth formed a treaty charter with Amurath III for five years,
in which he styles himself “the most sacred Mussulman-like Emperor”, and
she also granted letters patent to a small Company entitled “The Company
of Merchants of the Levant”, consisting of Sir E. Osborne, Thomas Smith,
Stephen and William Garret—“because they had found out and opened a trade
in Turkey, not known in the memory of any man now living to be frequented
by our progenitors.”
The first of the Company’s ships to trade with the Levant was sent out
in 1582. It was called _The Great Susan_, and William Harebone, the
first ambassador from England to the Ottoman Porte, was carried out by
her. He established factories at Constantinople, obtained capitulations
from the Porte, and regularly inaugurated our trade there. Harebone was
considerably assisted by the great Vizier Sokolli and the Sultan’s tutor,
the learned historian Seadedin, in his negotiations. (Von Hammer.)
At the same time it is evident that commercial objects were not paramount
in Queen Elizabeth’s mind, but a desire to obtain the Sultan as an ally
against her formidable enemy. In her letters to the Sultan she takes
advantage of the well-known horror the Mahommedans have of image-worship,
and styles herself, “the unconquered and most puissant defender of the
true faith against the idolaters who falsely profess the name of Christ”.
In 1587 her agent in Constantinople presented a petition to Sultan
Amurath III, for assistance against the Spanish Armada, imploring him to
send help “against that idolater, the King of Spain, who, relying on the
help of the Pope and all idolatrous princes, designs to crush the Queen
of England, and then to turn his whole power to the destruction of the
Sultan, and make himself universal monarch.”
Christendom, luckily for the reputation of Elizabeth, never saw an
alliance between the Crescent and the Cross of so peculiar a nature
brought to any ultimate result. The Sultan promised, but did nothing.
Turkey was already on the decline, and her internal troubles occupied
her sufficiently. Ranke, vol. i, p. 433, speaks of “the advances made
by the English Government to the Turks in the time of Elizabeth”, and
this factor had no doubt as much to do with the formation of the Levant
Company as anything else.
In 1586 a charter was granted to fifty-three individuals, with power to
trade in the Levant; and though, of course, the ambassador resided at
Constantinople, in those days the principal mart of English trade was
Aleppo, where Michael Locke was at that time consul, whose account of
the condition of affairs in that city is quaint and interesting. He also
speaks of the trade of Chios being great some years before, and alludes
to it as “the great store of sundry commodities”, and further states that
in 1593 tin was the principal article of export from England. He founded
a factory at Aleppo which was one of the most flourishing in the Levant
for 150 years. The outlet of this commerce was Scanderoon, and we find
all the vessels which traded to the East, including the ship _Hector_,
which took Master Dallam out, going to Scanderoon before Constantinople.
Sir Edward Barton was the first resident ambassador at Constantinople.
Harebone had evidently been only sent out as a plenipotentiary
extraordinary to inaugurate the intercourse with the Levant. Hakluyt
(vol. ii) gives us an account of the present which Sir Edward Barton
took out on the ship _Ascension_ in 1593 for the Sultan Amurath III: “12
goodly pieces of plate, 36 garments of cloth of all colours, 20 garments
of cloth of gold, 10 garments of satin, 6 pieces of fine Holland, and
certain other things of good value.” To his powerful wife, the Sultana
Safiye, Queen Elizabeth sent a “jewel of her Majesty’s picture set with
rubies and diamonds; 3 pieces of gilt plate; 10 garments of cloth of
gold; a very fine case of glasse bottles, silver and gilt; and 2 pieces
of fine Holland.” With Mahomed III, who succeeded his father, Amurath
III, in 1595, Sir E. Barton seems to have been on most intimate terms,
carrying on the traditional alliance, and hopes of possible hope of
support which had been started in his father’s reign.
Mahomed III was the eldest son of Amurath, one of his 103 children. He
was a son of his Venetian wife and favourite, the Sultana Safiye, a
lady of the House of Baffo, who had been captured by a Turkish corsair
in her youth. Mahomed III put nineteen of his brothers to death on his
accession, the grossest instance of fratricide even in Turkish annals. He
was at the outset of his reign chiefly engaged in wars in Hungary, and
in these Sir Edward Barton accompanied him. They ended in the victory of
Cerestes, and, on his return to Constantinople, Sir E. Barton, worn out
by the rigours of the campaign, died. In Sultan Mahomed III’s letter to
Queen Elizabeth, in 1596, he thus alludes to Sir E. Barton: “As to your
highnesse’s well-beloved Ambassador at our blessed Porte, Edward Barton,
one of the nation of the Messiah, he having been enjoined by us to follow
our imperial camp without having been enabled previously to obtain your
highness’s permission to go with my imperial Staff, we have reason to
be satisfied, and to hope that also your highness will know how to
appreciate the services he has thus rendered to us in our imperial camp.”
Mustapha, the first Turkish envoy to England in 1607, also alludes to Sir
E. Barton: “Mr. Barton was in the army ... when Raab, _alias_ Severin,
was won from the Christians.”
Sir E. Barton came of a Yorkshire family, and was sent out to
Constantinople as ambassador in 1593, with the title of “Agent for her
Majesty with the Grand Seignior”. Subsequently, however, he received his
stipend from the Levant Company. He died at Chalki, one of the Prince’s
Islands, in 1597, and was buried at the monastery there. His tombstone
(which Dr. Covel saw, _vide_ p. 281) was displaced and put over the door
of the monastery wrong way up, until Lord Strangford had it put in its
present position, and the following inscription is still legible:—
“Eduardo Barton, Illustrissimo Serenissimo Anglorum Reginæ
Oratori viro præstantissimo, qui post reditum a bello Ungarico
quo cum invicto Turcorum imperatore, profectus fuerat diem
obiit, pietatis ergo, ætatis anno xxxv. Sal. vero MDXCVII XVIII
Kal. Januar.”
Mr. Henry Lello was appointed to succeed Sir E. Barton. From the Venetian
Baily’s report we learn about his reception by the Sultan. He calls him
Sir Henry Billoe (Von Hammer), but this is an obvious mistake. Sir Henry
Lello wrote regularly to England an account of affairs as they progressed
at Constantinople. His term of office is chiefly marked by a prolonged
quarrel with the French ambassador, to which Dallam refers in his MS.
(_vide_ p. 81), to settle which the Baily of Venice, one of the Capello
family, was chosen arbiter.
Sir Henry Lello’s correspondence is now in the Record Office, and from
one of his letters we learn officially how the Sultan received the
present which Dallam took out. I herewith transcribe a considerable
portion of it as bearing very good testimony to the accuracy of Master
Thomas Dallam’s MS.:—
“_S. P. Foreign, Turkey, No. 4._
“_Henry Lello to Sʳ Robᵗ Cecil, 21 Oct. 1599._
“Right Honorable,—I omitted the last curier, for that I
could not then, nor yet cannott, advize yoʳ honnoʳ of that
good succes of my ymployment heere wᵗʰ the Gʳ Signior, as I
expected, by the meanes of the french Ambassador, who, with
his great bribes (receyvinge now the Pope’s pay), sparethe
nothinge to hinder all my desingnes in mallice, seinge the
reputation of Her Majesty is so great in this port, and cheefly
for the consulledge of forrestiers, wᶜʰ the Grand Signior
lyttle after the arrivall of the shipp graunted should come
under Her Majesty’s banner, nothwithstandinge the same was
formerly graunted by his father and him sealfe, proffering
all other reasonable demaunds wᶜʰ her Majesty should desire,
countinge hir frindshipp before that of any other Christian
Prince, rejoysinge greatly to see the shipp to come into port,
and more hir princely presents, espetially the instrument and
plate, whereof hee made great accompt, and at the tyme apoynted
mee to come present the same; he made demonstration therof
by spekinge himsealf to me wᶜʰ hath not ever bin used (as is
reported) to any Cristian prince’s ambassador, the manner
whereof in breefe I doe hereby advize yoʳ honnor.
“Althoughe he kept his court out of the Cittie, yett cam hee
home of purpose for mee to delliver her Majestie’s letter and
present, and to kisse his hand, at wᶜʰ tyme I apoynted to
attend upon me xii gentlemen on horsebacke, vested in cloth of
gould and silver, a gentlem̄ usher, ii pages in white damaske,
20 menn in livery gownes, xii merchaunts, desently apparelled
merchaunt-like in blacke, and my sealf attired as richly as I
might.
“The captains of the Chowses and Spahees (Chiauses and Spahis)
were sent to accompany and entertayne mee to the Gʳ Signior
his pallace, where first in open court before the Gʳ Signior,
his Pashas, or Counsellors, I declared to them her Maᵗʸᵉ’ˢ
pleasure, salutations, and requests.
“Conferring about divers late accidents, espetially of her
Majestie’s forces against Spaine, and of the peace made
betweene him and the French Kinge, wᶜʰ thay all seemed to
dislike, we spent a smale tyme untill the banquett ordayned
for mee was provided; which being furnished, only I, Halul
Pasha, the Cheefe Vizier, and a first Pasha, late general of
_Scelestia_ (Silistria), sate at one Table, the other Pashas
satt apart by them sealves; at another, a lyttle distant from
us, satt the ii _Cadiliskers_, or cheefe Judges of all this
empire, and apart from them ii of the high Tresorors; by them
satt alone the highe chaunsellors, every one served accordinge
to his degree, but our Table furnished wᵗʰ the allowance
and dayenties as are usually served to the Gʳ Sʳ, in great
variety and abundance; wᶜʰ finished, order was sent by the Gʳ
Sʳ that before our entrance unto him bothe I and my gentlemenn
should be clothed in vests out of his Tresorie, wᶜʰ were there
scarcely found, yet had I ii, and ten for my gentlemenn; and
so, in company of the Vizeires, I entered into the presence
chamber, where the Grand Sigioʳ satt uppon a cushion of red
sattin most richly ymbrodred wᵗʰ pearls, and all his chamber
floored with Redd sattin Ritchly ymbrodered wᵗʰ gould; and,
omyttinge the sumptuousnes of the sight, coming to deliver
my Ambassadge unto him, I first salluted him in her Highnes’
name; secondly, declared to him the good intelligence betweene
her Highnes and his father,[1] and of the bennefitt therof
to both their dom̄nions and subieckts; thirdly, I ymformed
him of Her Majesty’s pleasure for my Confirmation in former
charge of Ambassador, requiringe therein not only his Highnes’
consent, but princely favour in all future occations; and,
lastly, recom̄ended unto him the affayres of her merchaunts
traffickinge in his dom̄nions, wher unto hee him sealf
answered as afore, sainge he did much reioyce at Her Majesty’s
frindshipp, and prayed God that shee might allwayes have the
victory over her enemyes as hether unto. Lastly, he tould me
I should receyve sattisfaction of all I desiered, Licensinge
me to departe. I was accompanied with Chiauses and other his
officers to my house, having binn both outward and homward
Salluted wᵗʰ divers tiers of artillery from the Shipp, for wᶜʰ
and the favour of the Grand Signoʳ shewed me that day ministred
many dayes after occation to speak of my Entertainment.
“But this while thinkinge my sealf sure of all things, the
French ambassador, with his bribe of 6,000 chickins,[2] did
not only over throughe our former graunt of counsolledge of
forresteeres, but all other demandes I made, besides the
confirmation of our ould Capittulations, the Vizeer denienge me
audience to shew reason for my just demands.”
[Then follows a long account of his difficulties owing to the
interference of the French ambassador, and certain details
concerning the war in Hungary; and the letter closes as
follows:—]
“I comitt yoʳ honnoʳ to Gode’s most mercifull protection this
21ᵗʰ of October 1599. Yoʳ honnoʳˢ most dewtifull
“Ever to comand,
“HENRY LELLO.”
_Addressed_—
“To the right Honᵇˡᵉ Sir Robert Cecill, knight, principal
secrʳⁱᵉ to the Queen’s most Exᵗ Magᵗⁱᵉ and Her Highnes’
honorable privie Counseill.”
§ 2.—OF THE DALLAM FAMILY.
Such was the state of affairs in Constantinople when Master Thomas
Dallam, whose diary we here produce, went to present a complicated organ,
which he had made, as a gift from Queen Elizabeth to Sultan Mahomed
III. His MS. diary was written just after the publication of Richard
Hakluyt’s volumes of travels, or else it would in all probability have
been included in them. From the foregoing remarks it will easily be seen
why so handsome a gift was sent out with so much trouble; the Queen was
anxious for the Sultan’s friendship and allegiance against her Catholic
enemies. To further the interests of the infantile Levant Company such
a present would be exceedingly useful, and, in choosing Dallam as the
bearer of this present, Queen Elizabeth evidently selected, as subsequent
events showed, the most skilled man in his craft that she could.
Some interesting notes with regard to this present may be gathered from
the State Papers, Jan. 1596. For some time there had been a discussion
about sending a present to the new Sultan of Turkey. The Levant
merchants apparently thought it would imperil their own safety and their
factories in Constantinople if Sir E. Barton’s papers were not made out
by the Queen, and if the present did not come from her Majesty herself.
Hence, out of compliance with their wishes, Sir E. Barton, though the
Company’s nominee, was accredited as ambassador from Queen Elizabeth, and
the present, which the Levant merchants no doubt paid for, purported to
be from the Queen of England to the Sultan.
In the State Papers, January 31st, 1599, just a month before Dallam set
out on his voyage, the following entry is made: “A great and curious
present is going to the Grand Turk, which will scandalise other nations,
especially the Germans.” This great and curious present was the organ
which Dallam had built, and which he was about to take out in person.
Of the previous history of Thomas Dallam we know little. From the
tombstone of his son in New College, Oxford, we gather that he came from
the village of Dallam, in Lancashire, not far from Warrington. From the
papers of the Blacksmiths’ Company we learn that he came up to London,
and was apprenticed to that Company, and admitted as a liveryman of the
same. In those days the Blacksmiths’ Company had supervision over many
Companies, including the organ-builders, and in this branch of the craft
Thomas Dallam was employed.
From Dr. Rimbault we learn many details concerning this celebrated
family of organ-builders and the instruments they constructed. Of this
particular one, which Dallam made, and which was set up in Whitehall
for Queen Elizabeth’s approval prior to its being shipped off to
Constantinople, there appears to be no other record; but, immediately on
his return from the East, Thomas Dallam seems to have worked hard at his
trade, and he and his sons constructed most of the principal organs of
the seventeenth century.
In 1605-6 Dallam was engaged for fifty-eight weeks in constructing the
organ of King’s College, Cambridge, for which purpose he closed his
workshop in London, and for this work he received the sum of £371 17_s._
1_d._ This organ was destroyed in the civil wars, but the case still
remains. In 1607 he got £1 15_s._ for tuning the same organ, and a like
sum for the sale of surplus tin, and his name frequently occurs in the
College records till 1641. In 1613 Dallam made “new double organs” for
Worcester Cathedral, and got £211. This organ was likewise destroyed in
the rebellion.
On 29th of September 1626, Thomas Dallam was made a steward of the annual
feast of the Blacksmiths’ Company, but did not put in an appearance, and
was fined £10 for neglect of duty. In the following year he petitioned in
court to be let off his stewardship, and his petition was granted him on
payment of certain small fines.
Almost immediately after his return from Constantinople Thomas Dallam
must have married, for his eldest son, Robert, was born in 1602, and was
brought up by his father in the organ-building trade under the auspices
of the Blacksmiths’ Company. Together, between 1624 and 1627, they put up
an organ in Durham Cathedral, which was eventually sold to the Church of
St. Michael-le-Belfry, York, where it remained till 1885, and was finally
disposed of to Mr. Bell, organ-builder, York, for the sum of four pounds.
Robert Dallam also built an organ for Jesus College, Cambridge, for £200,
and several others. Finally, we hear of him as engaged to build an organ
for New College, Oxford; and he died at Oxford, May 31st, 1665, and, from
his tomb in that College we learn certain particulars about the family,
the concluding lines of which would seem rather to refer to his father
than himself, for we have no record of his having travelled in distant
lands. It runs as follows:—
“Hic jacet Dᵐⁿᵘˢ RobertUs Dallam Instrumenti Pneumatici (quod
vulgo organum nuncupant) peritissimus artifex filius Thomæ
Dallum de Dallum in comitat: Lancastriæ mortuus est die Maii
ultimo
“anno Domini 1665 ætatis suæ 63.
“Qui postquam diversas Europæ plagas hâc arte (quâ præcipue
claruit) exornasset solum hoc tandem, in quo requiescit cinere
suo insignivit.”
Ralph Dallam, another son of Thomas, also an organ-builder, constructed
the organ which was put up in St. George’s Chapel after the Restoration,
and also built organs in Rugby, Hackney, and Lynn Regis, and died whilst
making the organ in Greenwich Chapel in 1672.
George Dallam, another son, lived in Purple Lane in 1672, and in 1686
added a “chaire organ” to Harris’s instrument in Hereford Cathedral.
Thus it will be seen that Thomas Dallam, the writer of the diary, was the
progenitor of a distinguished family of organ-builders, whose work was
in great request in the seventeenth century. We have also to thank him
for the graphic account of the Imperial Court at Constantinople during
the reign of Mahomed III, and incidents in seafaring life at that period,
which add considerably to our knowledge of the state of nautical affairs
as they existed in the days of Raleigh and Drake.
§ 3.—OF THE FURTHER PROGRESS OF THE LEVANT COMPANY.
It was understood from the first that the Levant Company should pay and
appoint the consuls, ambassadors, and other officials of their Company,
though difficulties arose on this point between the Government and the
Company concerning the salary of Sir Edward Barton. Affairs seem to
have gone on smoothly till 1600, when the monopoly was removed, and the
Company had to struggle on as best it could against competition which
proved almost fatal to it at the very outset of its career.
Accordingly, in 1605, we find petitions from the Company to James
I, complaining that they could no longer pay the salaries of the
ambassadors and consuls, and that they feared that the Turks might seize
their factories and buildings in the Turkish towns. Lord Salisbury
entered into consultation with Chief Justice Popham on the subject, and
the result was that, on the 14th December 1606, letters patent were
granted by James I which may really be said to have established the
Company on a permanent basis. The five years’ terminable licences were
made perpetual, and privileges were granted to several persons and their
sons, and such others as should be after admitted. The Company was to
have the monopoly of all the Levant trade: in fact, the English traffic
of nearly all the Mediterranean was handed over exclusively to the
Company, which was to be open to all merchants who could pay £50 towards
the expenses of carrying on the trade, the salary of the ambassadors and
consuls, and the presents which, from time to time, were necessary to be
given to the Sultan to keep him favourably disposed, and the first year’s
“imposition”, or tax of £5,322, was handed over to the Company to assist
in tiding over a time of difficulty.
Thomas Glover, who had been one of Thomas Dallam’s companions on board
the ship _Hector_ on his journey out, was ambassador at this time, with
power to appoint consuls and regulate the trade for the Company. It does
not appear what emolument he got from the Company, but it was doubtless
considerable, as he was forbidden to trade on his own account, and, under
his skilful management, the successful career of the Levant Company was
inaugurated.
It was absolutely necessary in those early days of mercantile enterprise
to give the monopoly of the Levant trade to one Company; only a rich and
united body, with the privileges accorded to them by their capitulations,
could carry on such trade. It was necessary, for the safety of the
ships, that they should sail in large numbers for mutual protection from
Dunkirkers, corsairs, and other hostile craft, and hence very strict
penalties were imposed on private individuals who sought to carry on
trade under the protection of the Company without actually belonging to
it. The celebrated case of Bates, who refused to pay a tax to the Company
on currants, and drove them off in his own cart from the wharf, was tried
shortly after this, and when it was decided in the Company’s favour,
their monopoly was clearly established.
In the reign of James I the Company received the name of “The Governor
and Company of Merchants of England trading to the Levant Seas”, and the
arms of a ship with three masts in full sail between two rocks. Their
crest was a demi sea-horse salient; their supporters two sea-horses; and
their motto, “Deo Respublicæ et amicis.”
In 1612, Mr. Paul Pindar, another of Thomas Dallam’s companions on board
the ship _Hector_, succeeded Sir Thomas Glover as ambassador for the
Company to the Porte.
In 1623, Sir T. Roe was ambassador. He got a salary of £1,800 per
ann. from the Company, besides a portion of the consulage and other
advantages, but at the same time he was forbidden to carry on a trade
of any kind. During this period the Levant Company continued to make
satisfactory progress, and the only thing to remark is the controversies
which, during the reigns of James I and Charles I, raged between the
regulated Companies, namely, the Levant Company and Merchant Adventurers,
against the East India Company, which, as then constituted, they
considered as the monopoly of a few which told against the monopoly of
larger corporate bodies.
In 1643 further privileges were granted to the Levant Company. In an
ordinance of both Houses, upholding the Levant Merchants, dated 9th of
March 1643, the following points occur:—
“That for the better supportation and encouragement of the
Fellowship of merchants of England, trading to the Levant
Seas, which, besides the building and maintaining of divers
great ships, both for defence and burthen, the venting of
kerseys, sages, perpetuanas, and several other commodities hath
been found very serviceable and profitable to the State, by
advancing navigation, and transporting into foreigne parts for
severall years together above 20,000 broadclothes per annum,
besides other commodities whereby the poor people are sett at
worke, and the whole kingdome receive benefit. The Lords and
Commons do ordaine:—
“That the Fellowship of Merchants trading to the Levant Seas
shall continue a corporation; that they shall have free choice
and removal of all ministers by them maintained at home and
abroad, whether they be dignified and called by the name of
Ambassadors, Governours, Deputies, Consulls, or otherwise.
“That they shall have power to levie monies on the members
of their corporation, or on strangers; on goods shipped in
English bottoms, or on English goods in strange bottoms, which
shall goe into or come from the Levant Seas, for and towards
necessary charge, maintenance, and supply of their ministers,
officers, and government.
“That no person shall send ships into these parts limited by
their corporation, but such as are free brothers, or otherwise
licensed, each person to pay, if a mere merchant, £50, if above
twenty-one years of age, or £25 if under that age; and they
shall have power to fine persons disobeying their orders in a
sum not exceeding £20, or imprisoning their persons till the
said sum be paid.”
About this time the Levant Company suffered somewhat from the conflicting
state of parties in England. Sir S. Crowe was appointed in 1642 as
ambassador of the Levant Company; he was a staunch loyalist, and, during
his tenure of office abroad, his goods in England were confiscated by
the Parliamentarians. On hearing this, Sir S. Crowe imprisoned many of
the English factors in Constantinople, and appropriated their goods.
The Parliamentarians forthwith obliged the Company to send out another
representative, Sir J. Bendish, who, after some difficulty, succeeded in
establishing himself as the ambassador of England, and Sir S. Crowe was
sent home. On arriving in London, he was impeached at the suit of the
Company, condemned, and kept in prison till 1653.
The regulations of the Company with regard to their _employés_ were
very strict in those days; none of the consuls under their authority
might marry without the consent of the directors, and the factors or
merchants at Constantinople and elsewhere in the Levant frequently
received admonitions from the governing body at home against “sensuality,
gambling, Sabbath-breaking, neglect of public worship”, and other
irregularities of life in which the merchants, far from the influence of
their strait-laced relatives at home, were prone to indulge.
In 1661 the Earl of Winchilsea went out on _The Plymouth_ as ambassador
for the Company. Captain Hayward was in command of the vessel, with whom
Pepys (p. 50) made merry at the Rhenish Wine House. Lord Winchilsea is
described as “a jovial Lord, extremely favoured by Vizier Kiuprili”. Two
Kiuprilis, father and son, were practically the rulers of Turkey from
1658 to the death of the latter in 1676. Both the Kiuprilis were men of
exceedingly good powers of organisation, and raised Turkey to comparative
power, despite the weakness of her princes. The Sultan Mahomed IV, about
whom Dr. Covel in his MS. tells us so much, was a man of weak character,
devoted only to the chase, and left the organisation of the empire to
his Vizier. From him Lord Winchilsea obtained further capitulations,
an account of which is given us by his secretary, Paul Ricaut, in a
pamphlet entitled _The Capitulations and Articles published by Paul
Ricaut, Esquire, Secretary to his Excellencie the Lord Ambassador, in
1663_, and addressed to the Governors of the Levant Company. In this
pamphlet he says: “The first capitulations took place 80 years before, in
Queen Elizabeth’s reign, and have been enlarged in the time of allmost
every ambassador, with such alterations as the state of affaires, and
the abuses, and the iniquities of the times suggested.” The principal
grievance which this set of capitulations rectified was “that English
ships should be exempt from search for foreign goods”. Mahomed IV, in
his address to Charles II, on the occasion of the granting of these
capitulations, speaks in high-flown language of “the Queen of the
aforesaid Kingdom” who commenced the Levant trade.
A curious and ludicrous instance of the fanaticism of the times
occurred in 1661. An individual called “John the Quaker” arrived at
Constantinople, and began to preach at the street corners repentance to
the Turks in his own native tongue. Naturally enough, the Mohammedans
looked upon him as a lunatic, and consigned him to a mad-house, where he
languished for eight months, until his nationality was discovered, and he
was taken before Lord Winchilsea. On entering the ambassador’s presence,
true to the regulations of his creed, John refused to remove his hat,
whereupon he was bastinadoed; and, on his clothes being examined, a
letter was discovered in his pocket addressed to the Sultan, politely
telling that monarch that he was the scourge employed by God to punish
wicked Christians.
There was a distinct revival at this juncture in the condition of the
power of the Ottoman Turks at Constantinople; under the severe rule
of the elder Kiuprili, and the firm but temperate jurisdiction of his
son Ahmed, both internal and external affairs prospered favourably.
Ahmed Kiuprili conducted the wars with Austria with a fair amount of
success. He won Crete for the Turks, in 1669, from the Venetian general
Morosini; the wars with Sobieski, under his guidance, were, with certain
fluctuations, favourable to the Turks. He, in 1675, instituted the
levy of 3,000 boys from the Christian population to fill the ranks of
the Janissaries; and three days after the peace of Zuranna, by which
the Turks regained much of their lost military prestige, he died, very
shortly after the events related in such minute detail by Dr. Covel in
our second manuscript, and very shortly after the ratification of further
capitulations with the Levant Company at Adrianople; the incidents
concerning the obtaining of which Dr. Covel relates so graphically.
§ 4.—OF DR. JOHN COVEL.
The writer of the second MS. we have before us is mentioned by Evelyn in
his _Diary_ (ii, 338) as “Covel, the great Oriental traveller”. Evidently
he intended either to publish a work himself, or that his diary should
be published shortly after his death, for he divided part of his MS.
into chapters, put in illustrations, and collected together everything
connected with himself, every scrap of letter and paper that would be of
use, even down to his _testamur_ when he took his B.A. in 1657; but this
mass of MS. has remained hidden in the British Museum, and has never yet
seen the light of day. It is easy to see why any publisher would recoil
from bringing out so prolix a work, for the Doctor is wearisome in the
extreme. Before we leave Deal, in his first chapter, at the outset of
his travels, we are treated to at least thirty closely-written pages on
the wonders of the deep, which he picked up there; soon follows a long
dissertation on sea-sickness, and its supposed causes; and whenever he
came near any place of archæological interest, such as Carthage, Ephesus,
Constantinople, etc., he gives us enough information to fill a good-sized
volume on each spot. Consequently, it has been found necessary to
eliminate much in Dr. Covel’s exceedingly bulky diaries.
His narrative is, however, extremely interesting on many points: during
the six-and-a-half years he resided at Constantinople, from 1670 to 1677,
he noticed everything; his sketches of life, costumes, and manners are
minute and life-like. Sir George Wheeler says, in his volume of travels:
“Dr. Covel, then chaplain to his Majesty’s ambassador there, amongst many
curiosities shewed us some Turkish songs set to musick; which he told us
were, both for sense and music, very good: but past our understanding.”
Being, as he was, intimately connected with the embassy, he had ample
opportunity for studying the politics of the time. Dr. Covel was present
at the granting of the capitulations of 1676, which gained for the Levant
Company privileges which established it, for the ensuing century and a
half of its existence, on an unapproachable foundation.
John Covel was born at Horningsheath, in Suffolk, in 1638, and educated
at Bury St. Edmunds and Christ’s College, Cambridge, in the hall of which
his portrait, by Valentine Ritz, is still to be seen. He studied medicine
in early life with a view to being a physician, which will account for
his intimate knowledge of botany and drugs; but eventually, being elected
to a Fellowship at his College, he changed his line in life and took Holy
Orders.
Covel was distinguished for his erudition, and was a scholar of no mean
repute, as his MS. shows; and on the Restoration, in 1661, he was deputed
to make a Latin oration in the hall of Christ’s College, to celebrate the
return of the Stuart family to the throne of England. He composed a long
poem also to celebrate this event, a few stanzas of which I give here:
“The Horrible winter’s gone,
And we enjoy a cheerful spring;
The kind approach of the Sun
Gives a new birth to every thing.
“The trees with blossoms are crowned now,
Which then did penance in snow;
And there with busy noise the Bee
Practise mysterious chemistry.
“Just so, great Prince, when you arrived,
Each drooping heart revived;
Your glorious rays and divine influence
Gave us new life and sense.
“Too rigid Fate
Had blasted Church and State;
And, with a boisterous storm,
Put all things out of form.
“Oh, may your glories ever shine!
Always rising still more bright.
What never stops at any height
Can never decline.”
In 1669 Covel was appointed as chaplain to the ambassador at
Constantinople, Sir Daniel Harvey, by the Levant Company, and Charles II
gave him a dispensation to go to Constantinople and hold his Fellowship
at the same time: it runs as follows:
“Given at our Court at Dover, 19th day of May, in the 22nd
year of our reign. Our will and pleasure is that you dispense
with the absence of the said John Covel, so that he receive
and enjoy (by Himself or his assignees) all and singular the
profits, dividends, stipends, emoluments, and dues belonging to
his fellowship in as full and ample manner to all intents and
purposes as if he were actually resident in the College.”
During his residence at Constantinople he witnessed many important
sights, notably the great _fêtes_ at Adrianople in honour of the
circumcision of Prince Mustapha, and the marriage of the Sultan’s
daughter, which were the most noted _fêtes_ of the century in Turkey,[3]
and also the granting of the capitulations during the time of the plague.
The next nine years of Covel’s life were spent in travel. In 1679 he
returned to England, and immediately afterwards took his D.D., and was
chosen as Margaret preacher of Divinity at Cambridge. In 1681 he got one
of his college livings of Kegworth, and was soon afterwards appointed as
chaplain to the Princess of Orange, and resided at the Hague. In October
1685 the Prince of Orange intercepted a letter written by Dr. Covel to
Skelton, the English ambassador, giving an account of Prince William’s
tyrannical behaviour to his wife. Dr. Covel was forthwith dispatched home
again in great disgrace; he never spoke of what had transpired, and it
was long a mystery. There is, however, a letter to Princess Mary amongst
his papers, in which he speaks of the scurrilous reports which alleged
that he tried to make mischief between the King and the Prince, and
between the Prince and your Royal Highness, and concludes, “in the words
of the Royal Martyr, your most glorious grandfather, that as He hath
given us afflictions to try our patience, so He would give us Patience to
bear our afflictions.”
Dr. Covel was twice Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, the
first time in 1689, when King William visited the University, and his
letters show a considerable degree of anxiety as to how the King, whom he
had maligned as Prince, would receive him. In reply to these anxieties,
King William sent a curt answer, stating “that he could distinguish
between Dr. Covel and the Vice-Chancellor of the University”.
Dr. Covel was not fortunate with his voluminous writings; he got into
another scrape with the Court in a book entitled _The Interpreter of
Words and Terms_; it was ordered to be destroyed, being, as it was
supposed, “in some points very derogatory to the supreme power of this
Crown”. He also wrote on gardening and fruit-trees; but his _magnum
opus_ was a work on the Greek Church, which he published shortly before
his death, which remained for long the standard work on the subject. It
is entitled: _Some Account of the present Greek Church, with Reflections
on their present Doctrine and Discipline, particularly on the Eucharist
and the rest of their seven Pretended Sacraments_. In his Preface he
apologises for the long delay, owing to his “itinerant life”, and having
been “chained to a perpetual college bursar’s place”. It is evident
from his diary that, when at Constantinople, Dr. Covel gave himself
up to this study very closely, in fact, he was deputed to do so, for
the controversy was then at its height which was started by M. Arnold,
Doctor of the Sorbonne, as to whether the Greeks held the doctrine of
transubstantiation or not, and a union between the Eastern and Western
Churches was much feared by the Protestants. The eccentric Marquis de
Nointel, who was the French ambassador to the Porte at that time, was
most eager to bring this about, and as he was on very friendly terms with
Sir John Finch, it was suspected that he used his influence to win over
the English ambassador; hence Dr. Covel had an important task to perform,
and no wonder he writes so bitterly on the ignorance and corruption of
the Greek clergy. To show his zeal, the Marquis de Nointel celebrated
Midnight Mass on Christmas Eve, 1673, in the cave of Antiparos, with a
broken-off stalactite as his communion-table, on which may still be read
the words he carved:—
“Hic ipse Christus adfuit
Ejus natali die mediâ nocte celebrato
MDCLXXIII.”
The ambassador was accompanied by five hundred people—his domestics,
merchants, Greeks, and Turks—and he was so impressed by it, that he
repeated the experiment on two subsequent occasions. The proposed union
of the Churches, however, never came to anything, and by the time Dr.
Covel’s book came out the controversy was at an end and forgotten.
Dr. Covel was appointed Master of Christ’s College in 1688, and retained
this position until his death in 1722, at the ripe age of eighty-four.
The good work that Sir John Finch did for the Company in getting the
capitulation of 1676, as Dr. Covel relates, in the teeth of the plague
at Adrianople, did much for the security of trading and property in
the Levant. Attached to these capitulations is the following clause:
“That two ships’ loads of figs and currants should be allowed to be
annually exported from Smyrna for the use of the King’s kitchen.” Sir
John Finch was the son of the Speaker of the House of Commons, and was
brought up as a physician, together with his bosom companion Thomas
Baines; they studied together in England, and in Padua, and when Sir
John was appointed as Minister to Tuscany, he got Charles II to attach
his friend as physician to the legation, and also to bestow on him the
honour of knighthood. When Sir John Finch was moved to Constantinople Sir
Thomas Baines accompanied him in the same capacity; they were together
with Covel during the trying time of the plague at Adrianople, and
frequent allusion is made to them both in the diary. They were known in
Constantinople as the ambassador and the chevalier, the two inseparable
friends, whose attachment to one another was as romantic as that of Damon
and Pythias. Sir Thomas Baines died in Constantinople in 1680, and,
in great grief, his friend had his body embalmed and sent home to be
buried in Christ’s College. Two years later, immediately on his return
to England, Sir John Finch himself died, and, by special request, was
buried in the same tomb as his friend, with the same marble slab over
them, on which Henry More wrote a touching epitaph. Jointly, they endowed
two scholarships and two fellowships for Christ’s College, and are still
jointly thanked as benefactors of that very College over which their
friend and companion in adversity, Dr. Covel, ruled for forty years after
their deaths.
§ 5.—OF THE SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF THE LEVANT COMPANY.
From the life of Dudley North, afterwards Sir Dudley, son of Lord North,
and ambassador for the Company to the Porte, which life was written by
his son, we get an interesting insight into the life and times of those
Merchant Adventurers in the seventeenth century, who were undoubtedly the
founders of our national fortunes and national pre-eminence.
Dudley North was born in 1641, and went out to Smyrna as supercargo, and
was apprenticed to a Turkey merchant when eighteen years of age, with
a capital of £400. For many years he lived a most frugal life, making
himself master of the Turkish language, and keeping himself aloof from
the extravagant and luxurious lives which the English merchants in the
Smyrniote factories lived in those days. When they “procured a pack
of hounds, and hunted in the country, after the English way”, young
North resisted the temptation to buy a horse, and went out hunting on
an ass. He was a young man sure of eventual success. On his subsequent
removal to Constantinople, and employment in the factory of Messrs.
Hedges and Palmer, he lived in the building itself, and looked after the
bookkeeping, and gained his first credit by getting in the outstanding
debts of the firm. He made himself master of the “rules of Turkish
justice”, and at once set about to institute five hundred claims in the
law courts. These claims he conducted himself in the Turkish Courts in
the Turkish language, and won a great many of those which his employers
had hitherto looked upon as hopeless.
He soon set up business on his own account, and as it rapidly increased,
he sent for his brother Montagu, from Aleppo, and together the brothers
built up for themselves the fabric of a colossal fortune.
The brothers North appear to have dealt largely in jewels, with which
they tempted the women of the Seraglio, and to have lent money at from
20 to 30 per cent. to impecunious Pashas. Dudley North became treasurer
of the Levant Company in Constantinople, did excellent work in the survey
of the city, and eventually concluded his successful career by being
appointed ambassador for the Company to the Porte. He was a man of strong
business capacity, and “his first care”, says his son, “on setting up for
himself, was to get a fire-tight room to secure his goods from fire, and
a sofa-room in which to entertain the Turks.”
About this time we hear ever more and more, in the Levant Company’s
dealings with the Turks, of the _avanias_, or unauthorised demands made
by the Turks on foreign merchants. Sir Dudley North at once took up this
question, and wrote himself an interesting account of these encroachments
on the capitulations granted to the Turkey merchants. The _avanias_ had
their origin in small matters of etiquette; gradually they spread to
commerce and merchandise, and in 1685 came the great edict, which obliged
every foreigner who had married a Turkish subject, himself to become a
subject of the Porte, and these men were forbidden to leave the country
without the Sultan’s consent.
This edict has given rise to the still numerous Levantine families to
be found in the Turkish Empire, families bearing English, French, and
Italian names, and tracing their origin to those nations, but practically
absorbed in the Ottoman Empire. It was a great blow to many artisans and
merchants who had married and settled in the Levant. No less than forty
French watchmakers, who had married Greek wives and settled in Galata,
were obliged to become Turkish subjects in spite of the remonstrances of
the French ambassador, and the case of Mr. Pentloe settled the question
with regard to the English. He had married a Greek lady, and on his death
left a will appointing two English merchants as his executors, obliging
them to realise his property, and send his widow and her two children to
England. Accordingly, the executors proceeded to carry out his wishes,
but the Turkish Government seized Mrs. Pentloe and her children on
embarkation, and threw the two executors into prison, from which they
did not emerge for some considerable period; all Mr. Pentloe’s money was
confiscated, and our ambassador could get no redress. This iniquitous
_avania_ was not repealed for a hundred years afterwards, and may be
taken as the origin of most of the so-called Levantine families, great
numbers of which are to be found in Constantinople, Smyrna, Salonika, and
other trade centres in the Turkish Empire.
The progress of the Levant Company was steady, and prosperity attended
their commerce. Notwithstanding, in 1681 we find the Turkey merchants
petitioning Parliament against the East India Company, and begging for
permission to have “exercise of trade in the Red Sea, and all other
dominions of the Grand Signior, and to forbid the East India Company to
import raw or wrought silks”; and further stating that as their freights
were “raw silks, gaules, grograms, yarn, cotton, etc., and as they, not
being a joint-stock Company, did not export much gold”, that the East
India Company ought to be restricted from importing such things as they
considered they only had the monopoly of. To this petition the East India
Company drew up an exhaustive reply, and Parliament set the petition on
one side.
For the first three decades of the last century the prosperity of the
Levant Company may be said to have been at its height. In the years
1716 and 1717 they exported to Turkey “43,000 cloths, and a very great
quantity of lead, tin, sugar, etc.” In 1718, for the greater protection
of merchants, “general ships”, which sailed together in large squadrons,
were appointed, and the manufacturers had nothing to do but to convey
their goods to the wharves, consign them to the shipowners, and pay the
freight. These general ships, as they were called, used to leave England
about July 1st, so as to have good weather in the open seas, and reach
Turkey about the right time for the winter markets; then they returned
home with raw silks, mohair, and other products of the East.
For some cause or another, in 1753 the condition of the Levant Company
was not so satisfactory. In this year they sent a petition to Parliament
for the remodelling of their charter on more favourable conditions.
In this petition they stated that a quarrel between Sir Kenelm Digby
and the Venetian admiral in the Bay of Scanderoon had cost the Company
£20,000; that the indiscretion of a young man at Aleppo had imperilled
the lives of all Europeans, and incurred enormous losses on the Company;
that they had to pay an indemnity of £12,000 for prisoners taken in
war, and other similar misfortunes had fallen upon them. Consequently,
Parliament thought fit to grant them their petition: they were to have
unmolested choice of the ministers maintained by them at home and abroad,
ambassadors, governors, deputies, consuls, etc.; nobody except free
brothers of the corporation could send ships into those parts, and very
stringent rules were made on this point, full powers being given to the
Company to fine, imprison, and send home in custody any individuals
who infringed this rule; they were allowed to make their own laws and
by-laws, though these had to receive the sanction of the Board of Trade;
and, with various little assistances from Government in minor points, the
Company of Levant Merchants again became exceedingly flourishing, and
continued to be so until the end of its days.
At the end of the last century it would appear that the Company consisted
of eight hundred members, each and all calling themselves “Turkey
Merchants”. The wages of their officials, that is to say, the ambassador,
secretaries, chaplains, consuls, and physicians at Constantinople,
Smyrna, Aleppo, Alexandria, Algiers, Patras, etc., came to £15,000 per
annum. Many of our consulates in the East, as they now stand, were built
by them, and the fine embassy at Constantinople cost the Company £10,000.
The Porte gave the ground for this building out of gratitude to England
for driving the French out of Egypt, and the opening of it was hallowed
by the liberation of many Christian slaves, mostly Maltese, who came in a
body to the ambassador to tender their heartfelt thanks.[4]
In 1803 it was that the British Government first assumed the appointment
and payment of the ambassador and his secretaries; this was the first
step towards the disestablishment of the Company. The Eastern Question
was then beginning to make itself felt, the Balkan States were in arms
against Turkey, and, the interests of trade being naturally subordinate
to foreign policy, the Levant Company had to give way.
In 1825, when the disintegration of the Turkish Empire appeared imminent,
the Levant Company came to an end. Mr. Canning’s communication to
them ran as follows: “It results solely from considerations of public
expediency, and in no degree from any disrespect, or disposition to
impute any blame to their past administration.” The fact was obvious: the
new order of things had to supersede the old; the political atmosphere
was full of ideas of free trade; and the aristocratic, exclusive Company
of Turkey Merchants had to give way, and they did so gracefully. The
deed of surrender was drawn up in 1825, “of all the several grants,
privileges, liberties, powers, jurisdictions, and immunities granted
and conferred by their charters”; and in solemn conclave the Company of
merchants dissolved themselves, after honourably providing pensions for
their officials, and handing over a substantial balance to the treasury.
During its life of 244 years the Levant Company had had a most exemplary
and noble career, beneficial not only to its members, but to the English
nation, building up for her her commerce, and making her name respected
in the East. It would take a volume to enumerate the deeds of their great
men, and how they have not only contributed to our commercial success,
but have embellished our literature with admirable studies both of the
past and of the present. Sir Paul Ricaut and Sir James Porter wrote
admirable works on the policy and government of the Turkish people.
Montague, Covel, and Pococke gave some of the earliest accounts of the
people of the East in our tongue.
Under the influence of the Company, considerable attention was paid to
archæology: Spon and Wheeler, Chishull, Shaw, and last, but not least,
Lord Elgin, who rescued the marbles of the Parthenon from being damaged
in the bombardment of 1827. The Company’s doctors used to make a special
study of the plague. _Russell on the Plague_ was quite the standard work
of its time, and Dr. Maclean also made a special study of that dread
disease; and to the efforts of these men we may almost say that we owe
the gradual diminution and eventual eradication of the malady.
The rescuing of slaves from corsairs, the liberation of oppressed
Christians, whether they happened to be English, Greeks, or Armenians,
will be for ever one of the noblest and proudest of our actions. Without
the influence of the Levant Company, Greece would probably have never
succeeded in establishing her independence, and the Mussulmans would
have effectually eradicated the Christian populations of the East;
and it is a question for grave thought, as to whether our free and
enlightened Government, during the half-century that it has had control
over our actions in the East, has been as active and as influential as
the Company of Turkey Merchants, who could draw the sword as well as the
purse-strings, and were not hampered by the parsimonious feelings of
those who have to draw up an economical budget to present to the people
whose goodwill they wish to retain.
LIST OF ENGLISH AMBASSADORS TO THE PORTE IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES.
Mr. WILLIAM HARBORNE 1588.
Mr. EDWARD BARTON 1588-1597.
Mr. HENRY LELLO 1597-1607.
Sir THOMAS GLOVER 1607-1611.
Mr. PAUL PINDAR 1611-1619.
Sir JOHN EYRE[5] 1619-1621.
Sir THOMAS ROE[6] 1622-1628.
Sir PETER WYCH 1628-1639.
Sir SACKVILLE CROWE[7] 1639-1647.
Sir THOMAS BENDYSH[8] 1647-1661.
The EARL OF WINCHILSEA 1661-1668.
Sir DANIEL HARVEY 1668-1672.
Sir JOHN FINCH[9] 1672-1681.
LORD CHANDOS 1681-1687.
Sir WILLIAM TRUMBULL 1687-1691.
Sir WILLIAM HUSSEY 1691 (June-Sept.)
LORD WILLIAM PAGET 1693-1702.
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.
P. xxiii, _for_ “Sir J. Bendish” _read_ “Sir T. Bendysh”.
Pp. xxxiii-v, Sir Dudley North was _not_ Ambassador, but Treasurer, of
the Levant Company.
Pp. xxxix-xl, Mr. Albert Gray adds: “An Act of Parliament (6 Geo. IV,
c. 33, Royal assent 10 June 1825) was passed which, after reciting the
Letters Patent of James I, and the subsequent Acts relating to the Levant
trade, recites that it would be beneficial that the exclusive rights and
privileges of the Company should cease and determine, and that ‘the said
Governor and Company are willing and desirous to surrender up the said
Letters Patent into His Majesty’s hands’. In pursuance of this Act a deed
was forthwith executed surrendering the Letters Patent to the Crown. One
section of the Act is now of some historical importance. It provided
that ‘all such rights and duties of jurisdiction and authority over His
Majesty’s subjects resorting to the ports of the Levant for the purposes
of trade or otherwise, as were lawfully exercised and performed’ by the
Company’s consuls, should thenceforth be exercised or performed ‘by any
consuls or other officers respectively as His Majesty may be pleased to
appoint for the protection of the trade of His Majesty’s subjects in the
ports and places, etc.’ This was the first statutory assignment to Royal
consuls of jurisdiction in places outside the dominions of the Crown.
From this Act sprang in due time the Foreign Jurisdiction Act of 1843
(now replaced by that of 1890), under which British subjects and British
protected persons enjoy the protection of British courts of law in almost
every independent Oriental country from Morocco to Corea, and by means
of which the foundations of law and order are being laid in the great
protectorates of Africa.”
P. 11, “North Cape” is Cape Finisterre, known of old to the seamen of the
Mediterranean as the _North Cape_.
P. 16, “Morottome” is probably Marabout, on the coast of Africa, near a
“fort in ruins”. See Admiralty Chart, sect. vii, 252.
P. 63 _note_, _for_ “Paul Pinder” _read_ “Paul Pindar”.
P. 84, “Chorlaye in Lancashier”, is the town of Chorley, on a hill on the
Chor, nine miles south-south-east of Preston.
Pp. 95, 96, “Grande Malligam” is Malaga. “Alama” may be identified with
Almeria, a large seaport of Spain, _not_ with Alhama, as stated in the
note.
P. 96, “Mount Chegos” is probably Serra de Monchique, north of Cape St.
Vincent, _not_ Los Guigos, behind Algeciras, as stated in the note.
P. 102, “Virginia men” alludes to ships bound for America; “Streightsmen”
to those bound for the Mediterranean.
P. 106, “Les Scenes” refers to the cluster of islands known as the
_Chaussée de Sein_, off the coast of Brittany (cf. _Sailing Directions_,
Glossary, p. 34, ed. for the Hakl. Soc.).
P. 133, “Romania” was the name originally given to the whole of the
western Roman Empire. This term, together with Roumelia, has now become
much circumscribed.
P. 133, _Maniotes_ were the inhabitants of Mani, the southern portion of
the Peleponnesus. This term has probably the same origin as Romani.
P. 140, line 15, _for_ “work” _read_ “word”.
P. 141, _Agnus castus_ is the oleander.
P. 143, “Magla” should be Nagara, exactly on site of ancient Abydos.
P. 153, “Kalenderis” are, as stated by Dr. Covel, a sect of dervishes.
P. 153, “Jamurluck” is a tunic.
P. 154, “Bellonius.” This is Pierre Belon, a well-known French
archæologist, who wrote _Thesaurus Græcarum antiquitatum_, Antwerp, 1589.
P. 196, “Mr. Cook.” This must be the Mr. Coke who was present at the
solemnities, and wrote the following:—“A True Narrative of the Great
Solemnity of the Circumcision of Mustapha, Prince of Turkey, eldest
son of Sultan Mahomed, present Emperor of the Turks. Together with an
account of the Marriage of his Daughter to his great Favourite Mussaip at
Adrianople. As it was sent in a letter to a Person of Honour.
“By Mr. Coke, Secretary of the Turkey Company; Being in Company with his
Excellency the Lord Embassador, Sir John Finch. London, 1676.” Reprinted
in _Harleian Miscellany_.
[Illustration]
PART I.
MASTER THOMAS DALLAM’S DIARY.
[Illustration]
1599.
In this Book is the Account of an Organ Carryed to the Grand Seignor and
Other Curious Matter.
Nessecaries for my voyege into Turkie, the which I bought upon a verrie
short warninge, havinge no frend to advise me in any thinge.
_Imprimis_ for one sute of sackcloth to weare at sea 1 2 0
Item for another sute of Carsaye[10] 1 18 0
Item for tow wastcotes of flanell 0 8 0
Item for one hatt 0 7 6
Item for an arminge sorde 0 6 0
Item for a chiste 0 9 8
Item for 3 shirtes 0 18 6
Item for one doson of bandes 0 12 8
Item for half a doson of bandes 0 10 0
Item for one bande 0 2 6
Item for sixe shirtes more 1 14 0
Item for one doson of hand chirthers (handkerchiefs) 0 10 0
Item for one pare of garters 0 4 0
Item for one doson of poyntes[11] 0 1 0
Item for another doson 0 2 0
Item for 2 pare of stockins 0 12 0
Item for one pare of lininge britchis 0 1 4
Item for one pare of pumpes and pantables[12] 0 3 6
Item for 3 pare of showes 0 7 0
Item for a girdle and hangers[13] 0 2 8
Item for a gowne 1 10 0
Item for a pare of virginals 1 15 0
Item for a pare of fustion britchis 0 2 6
Item for a hatbande 0 4 2
Item for another hatbande 0 1 0
For a seller and glassis 0 11 6
Item for Rosa solis[14] and a compostie[15] 0 6 0
Item for oyle and vineger 0 2 0
Item for prunes 0 1 3
Item for Resons of the son (sun-dried raisins) 0 1 4
Item for cloves, mace, and peper 0 1 6
Item 2 pounde of suger 0 3 0
Item for nutmuges 0 1 0
Item for gloves 0 3 0
Item for knives 0 5 0
Item for 30ˡⁱ of tin in bars 0 18 0
Item for a grose of Spownes (spoons) 0 9 0
Item for otemeale 0 0 10
Item for carreing my chiste to Blacke wale 0 1 6
Item for my passige to Graves end 0 0 6
Item my staying there 4 dayes—it coste me 0 12 0
Item at Deale Castell 0 1 0
Item at Dartmouthe 0 4 0
At Plimmouthe, stayinge thare seven Dayes it coste me 0 15 0
At Argeare[16] in Barbarie 0 4 0
At Zante in Gretia
At Scandaroune in A[17]
From the Landes end of England to the straites mouthe is 4 hundrethe
leagues.
Betwixte the straites mouthe and Argeare in Barbarria is one hundrethe
and fiftie leages.
From Argeare to Cisillia is 2 hundrethe leages.
From Cesillia to Zante is 90 leages.
From Zante to Scandaroune is 2 hundrethe and fiftie Leages.
400 L.
150
200
090
250
----
1090 Leages.
[Illustration]
DALLAM’S TRAVELS
WITH AN ORGAN TO THE GRAND SIGNIEUR.
A brefe Relation of my Travell[18] from The Royall Cittie of
London towardes The Straites of Mariemediteranum, and what
hapened by the waye.
The shipp whearin I was to make my voyege to Constantinople, Lyinge at
Graves ende, I Departed from Londone in a pare of ores, with my chiste
and suche provition as I had provided for that purpose, the nynthe of
Februarie 1598 (1599), being Frydaye.
Comminge to Graves ende, I wente aborde our shipp, Called the Heckter,
and thare placed my chiste, my bedinge, and a pare of virginals,[19]
which the martchantes did alow me to carrie, for my exersize by the
waye. Other comoditis I carriede none, savinge one grose of tin spounes,
the which coste me nyne shillinges; and thirtie pounde of tin in bares,
which coste me 18_s._ The shipe beinge verrie unreddie, and no cabbins
appoynted for passingeres, I was constrainede to go into the towne for
my Lodginge and Diette, till the thirtenthe Daye in the After nowne, at
which time anker was wayed and we under sayle, untill we came to Deale
Castell.
Cominge to Deale Castell, thare we came to an anker, for the wynde sarved
not to pass by Dover. Thar our ship stayed fouer dayes for a wynde. In
the meane time we wente a shore into the towne of Deale, and also to
Sandwiche, to make our selves merrie. When the wynde came fayer, it was
in the nyghte, and diverse of us that weare passingers, and also som
saylers, weare in the towne of Deale, wheare som of our company had
dranke verrie moche, espetialy one of our five Trumpeters, who, beinge
in Drinke, had Lockid his Chamber dore; and when he that came from the
ship to call us went under his chamber wyndoe and caled him, he Came to
the wyndoe and insulted him; whear upon we wente all a waye a borde our
ship, and lefte that Dronkerde be hinde. Thar the wynde sarvinge well, we
sayled merraly by Dover, and so a longe the Sleve.[20]
But beinge aboute 30 leages at sea, sodonly thare cam a contrarie wynde,
the which did prove a marvalus greate storme for the space of eyghte and
fortie houres. In the nyghte we did not only louse our pinis caled the
Lanerett,[21] who was to goo with us to the gulfe of Venis, but we also
loste our selves, not knowinge whear we weare by Reason the fogge was
so greate that we could se no son. When it began anythinge to cleare,
we founde our selves to be harde upon the ponie stones[22] betwyxt
Ingland and Ierlande, a verrie dangerus place. Than our mariners did
Labur to gitte into the mayn otion againe, but the storme not altogether
seacinge, but the foge more Increasinge, we wear the next Daye at a non
plus againe, not knowinge wheare we weare, but beinge under sayle, and
the foge verrie thicke. Upon a sodon we saw the seae breake a gainste
the shore, the which was verrie greate Rockes, and we weare so neare the
shore that it was not possible to caste aboute in time to save ourselves
from shipwracke, but it pleased almyghtie God so to defend us from harme
that we weare juste befor the harbur at Dartmouthe, a verrie straite
entrie betwyxte greate Rockes that ar on bothe sides of that entrie. Than
weare we all verrie joyfull, and entred in thare verrie willingly. Thare
we stayed four dayes. In the meane time the Mr.[23] and Martchantes sent
postes aboute to all the haven townes upon that coste to inquier of our
pinis, the Lanerett. In the End word was brought that presently, after
the storme, 3 or 4 sayle of Dunkerkes[24] had her in chace, and in the
storme her topmaste was broken, so that, to save her selfe from beinge
taken, she Ron a shore at Falmouthe. Havinge thar goten a new topmaste,
she sente word by the mesinger that she would meet us in Plimmouthe
sounde. This worde beinge broughte, Anker was wayed, and we under sayell;
when we cam Ryghte before Plimmouthe a peece was discharged to call our
pinis; but even at that time the wynd came contrarie, so that we moste
needes also goo in thare, and cam to an anker in Catt water, wheare we
founde our pinis. Thare we stayed sevene dayes for a wynde.
The 16th day of Marche, beinge verrie could wether, the wynde came
fayer, and as we weare under sayle in Plimmouthe-sounde, thare came in a
litle carvell[25] with salte, who no sonner was come to the shore, and
hearinge the name of our shipe, but they caused a parlie to be sounded
be a trumpett, whearupon sayle was storouk, and tow sailers of that
carvell came aborde our shipe, advisinge our Mr. not to goo to seae with
oute good store of companye; for they wente to seae in a man of ware
from Plimmouthe, caled the Plow, and theye weare taken by seven sayell
of Dunkerkes, who Did straitly examon them if they could tell weare
the Heckter was, or whether she weare gone her voyage or no, but they
protested that they never hard of suche a shipp. Som of these men thei
put to death, to feare otheres. Whate they did with the Reste of theire
men they knew not. They touke theire ship from them, and gave sixe of
them that litle carvell to bringe them home.
When our Mr. and captaine had harde these men speake, he toulde them
that he would not staye one hour for any more companye than God alreddie
had sente him, the which was only our pinis and tow shipes that weare
goinge for New found Land, and for there owne saftie mad haste after us.
Saylinge forthe before a faire wynde, our ship sayled so well that we
could spare the pinis our mayne saile, and yeate the nexte morninge our
pinnis was verrie far behind. Aboute 8 of the clocke, one in our maine
tope discried 3 sayle, the which did ly close by our fore porte a little
after; he saw four more, which lay the same cource, and these weare the
seven sayell which we weare tould of. Than we began to Louke aboute
us, our goneres made Reddie there ordinance, our faightes[26] oute, and
everie man his bandaleare[27] and muskett. We hade the wynde of them, and
needed not to have spoken with them, but our Captaine thoughte it not
fitt to show our selves fearfull or cowardly; Leaste the wynde should
sodonly turne, or scante upon us, and our flyinge would incurridge our
enemyes to com the more bouldly upon us. Than he caled the botson and
bid him beare towardes them, the which he willingly wente aboute; so we
bore Towardes them, and when we came so neare them that we myghte well
disarne the hulke of there amberall and of their vizamberall, and they
cam bouldly upon us, our Mr. bide the botswayne stow them a brood side;
for our mayne sayle was so brode, that they could not se the stoutnes
of our ship; for may hape, cothe he (mayhap, quoth he), they may take
our ship to be one of the Quen’s, and yf we doo hapen to heale them, or
theye us, they which make answer maye say our ship is caled the Seven
stars, for the quene as yeate hathe none of that name; but assowne as
they sawe the brode side of our ship, thinking us in dede to be one of
the Quene’s ships, they presently turned them aboute to flye away. Than
we gave chace to them, havinge almoste loste sighte of our pinis, and
all other shipes savinge those which we gave chace unto. They made all
the sayle they coulde, and yeat with in halfe an hour we weare come with
in shott of them. Than our captain bid the Mr. goner give them a chace
peece[28] shout at the amberall, but hitt him not, so the Mr. goner gave
him a shott cloce by his fore bowe[29]; yeat would they nether strike
sayle, nor show any flagge, but made away with all the sayle they had,
drablings[30] and topgalands, but all would not serve their turne, for
we came nearer and nearer unto them. Than our Mr. bid the goner shoute
throughe the amberall his maynsayle, and so he did verrie near her
drablinge. Than the Amberall, vise amberall, Rear amberall, and one more
shoute the mayn topp; but at that time they hade the wyndie side of us,
though we weare com unto them, yeat no man would once show himselfe. Than
the booteson of our ship stod upon our spar decke,[31] with his sorde
drawne in his hande, commandinge them to come under our Lee side. The
which verrie unwillingly they dide, yeate no man would show himselfe. Now
we beinge verrie neare the coste of Spayne (or France) he tackte about
againe to goo his Ryghte cource, and all this seven sayell did follow us;
than our Mr. caled unto the amberall him selfe, comanding them to caste
oute the bote and com abord us (or eles he would sinke them); after so
callinge twyse unto them, one that semed by his spetche to be a Ducheman,
answered, we woll, we woll, but Longe it was before the boote came
forthe, yeat at laste there bote came forthe, and the captaine of that
shipe, with 4 saylers to Row the bote, wente a borde the wise amberall,
and there stayed halfe an houre. Than those thre captaines came a borde
our shipe; now all this whyle we weare saylinge our courc, and all these
seven shipes durst do no other but follow us. When these thre captaines
came aborde us, one of our company saw one of them have under his arme
a good long mony bage full of somthinge, and so they wente with the Mr.
of our ship into his cabin, and talked a good whyle. In the meane time
the sayleres which broughte these captaynes a borde, standinge on our
hatchis, and our saylers Loukinge upon them, one of our men sayde, surly
I should know this fellow, for he is an Inglishman. That man presently
answered, swearinge a greate othe, and sayde that he was no Inglishman,
nether could speak one worde of Inglishe; and yeat he spoke as good
Inglishe as any of us. Than one of our maysteres mates, our pursser and
boteson touke theyr boote, and foure of our owne sayleres, and wente a
borde thre or foure of those shipps; and in that meane time, our Mr. and
the 3 captaines havinge well talked of the mater, our Mr. cam forthe of
his cabbin and strode upon the sparr decke, causing all our company to be
caled before him, did Reed a letter which semed to be but newly wrytten;
the efeckte of that letter was as yf it had bene made as a pass from the
kinge of France, with sartayne wynes which the captaynes sayde weare a
borde ther shipes. But whyle he was a Reeding that Letter, our mysteres
mate, purser, and bootson came frome the shipps and sayd they weare men
of warre, Laden with nothinge but men, soulders, musketes, Raperes and
dagers, sheldes and buckeleres, and ment nothinge so moche as to have
taken us; but our maister havinge alreddie taken the prise in his cabbin,
seemed to be verrie angrie with his mate and the purser for sayinge so,
he havinge a letter to show the contrarie; so he discharged the captayn
and let the shipes go, the which greved the sayeleres and the Reste of
our company verrie moche. Yf he had done, as he myghte verrie well have
done, broughte these seven sayle as a prise into Inglande, it would have
bene the braveste sarvis that ever any Inglishe marchante shipe did, and
tharby have Reaped greate cridit as any ever did.
[32][At our cominge home out of Turkie it was well knowne that those
seven saile, after they escaped from us, and before our coming home, they
had taken and Robed upon the seae, betwyxt London and New Castell, thre
score sayle of Inglishe and other contrie ships.]
MARCHE 1599.
The 20th Day, the wynde sarvinge well, we paste the Northe Cape, and
entered the bay of Portingale. The 23 we Recovered the Soothe Cape. Than
we weare becalmed for a time. The 24 thare came an Infinite company of
porposis aboute our ship, the which did leape and Rone (run) marvalusly.
The 25 we saw 2 or 3 greate monstrus fishis or whales, the which did
spoute water up into the eayere, lyke as smoke dothe assend out of a
chimnay. Sometime we myghte se a great parte of there bodye above the
water. The calme did yeat continue. The 27, havinge a verrie fayer
wynde, the which did blow a good gale aboute 12 or one of the clocke,
we entered the straytes of Marie-medeteranum in Dispite of our enymyes.
At the entrie it is butt 3 Leages at the moste from shore to shore. In
my thinkinge it seemed not to be above 3 myles, but the Reason of yt
is because the Lande is verrie hie on bothe sides, Spayne on our Lefte
hand, and Barberie of the Ryghte. On Spayne side we did se a verrie fayer
towne or cittie, caled Tarrefe,[33] the which stood verrie pleasantlye
close to the seae. On Barbarie side Thar is a myghtie mountayn of Rockes,
the which theye do call Ape hill.[34] 7 Leages further, on Spayne side,
thar is a verrie strone (strong) towne Caled Jebbatore.[35] This towne
Lay verrie fayer to our vew. It is verrie well fortified, and of greate
strengthe. Thare dothe also Ly a greate number of the king of Spayens
gallies and men of warr, to keepe the straites. On the easte side of
the towne tharis a greate mountayne, wheare on a great parte of the
towne dothe stande. This mountayne is verrie upryghte on bothe sides,
but on the easte sid it is so uprighte that no man can go to the top of
it. It standes cross wyse to the seae. On the fore end tharis a stronge
bullworke, by which means the towne is more secure.
We sett oute from Plimmouthe the 16th of Marche, havinge than verrie
could wether, and no sine of any grene thinge on trees or hedgis; and
the 27, at the entringe of the straites, the wether was exsedinge hoote,
and we myghte se the feeldes on bothe sides verrie grene, and the tres
full blowne, the which unto me was a verrie greate wonder to finde suche
an alteration in a 11 dayes. Ryghte over againste Jeblatore, on Barbarie
side, thar is a towne verrie fayer to our vew, caled Shutte.[36] This
towne is waled aboute, and the feldes about it verrie pleasante, and of
good soyle.
Thoughe on bothe sides of seae tharis hudge mountains and Raged Rockes,
on the Easte end of this towne a litle tharis a Large and stronge
bullworke (or forte), and the Lyke is on the weste side. The kinge of
Spayne Dothe also houlde that toune, beinge in Barberie.
A litle further on the Coste of Spayne thar is a Towne caled Marvels,[37]
but I could not well disarne it for the fogge which at that time Laye
upon the seae. The nexte towne is caled grand Malligan,[38] and than
Sallabrin,[39] which towne is fortie Leages easte of Jeblatore.
The 28 of Marche we sayled still a longe by the shore of Spayne, wheare
we myghte se upon hudg mountaynes great store snowe that Dothe ly thare
contenually, and yeate in the vallies below it is verrie hote.
The 29th daye we sayled by the shore of Africa.
The 30th daye we entered into a harber in Barberia, Caled Argeare.[40]
When we weare upon the sea before the towne it made a verrie fayer show.
It Lyethe cloce to the seae, upon a verrie upryghte hill. The towne in
proportion is Lyke a top sayle. It is verrie strongly waled about with
tow wales and a dich.
The housis be bulte of Lyme and stone. The greateste parte of the towne,
or housis in the towne, have flatt Roufes, covered artifitialy with
playster of paris. A man beinge on the topp of one house may goo over the
greateste parte of the towne. Diverse of the streetes ar verrie narrow
and uneasie goinge in them, for the towne standes upon Rockes. Above the
towne, upon the top of the hill, thar is a castell, the which may comande
the Roode, or a parte of the seae before the towne. Almoste a myle from
that castell into the contriewardes thare is an other castell, the which
is gardede or kepte by a sartaine number of souldieres; but, as farr as
I could Learne, it is but only to keepe the heade of there springes of
water, which com to there fountaines in the town, for the Turkes Drinke
nothinge but water; and they saye that hors and man maye goo under, or
in the earthe, from that castell to the towne. I and 3 or 4 more wente
yeat a myle further into the contrie, wheare we saw another castell, the
which, as we did thinke, was made for the same use. We went so farr into
the contrie at the Requeste of Mr. Chancie, who was our fysition and
surgin for the seae. He wente to gather som harbs and Routes. This dai
being the Laste Day of Marche, it was a wonder to us to se how forwarde
the springe was: trees and hedgis wear full blowne, corne, wheate, and
barly shott, yong oringis and apples upon the trees; and cominge againe
into the towne, we mett Mores and other people drivinge assis laden
with grene beanes, to be sould in the markett. As they went a Longe the
streete, they often would cale to the people, and say, balocke, balocke,
that is to saye, bewarr, or take heede. We saw diverse Moores com in
riding, all naked, savinge a litle clothe before them like a childe’s
apron. Som of them did carrie a darte, otheres a bowe and arros.
There be also a greate number of Jewes, but the greateste nomber be
Turkes.
The toune or cittie is verrie full of people, for it is a place of great
trad and marchandise. They have tow markett dayes in the weeke, unto the
which do com a great number of people out of the mountaines and other
partes of the contrie, bringinge in great store of corne and frute of
all sortes, and fowle, bothe wylde and tame. Thar be great store of
partridgis and quales, the which be sould verrie cheape, a partridge for
less than one pennye, and 3 quales at the same price. Thar be also great
store of henes and chickins, for they be hatchte by artificiall meanes,
in stoves or hote housis, without the helpe of a hen. The maner of it
I cannot at this time playnly discribe, but heareafter I may, yf God
permitte.
They have also greate store of Camels, assis, asnegoes,[41] oxon,
horsis, and som dromedaries. Thar be a greate number of Turks that be
but Renied[42] cristians of all nations. Som, but moste are Spanyardes,
Italians, and other Ilands adjoyninge, who, when they be taken, ar
compelled so to doo, or els to live in moche more slaverie and myserie.
But, in prosis of time, these Renied cristians do become most berberus
and villanus, taking pleasur in all sinfull actions; but that which is
worste of all they take moste delite in, and that is, Theye proule aboute
the costes of other contries, with all the skill and pollacie thei can,
to betraye cristians, which they sell unto the Moors and other marchantes
of Barbarie for slaves.
Thare ar in this toune great store of hote houses, or bathes, the which
they call bangowes,[43] and also cooke’s housis, that dress meate verrie
well.
The next day after we came into the Roode, the kinge sent worde to our
captaine that he should come unto him and bringe with hime the presente
which he had to carrie unto the Grand Sinyor; so our captaine wente unto
him and tould the kinge That the presente which he carried to the grand
sinyor was not only a thinge of greate substance and charge, but allso it
was Defficulte curios, and would aske a longe time to put it together,
and make it fitt to be sene. When the kinge understode whate our captaine
had saide, he would give no cridite unto his wordes, but kepte him as a
prisner, and caused me and my mate to be sente for. When we came before
him, and wear examened, he found us to be in the same tale that our
captaine had toulde; and than was our captane Released and we discharged,
and the kinge sente our captaine for a presente a borde our shipe tow
buls and thre sheepe, the which weare verrie leane, for they do thinke
the worste thinges they have is tow good for cristians. They ar all in
generall verrie covitus, and use all the pollacie they can to gitt from
the cristians, lawfully or unlawfully, as moche as they maye.
The Turkishe and Morishe weomen do goo all wayes in the streetes with
there facis covered, and the common reporte goethe thare that they
beleve, or thinke that the weomen have no souls. And I do thinke that it
weare well for them if they had none, for they never goo to churche,
or other prayers, as the men dothe. The men ar verrie relidgus in there
kinde, and they have verrie faire churchis, which they do call mosques.
OF THE FURTHER PROCESSION OF OUR NAVIGATION.
We departed from the Cittie of Argier the fourthe of Aprill, saylinge
still near the Coste or shore of Africa. 20 leages from Argere Thare
is a faire towne caled Teddell,[44] but we sailed afar of from it. We
also passed by a litle towne calede Budgge,[45] under a hudge mountaine,
risinge hie, and picked lyke a suger lofe. Som of our navigateres saide
that at this place St. Augustine did sometime keepe a scoule or exersise.
It is 30th leagues from Argere towardes the easte on the same side.
The seventhe of Aprill beinge Easter eve, we saw verrie strainge
lyghtninge in the skie, or in the eire. It was verrie wonderfull and
strainge, for we myghte se the eayre open and a fier lyke a verrie hote
iron taken out of a smythe’s forge, somtimes in liknes of a roninge
worme, another time lyke a horsshow, and agine lyke a lege and a foute.
Also the Thunder clapes weare also exseding greate. The seventhe daye
we passed by a place caled Morrottome. The 18th, by a hudge mountaine,
which is an Ilande in the seae, close by the shore. This ilande is called
Simberrie.[46] Upon that shore, over againste it, was somtime the Cittie
of Carttag, but some wryteres caled it Carthage. Aboute five leagues
further we sawe the cape, or forte, caled Debone.[47] At the weste sid
of it thar is a greate and large Tovne, caled Tonis,[48] by some peopell
Thunes. Thare dothe lye some parte of the Turkes gallis. The 14th we
sayelled by a famous iland Caled Sissillia,[49] cloce by the shore of it.
This ilande, they saye, is threscore leages in lengthe; a verrie frutfull
and pleasante iland. It dothe yelde greate store of corne and all maner
of frute. At the weste End Thare Dothe alwayes ly at the leaste nyne
gallies, and at the weste end ten or more.
Neare unto the easte ende of this Cissillie there is a verrie heie
mountayne, the which they do cale Montabell, but the ryghte name of it
is mounte Ettna. In the Daye time we that sayle by it maye se the topp
of it covered with snow, but in the nyghte we did see manye flashis of
fiere, to our thinkinge about the mydle of the mountaine. This brave
ilande is under the kinge of Spayne. We did leave it upon our lefte hand.
Than, upon our ryghte hande, we saw another ilande, which is caled Malta,
and that is likewyse under the kinge of Spayne, and is now kept for the
quantati (_sic_) the Master of the Roodes,[50] so that the Turkes can
hardly pass that waye. A litle before we cam so farr as Malta, we gave
chace to a shipe, beinge the 15th daye. After the mayster of that shipp
parsaved by our flage whate we weare, and did se that thre suche as him
selfe was not able to contende with us, he caste out his boote and came
a borde us, and broughte with him for a presente diverse Comodities: som
turkie carpites, some quiltede Coveringes of watchat[51] silke, and tow
or thre great peecis of salte fishe that wear 7 or 8 foute longe and one
foute square. It was strainge fishe unto us. We never tasted it, for
after he that broughte it had talked privetly with our mayster, he gave
him leve to Departe, and to take all his presente with him; but it muche
greved our sayles (sailors), for som offesers of our shipp wente aborde
that shipp whyles he was talkinge with our mayster, and they founde
by the pursseres bouke that theye had ten thousand Dolleres worthe of
Spaynishe goodes a borde. But our Mr. having recaved som secrite bribe,
he sayed that the shipe and good came from Sio,[52] wheare Mr. Willyam
Auldridge was consell, with other idle reasons, and tharfore he would not
take anythinge from him; and so the ship went awaye. Than we paste by
Malta. The 17th daye we gave chace to another shipp of Massillia,[53] and
borded here, but had litle or nothinge from her. Than we crost the gulfe
of Venis.
The 19th we discried lande in Gricia.
The 20th daye we paste by Saffranee, leavinge it on our lefte hande. At
this porte of Saffranee[54] thare be tow tounes, and a moste singuler
good harber. Neare unto it is the iland caled Sante, but rether Zante.
The same Daye we came to an anker before the greate toune of that ilande,
the which theye Do call Zante, by the name of the ilande; thar is also
a good harbur. The toune or Cittie of Zante is Cittiwated cloce to the
seae, and is a good myle in lengthe; behinde it, upon a verrie hie
and stepie hill, Dothe stande a large platforme of a castell, whearin
Dothe live the governer of that castell and towne; he is caled the
Providore.[55] Within the wales of this castell is diverse other dwelers,
and many housis; within that place the Providore dothe tow dayes in the
weeke hould a courte, and heare diverse causes, as well of the Grekes
as of the Venition and Italians; for this ilande is under the Ducke of
Venis, but he houldes it under the greate Turke, and Dothe paye tribute
yearlye or quarterly for it. The greateste parte of the people in this
ilande be Greekes, and theye doo labur harde in planting and triminge the
corron (currant) gardins, ollive gardins, and vinyards. Hear growethe
verrie litle corne, but from hence comethe the moste of our Corrance and
beste ayle (oil); thar is also good wyne. There provition of breade,
beefe, gotese, shepe, and swyne and pullin (fowls), they have it from
Castle Turne[56] in Morea, the which place is neare the playnes of
Arcadia, whear plentie of catle ar. The Providore, and those which ar
nexte unto him in office, whome they do cale sinyors of healthe, would
not suffer us to com on shore because we came from Argeare, whear Turks
do live, and we broughte from thence som Turkes in our shipp; yeate,
at the End of six dayes, we had proticke,[57] which is, Leve to com a
shore. The order thar is, that all Those which doo com out of any parte
of Turkie, havinge not a letter of healthe from som Venition or Ittalion,
muste remayne ether a borde the ship, or in the prison which they do cale
the lazerett, for ten Dayes; yf in the meane time any man hapene to be
sicke, they muste all reste thare for ten dayes more, and so still for
ten Dayes untill the have there healthe.
Whyleste we laye thus for sixe dayes upon the seae before the towne, I
touke greate notis of a little mountayne, the which, as I thought, did
ly close to the seae, and semed to be a verrie pleasante place to take
a vew of the whole iland and the seae before it. It showed to be verrie
greene and playen ground on the tope of it, and a whyte thinge lyke a
rocke in the mydle tharof. I touke suche pleasur in behouldinge this
hill that I made a kinde of vow or promise to my selfe that assowne
as I sett foute on shore I would nether eate nor Drinke untill I had
bene on the tope tharof; and in the meane time did labur with tow of my
companyons, and perswaded them to beare me company. One of there names
was Myghell Watson, my joyner; the other’s name Edward Hale, a Cotchman.
The day beinge come that we should go a shore, I chalinged my associates
with there promise, and gott there good wils to go with me before we
wente into the towne. This hill is called by the Greekes Scopo (_i.e._,
outlook). It is from the town more than a myle, but I gave our sayleres
somthinge to carrie us in the coke boote, as we thoughte to the foute
of the hill; but when we weare sett a shore we found it to be almoste
tow myles unto it. When we cam to the foute of it, by greate fortune we
hapened on the ryghte waye, the which was verrie narrow and crouked. It
was arlye in the morninge, and we weare toulde, 2 or 3 dayes before,
that no man muste carrie any weapern with him when he wente a shore, and
tharfore we wente only with cudgels in our handes. So, assendinge the
hill aboute halfe a myle, and loukinge up, we sawe upon a storie of the
hill above us a man goinge with a greate staffe on his shoulder, havinge
a clubed end, and on his heade a cape which seemed to hus to have five
horns standinge outryghte, and a greate heard of gootes and shepe folloed
him.
My frende Myghell Watson, when he saw this, he seemed to be verrie
fearfull, and would have perswaded us to go no farther, tellinge us that
surly those that did inhabite thare weare savidge men, and myghte easalye
wronge us, we hauinge no sordes or dageres, nether any more Company; but
I tould him that yf thei weare divers, I would, with Godes help, be as
good as my worde. So, with muche adow, we gott him to go to that storie
wheare we sawe the man with his club; and than we saw that that man was
a heardman. Yeate, for all this, Myghell Watson swore that he would goo
no farther, com of it what would. Edward Hale sayd somthinge fayntly that
he would not leave me, but se the end. So we tow traveled forwarde, and
when we cam somthinge neare the topp, we saw tow horsis grasinge, with
packe sadls on ther backes, and one man cominge downe the hill towardes
us, having nothinge in his handes. Cothe I to my fellow: Nede, we shall
see by this man what people they be that inhabit heare. When this man
came unto us he lay his hand upon his breste, and boued his head and
bodye with smylinge countinance, makinge us a sine to go up still. Yeat
than Ned Hall began to diswade me from goinge any further; but I tould
him it would not stand with my othe to go backe untill I had bene as
farr as I could go. Cominge to the top thare was a prittie fair grene,
and on one sid of it a whyte house bulte of lyme, and some square, the
whyche had bene the house of an ancoriste, who, as I harde after wardes,
Died but a litle before our cominge thether, and that she had lived five
hundrethe years. Ryghte before us, on the farther side of the greene, I
saw a house of som 20 pacis longe, and waled aboute one yarde hie, and
than opene to the eaves, which was aboute a yarde more. And I se a man
on the inside reatche oute a coper kettell to one that stood with oute
the wale. Than saide I to Ned Hale: I will go to yender house and gitt
som drinke, for I have greate neede. The wether was verrie hote, and I
was fastinge. But Ned Hale tould me that I had no reason to drinke at
there handes, nether to go any nearer them. Yeate I wente bouldly to the
sid of the house, whear I saw another man drinke, and made a sine to
him within that I woulde drinke. Than he touke up the same ketle which
had water in it, and offer it me to drinke. And when I did put out my
hande to take it, he would not give it me, but sett it further of, and
than cam near the wale againe, and lifte up a carpit which lay on the
ground, and thar was six bottels full of verrie good wyne, and a faire
silver cupe, and he filed that silver boule full of a redeishe wyne,
which they do cale Rebola, and he gave it me to drinke; and when I had
it in my hande I caled to my frende Nede Hale, who stood a far of, for
he was a fraide to com neare. Hear, Nede, cothe I, a carrouse to all
our frendes in Inglande. I pray you, cothe he, take heede what you dow.
Will you take what drinke they give you? Yeae, truly, cothe I; for it
is better than I have as yeat disarved of. When I had give God thankes
for it, I drank it of, and it was the beste that ever I dranke. Than he
filled me the same boule with whyte Rebola, the which was more pleasante
than the other. When I had muche comended the wyne, and tould Ned Hale
that he was a foule to refuse suche a cup of wyne, than he come neare the
house, and desiered to have som water; so he had the kettle to drinke in.
When this was all done, I was so well pleasede with this entertaynmente,
that I knew not how to thanke this man. I had no mony aboute me but one
halfe Dolor of Spanyshe mony, and that mony is best accepted of in that
countrie. I offered to give that peece of silver to this man, but he
would not by any means take it. Than I remembered that I had tow severall
(Seville?) knyfes in my pocket. I toke one of them and gave it him, and
the blad gilded and graven. When he had taken it oute of the sheathe and
louked upon it, he caled with a loude voyce: Sisto, Sisto! Than another
man Came runninge, unto whom he showed but only the hafte of it, and
than they began to wrastell for the knife; but he that I gave it unto
kepte it, and leape ower the wale to the side whear I was, and, bowinge
him selfe unto me, he toke me by the hande, and led me aboute by the
ende of that house, and so into a litle cloyster, throughe the whyche we
passed into a Chappell, whear we found a preste at mass and wex candls
burninge. He pute me into a pue, whear I satt and saw the behaveour of
the people, for thare weare about 20 men, but not a woman emongste them;
for the wemen weare in a lower chapell by them selves,[58] yeate myghte
they heare and se. Ned Hale cam after, but hauinge loste sighte of me, at
his cominge into the chappell he kneled Downe neare unto the wemen, but
saw them not; but they saw him, and wondred at his behaveour; for, after
I had kneeled Downe, I stode up in my pue to louk for him, and than I saw
tow wemen put oute there heades and laughed at him—as indeed they myghte,
for he behaved him selfe verrie foolishly. Nether he nor I had ever sene
any parte of a mass before, nether weare we thinge the wyser for that.
This chapell was verrie curiusly paynted and garnished round aboute, as
before that time I had never seene the lyke. Sarvis beinge ended, we
Departed out of the chapell; but presently one cam after us, who did seme
verrie kindly to intreat me to goo backe againe, and he leed us throughe
the chappell into the cloyster, wheare we found standing eyghte verrie
fayre wemen, and rychly apparled, som in reed satten, som whyte, and som
in watchell Damaske,[59] there heads verrie finly attiered, cheanes of
pearle and juels in there eares, 7 of them verrie yonge wemen, the eighte
was Anchante (ancient), and all in blacke. I thoughte they hade bene
nones, but presently after I knewe they wear not. Than weare we brought
into that house wheare before I had dranke. Clothe beinge layde, we weare
requested to sitt downe, and sarved with good breade and verrie good wyne
and egges, the shels of them collored lyke a damaske Rose,[60] and these
mad lyke an alla compana (_alla campagna_[61]) Route, for they keep it in
the earthe, because nothinge will thar take salte. My fellow, Need Hale,
would nether eate nor drinke anythinge but water, yeat I did eate one
egge, bread and chese, and I dranke tow boules of wyne. Whylste we satt
there, the Jentelwemen came in, and thre of them came verrie neare us,
and louked earnestly upon us. I offered one of them the cup to drinke,
but she would not. Than I offered to give him that tended upon us my
halfe Dollor, but he would not take any monye. These wemen standing all
to gether before us, I thoughte they had bene Dwelleres there, because
no mony would be taken. I presented my other knyfe, of 2_s._ price, unto
the ould Jentlewoman, the which she was unwilling to take, but at laste
she tooke it, and than they all flocked together, and, as it semed to me,
they wondered muche at it. When thei had well louked upon it, they came
altogether towardes me and bowed there bodies, to show ther thankfulnes.
So Ned Hale and I Touke our leves and wente awaye verrie merrily; but
when we came to the place wheare we lefte our fainte-harted frend Myghell
Watson, who all this whyle has layen in a bushe, when we had tould him
the wonderes that we had sene, and of our kinde entertainmente, he would
not beleve us, for he was a shamed, and desiered us to make haste to
the towne that he myghte git som vittals; but we mad the less haste for
that, and wente to se another monestarie. Near unto the place upon this
mountaine growed many sweete floweres, in stead of heathe, time, and
other good earbes, and fine springes of watere. Cominge to the towne
of Zante, we Inquiered out the house wheare our marchants and other
passingeres weare, which was at the sine of the Whyte Horse; but Myghell
Watson, for shame, would not go in with us. When our martchantes saw us,
they began to be verrie angrie, sayinge that they had soughte alaboute,
and thoughte that we had bene drowned, or com to som evell fortune; but
I bid them hould ther peace, and lett me tell them my adventurs. When I
had toulde them all the storie, they wondered at my bouldnes, and some
Grekes that weare thare sayde that they never hard that any Inglishe man
was ever thare before. It was than aboute 12 of the clocke, and nyne
of these Jentlmen would needes go presently thether to se That which I
had done, and because I would not go againe, beinge wearie, for it was
4 myles thether, they hiered a gide, and yeate, when they came to the
mountaine, they myste of the Ryghte way, and did climbe upon the Rockes,
so that som of them gott fales and broke there shins; but at laste they
got thether, and the waye for them by me beinge preparede, thei weare bid
verrie welcom; but there gide hade Instrucktede them with that which I
never thought on, the which was, that at ther firste cominge they should
go Into the chappell, and thar offer som mony, as litle as they would,
and than theye should have all kinde entertainmente. So, verrie late in
the evininge, they Returned safly againe, and gave me thankes for that
which theye had sene.
The 30th day I wente with 3 more, havinge a Greke to show us the way into
the Castle.
MAYE.
The firste day of maye we saw there greatest traverses[62] or sportes
that they have in all the yeare, for that day dothe meete at the toune
of Zante all the able men of the Greeks with there best horsis and
artillerie, which is nothinge but staves to Rvne at the Ringe, or at
quintan.[63] They borroed our five trompateres to sounde whe[n] they
Run at Ringe the prizis; the maner of it was so simple, that it is not
worthe keping in memorye. In the fore noune they Run Quintan for a prize,
the after noone at Ringe.
The second of Maye we departed from Zante.
The Turkes which weare passingeres in our shipp, and came with us from
Argeare in Barbaria, and were to goo wythe us to Scandarowne, did somwate
hasten us on of our voyege, and, the wynd beinge fayer, we sett sayle
the second of Maye. The sam daye we sailed verrie neare an Ilande called
Travallie,[64] in the which we did se a Castle, and in that Castell, or
in som monestarie near unto it, thar be alwayes Thirtie fryeres, and
no wemen in that Ilande, nether any more housis: it is low ground and
levell, and litle above one myle in lengthe.
The third Daye we Entered in betwyxte Neagraponte, the mayne land of
Grece, and a fine Iland called Sireego.[65] They saye that in this
Iland faire Hellin was borne, and from thence stolne awaye before the
Distrucktion of Troye.
The fourthe and the fifte Daye, havinge but a litle gale of wynde, we
sayled cloce by the shore of Candie. This Ilande is fiftie leages in
lengthe. We sayled neare unto that highe hill Caled Crete, wheare St.
Pale preachede, and an ould Jue That was a passinger in our ship tould us
that on the tope of that hill Dothe stand a brason man houldinge a bowe
bente as yf he wear shoutinge againste the easte, and he sayd that it was
placed thare by arte magick, before which time few ships could live upon
those seaes, the Easterly wyndes weare so furius; but sence that time
they have bene as other places or seaes ar. Over aginste Candie we lefte
many litle Ilandes, spetialy at the easte end, Melo and Antimelo.[66]
The sixte Day we had a virrie straite entrie betwyxte tow Ilandes at
aleven of the clocke, and did Run within a bot lengthe of the shores.
They be verrie hudge and upryghte mountaines. That which we lefte on our
Ryghte hande is calede Cassa,[67] a place not Inhabbited; the other upon
our lefte hande is caled Scarpanta, and it is Inhabitede. In this Ilande
tharbe verrie greate store of foule, that in the nyghte time doo Rouste
in the grounde as our counis in Ingland dow.
16 leagues from Thence is the Ile of Roodes, but sence that Ilande was
taken by the Turkes, the Roods[68] hathe bene kepte by the Spanyarde at
Malta.
The seventhe daye we saw the coste of Carmanee.[69]
The 8 and 9 we weare in a maner be calmede. The tenthe, and eleventhe,
and 12th we sayled by the Coste of Siprus, havinge it upon our lefte
hande. Neare unto the weste ende we saw a towne caled Baffa.[70] Eyghte
leagues further, at Cape Gata, we sett a man a shore, who was a Greke,
and borne in Siprus, and thare dwelled, but havinge a brother dwellinge
in Candie, whom he had not in a longe time seene, he gott passage in a
shipe to goo to Candie; but the wynde would not suffer the ship to tuche
thare, but carried that man to Zante, and in 3 monthes space he could
not meete wythe any ship to carrye him backe againe to Candie. When our
shipe came, he hearinge that we weare to sayle by Candie, he fell at
our Maysteres feet, and craved passege in our shipe thether. So he was
taken in. Yeat when we sayled cloce by the shore of Candie, our Mr. would
not land him thare, but carried him to Siprus, and sett him on shore
thare; the which I thought was the man’s hard fortun, and so he thoughte
himselfe, for he wepte bitterly, because he had spente so muche time,
and could not se his brother, whom he so dearly lovede.
Aboute ten leagus from the easte end of this Iland, in Siprus, near unto
Cape Grego, thare is a greate and large towne caled Famagusta. It is a
harber, or good porte. Thare dothe lye the moste of there gallis and
other shipinge.
The 13th daye we sayled Juste to the easte ende of Siprus, for the wynde
was verrie smale.
This Iland is the moste pleasante of any that hetherto I did ever see.
The shores be lowe, and playne feeldes risinge into the lande still hier
and hier, that a man maye se neare twentie myles into the Contrie, wheare
we sett the man a shore. We saw great store of wylde swyne; but, out of
all question, it is a verrie fruitful contrie.
When we weare about the mydle of Siprus, we sawe the Mounte Lebynus,
which is in Assirria, and but tow smale dayes Journaye from Jerusalem.
The 14th, havinge a freshe gale of wynde, we recovered the Cape
Cansele,[71] the which is neare unto Scandaroune. The 15th we came to an
anker in the Roode before Scandaroune, the which is in the verrie bottom
of all the straites as farr as any shipp can go. The 16th daye our Mr.
Guner, tow of his mates, Mr. Chancie, our surgin, one of our Trumpeteres,
my selfe, and my maete, John Harvie, every one of us havinge a muskett,
with powder and shott, we wente ashore, and though the mountaynes thare
be exsedinge heie so that no ship dare goo within tow myles of the shore,
for feare of not havinge a wynde to carrie them out againe, yet betwyxte
those mountains and the seae there be desarte placis, thicke woodes, and
boges, whearin dothe breed score of wyld foule, and allso wyld beastes,
namely swyne and foxes.
We havinge entred into these woodes, thinkinge to kill som wylde foule,
our myndes wear trabled to find oute som pathe waye, for feare of
tearinge our cloese, and everie tow or 3 butlengthe[72] (boatlengths) we
should finde a man caled a mountaineard, lyinge in a bushe, havinge in
his hande ether a bowe and arrowes, or eles a peece, the which weapeins
as we supposed they did carrie to kill wyld foule; but we havinge strayed
some thre myles into the wildernes, we found a square playne, the which
was nothinge but a quagmyer, and in the mydeste thar of was tow myghtie
greate buffelawes, beastes biger then our greate oxen. At the firste we
saw nothinge but there heades, and they made a great noyse with their
snufflinge, and, in the ende, went Runing awaye, which was a wonder to
us, for had it bene an ox, or cowe, or horse of oures, theye would thare
have bene drowned.
Whylste we stood wondringe at this, we espied a great companye, to the
number of aboute 40, of the afore sayde mountayneares, the which weare
gathered together, and goinge aboute to catche us by inclosinge us
aboute. This company beinge in that place, we knew not how to with stand,
but only by flyinge away, and the woodes that weare betwyxte us and the
seae weare so heie that we could not see the seae nor the maste of our
shipe; but Runninge at a ventur throughe thicke and thine, thorns and
bryeres, tearinge our close, at the laste we recovered a fayer playne,
wheare we myghte se our shipe, and within a myle of the shore. Than weare
we glade, and touke our ease, wheare we founde a fayre fountaine of
verrie comfortable water, for we weare fastinge, and faynte with travell.
After we had couled and Refreshed our selves, we Returned throughe the
scatelsteade,[73] plat,[74] or foundationes of the towne or cittie of
Scandaroune, so caled by the Turkes, but formerly caled Allicksandretta.
There we myghte se greate peecis of wales wheare goodly housis and
monestaris had bene, which in the same is now nothing but boges and
pondes, wals of housis, and a castle, so sunke into the grounde with
water aboute it that no bodie can go unto it. We did se thare, upon the
wales of an oulde house, verrie strainge varmente Runing up and downe
at great pace, som of them biger than a great toude, and of the same
collore, but they had longe tayles lyk a Ratt.[75] Som of them weare
longer maede and less of boddie, and so many otheres of diveres fations.
An other time my mate Harvie and I wente into the feeldes to washe our
lininge, and, whylste it was a driinge, we went to gather some fruite,
for thar be great store of good frute that is comon, cominge to a whyte
Damson tre. As we were a gatheringe we espied a great Ader that was in
the tre upon the bowes, at least 12 or 14 foute from the grounde. He was
even Reddie to leape upon one of us. Assown as we turned our backe to run
awaye, He leape oute of the tre, and Rune into a thickett of brieres. A
greate number of suche smale matteres I will omitte.
The 18th Daye our ship was to be unladen of suche goodes as was appoynted
to goo to Alippo[76]; but that morninge, as sowne as we weare up, we
saw a marvalus goodly show of tentes upon the sid of that mountayne,
stritchinge downe unto that fountaine which I spoke of before; the which,
when our mayster sawe, he sente a boate ashore to know the cause; and
our marchantes sent him worde that he should not, by any meanes, send
any goodes or any man a shore untill he did se all the tentes gone, for
thare was the souldieres of Damascus, a parte of the greate Turkes armye,
that weare goinge to the warres, and if theye did finde any thinge on
the shore that did lyke them, they would tak it as theire owne. So at
nyghte we saw these tentes a takinge up, for, by Reason the contrie is
verrie hote, theye dow travell by nyghte, and not by daye; so for four
dayes there came everie nyghte a fresche companye, and we kept a borde
our shipe. Everie daye thar would com Ridinge to the seae side a great
company of brave horsmen, with their lancis. Som hade their neagors to
carrie their Lancis and other weapeins. Som sayd that they weare sent for
to Constantinople, the which is 20 dayes Jurnaye from Scandaroune.
The 30th daye the Franch Consell which is Resedent at Alippo Dined aborde
our shipp.
The same daye, towardes nyghte, our men begann to unlood our ship of
such goodes as was for Alippo, for souner theye could not well, by
Reason of the abbundance of Jenesaris that passed that waye, and pitched
thare tentes within one myle and halfe of the Roode; and it is a verrie
uncomfortable place. Thare is but 3 houstile,[77] one Itallian, one
Franche, and one Inglishe. Some litle cottigis thare be made of Reedes,
lik a somer house, and tow smale tentes.
JUNE.
The firste of June Thar was letters convayede verrie straingly from
Alippo to Scandaroune, the which is thre score and twelve myles
distance. After I hade bene thare a litle whyle, I persaved that it was
an ordinarie thinge. For, as we weare sittinge in our marchantes house
talkinge, and pidgons weare a feedinge in the house before us, thare came
a whyte cote pidgon flyinge in, and lyghte on the grounde amongeste his
fellowes, the which, when one of the marchantes saw, he sayd: Welcom,
Honoste Tom, and, takinge him upe, thare was tied with a thred under his
wynge, a letter, the bignes of a twelve penc., and it was Dated but four
houres before. After that I saw the lyke done, and alwayes in 4 houres.
The fourthe Daye, in the morninge, thare weare pitched above twentie
tentes at the place afore sayde, but the number of brave Jenesaries I
could not learne, because I could not be conversante with them, or any
that did know it. The moste of them weare horsmen, and everie man had
his Lance, and most of them his boye, or slave, to beare his Lance, and
everie mane his bowe and quiver of arrowes, and semeterrie by his sid.
Not only there maner of shoutinge, but ther bowes and arrowes be strainge.
In the time of our being at Scandaroune, our longe boote wente everie
Frydaye to Tharschus,[78] the cittie or towne wheare the appstele St.
Pale was borne, for that was ther markett Daye, and she wente to buy
vittals. Tharshus is but 16 myles from Scandaroune, and aboute the myd
waye, or somwhat nearer to Scandarowne, is the place wheare Jonas[79] was
caste out of the whales bellie, as the Turkes and Greekes tould us.
The Mr. guner of our shipe, one of his mates, my mate Harvie, and I, with
two saylores which Rowed us thether, we wente to that verrie place, and
thare we gathered and filled a sacke full of sampeare,[80] whiche did
grow upon those Rockes.
The tenthe of this monthe we departede from Scandaroune towardes
Constantinople, the wynde beinge direcktly againste us, bordinge it from
shore to shore.
Towardes nyghte we came neare to a fayre towne on our Ryghte hande; at
one end of it thare is a fayre and large castle, and the towne is a
great lengthe by the sea side. This towne is caled Yeaass,[81] about
six leagues from Tharesus, which the Turkes do cale Bayas, for they do
chainge the names of moste townes.
The 12, 13, and 14th we sayled by the coste, and neare the shore
of Carmanye, which is in Asia the Less. The wynde beinge nothinge
favoarable, we had great leasur to louke upon the shores.
The 15th day we saw Siprus againe.
The 20th daye we Recovered to a Cape, which is one hundrethe leagues from
Scandaroune.
The 23 we sayled by Castle Rosee,[82] which is in litle Asia.
The 25 we sawe a farr of the famus Ilande Called the Roodes, the which in
times paste hathe bene kepte by Christian Knyghts, but now Inhabited by
Turkes.
The 26 we sayled by the shore of the Roods, of the which we tooke
sufficiente vew, for the wynde was directly againste us; we myghte se
whear divers fortes hathe bene upon litle mountayns.
This Ilande is 14 or 15 Leagues in lengthe and four leagues in bredthe.
The 27 we sayled by the northe ende of the Ilande, and at the northe
ende of the Ilande, and at the northe-easte corner of the same, thar is
a towne or Cittie, the which for Cittiwation and strengthe I cannot not
give it due commendations.
This 27 daye died one Thomas Cable, who was under 20 yearis of age, and
son to one of the owneres of our shipe.
As we weare to pass betwyxt the northe end of the Ilande and the shore of
Asia, which is but 5 leagues betwyxte, and the wynd direcktly in ye gulfe
againste us, and also we wantede freshe water and other vitals verrie
scarce, our Mr. and marchantes thoughte it good to touche at the towne.
Cominge to an ankere neare unto the wales of the towne, thare we founde
in the Roode a gallioune of the great Turkes, the bigeste ship he hathe,
aboute one thousand tun, a verrie carte, a ship of no strengthe; yeat was
she Richly laden, and cam from Alicksandria.
We weare no sowner come to an anker but the Turkes began to com aborde
us, so that the verie firste day thar came abord us not so few as five
hundrethe Rude Turkes, and lykwyse everie day that we stayed thare they
seased not.
The nexte daye, beinge the 28 of this monthe, the Captaine basha,
governer of the towne, beinge gone abrood with there galles on some
greate busines, the Chia[83] his Debitie (deputy), who for the time was
Captaine, he, with the chefeest men of the towne, came abord our ship,
and she was trimed up in as handsom maner as we could for the time. Our
gonroume was one of the fayereste Roumes in the ship, and pleasant to
com into. In the gonroume I had a pare of virginals, the which our Mr.
goner, to make the better showe, desired me to sett them open. When the
Turkes and Jues came in and saw them, they wondered what it should be;
but when I played on them, than they wondered more. Diveres of them would
take me in there armes and kis me, and wyshe that I would dwell with
them. When the Captaynes Debutie had well vewed our shipe, the Captaine
and Mr. of our shipe, accordinge to the Custam of the contrie, did give
unto this man as muche brode clothe for a present, as would make his
Captaine a veste or a goune after the Turkie manere; and so they wente
awaye. Assowne as they weare gone, the stuerde of our ship and his men,
my mate Harvie and I, went on shore to se the towne within. When we came
to the gate wheare we should enter, I louked well upon it, and saw a
superscription wryten or coutt in stone, but I could not understand it,
only the yeare of our Lorde, when this gate was bulte or Reedified, and
it was thus sett downe: Ano Dom. 1475.
When we had entered this gate, the firste turninge that we could finde
upon our Ryghte hande we turned up a verrie fine streete to go to the
wales. We there founde myghtie greate ordenance, bothe of brass and Iron,
the which was made by Christians; som great peecis of brass that weare
burste when the Turkes lay seige unto the towne.
Ther weare marvalus greate peecis that weare made of hamered Iron,
everie stafe[84] at the leaste 3 Inches square, and houped aboute lyke
a barrell, the bore so bige as tow man myghte creep in bothe at once. A
Greeke that gided us aboute the Wales tould us that one of these peecis,
beinge once discharged, could not be charged a gaine, and made Reddie to
be discharged, in less than tow houres.
This towne is Doble waled, betwixte the wales the distance of a pare of
shorte butts (boats), and the ditche is verrie Depe, but drie.
To be shorte, havinge paste Rounde aboute the towne with oute any
contradicktion or staye, only the time that we Dranke a pitcher of wyne
which coste us but one penye, we made haste unto the seaye sid, and
so to goe aborde. When we weare with oute the gate, loukinge for our
bote, we se it cominge of from our shipe. When it cam to the shore,
thare was in it Mr. Maye, our preatcher, and one that was appoynted to
be our Imbaseders under butler. Cothe Mr. Maye to me: Ar you Reddie to
goo aborde? Yeae, truly! said I; for I am verrie hungrie and wearrie
with travell. I praye you, sayde he, go backe againe with me to the
gate, that I maye but se the superscription over it, and sett one foute
within the gate, and then I will go backe againe with you. So we wente
all backe with Mr. Maye to the gate. When we weare thare, he saw a farr
of a fountaine of water, made lyke one of our Conducktes, with a fayre,
brighte Dishe of steele hanginge in a cheane, for the Turkes drinke
nothinge but water. I praye you, cothe Mr. Maye, goe with me to yonder
fountaine, that I may drinke som of that water, for it semethe to be
verrie good, and I have a greate desier to drinke som of it. So we wente
all with him to the fountaine, and everie one of us did drinke a dishe of
water. As we weare a drinkinge, thare came unto us tow stout Turkes, and
sayd: Parlye Francko, sinyore? which is: Can ye speake Ittallian, sinyor?
Soe cothe Mr. Maye. Soe, as theye weare a talkinge, I louked aboute me,
and a Turke, settinge upon his stale (stall), who did know me—for he had
hard me play on my virginals and kissed me aborde our shipe—he beckened
me to com unto him; and when I came som what neare him, in kindnes and
som love he bore unto me, made me a sine to be gone; and poynted to the
gate, and bid me make haste. So to the gate went I as faste as I coulde
Truge, and my mate Harvie and the Reste of my Company followed after as
faste as theye could; leavinge Mr. Maye and the under butler talkinge
with the Turkes, for theye tow could speake Ittallian a litle, and so
could none of us. When we weare gotten withoute the gate we Louked backe
towardes the fountaine, but we se nobodye there; for the Turkes had
carried Mr. Maye and the other man to prison. By chance we founde our
bote and sayleres thare Reddie, and aborde our shipe we wente. When we
came aborde, I wente presently to our Mr., and tould him all that had
hapened. When I tould him how I had bene aboute the towne, he Imagened
that we by that meanes had given som offence; because it is Daingerus
for a stranger, beinge a Christian, to Take a vew of that towne, and
so thoughte that for our faulte these men weare taken presoners. What
wordes did pass betwyxte our Mr. and me I will omitt till God send us
into Inglande. No man durste be so boulde as to goo ashore all that Daye,
nether did any com abord us.
The nexte morninge a litle Greeke bote cam from the towne abord our
shipe wythe a Letter from Mr. Maye, Direckted not onlye to our Mr. and
marchantes, but also to the Reste of theyre companye. This Letter was
wrytten so pittifully, as yf theye had bene presoneres thare seven
yeares: showinge how they weare taken from the fountayne and copled
together, lyke as theye hade bene tow Doggs, with a cheane of could
Rustie Iron, and lede into a Darke dungeon, thare cheane fastened with a
staple unto a poste wheare they muste continually stande, and nether sitt
nor knele, and everye tow houres weare shaken over them whippes made
of wyere, threatening most Crouell punishmente; and tharfore desiered
that by all meanes thei would seke som meanes for theyer spedie Release,
or eles that theye myghte be presently put to Deathe, for theye weare
not able to Induer that myserable lyfe and sharp punishment, which was
lykly to be Inflicted vpon them yf the ship did once departe. Our Mr.
and marchantes weare so wounded with Reding this letter, and pittinge
the presoneres case, and banishinge all feare, they Resolvede to go
ashore. Our Mr. and five martchants havinge made themselves as brave as
they could, they wente a shore verrie stoutly to the Captayns house,
desieringe to speake with the chial, the Captain bassha his debutie, who
after he had made them to staye whyle he came unto them to know the cose
of theire cominge, one of our men that could beste speak Ittallian Tould
him that Theye founde them selves verrie muche aggreved that theyer men
should be stayede as presoneres, and not to be Informed of the Cause; and
lyke wyse wondered how they Durste be so bould as to make stay of any
one of our men, we beinge goinge with so Riche a presente to the Grand
Sinyor, and those tow men which theye had stayed weare tow spetiall men,
one of them our Divine and preacher, the other the chefe and princepall
man for the presente. This, with other wordes, they sayed to feare
them; also theye sayd that yf he would not presently deliver those men,
they would hier a gallie and send to the Grand Sinyor, that he might
understand how they wear wronged and hindred in their voyege without any
occation given to our knowledge.
The Answer of the Chial was this:
Yeaster Day I was abord your Shipp presentinge my Captayn’s person in his
absence; you gave me not suche entertainmente as my place Did Requier;
you made me no good cheare, nether Did you give me a presente for my
Captaine.
Our men answeared: The beste Entertainmente that we could give unto yow
for the time yow had; good cheare we could mak yow none, for we had
nothinge for our selves; our cominge to this place was to haue some
Relefe heare, and to furnishe our selves with suche vitals as this
contrie yeldethe for our monye. Whereas yow saye that yow had no presente
for your Captayne, yow say not truly, for yow had so muche brode Clothe
as would make your Captaine a Veste. But than said the chial: I had none
for my selfe, and one will I have before yow have your men. Then saide
they: Is that all the occation that moved yow to Impreson our men? And
will the gifte of suche a presente give you contente That we maye have
our men? Yea, surlye, sayde the chia. And so this Quarell was ended.
Heare yow maye se the base and covetus condition of these Rude and
barbarus doged Turkes, and how litle they do Regard Christians.
This Cittie wale which is nexte unto the seae is marvalus stronge, and
so fortified with greate ordinance, not upon the wale, but their nosis
Do louke throw the wale, so placed that no ship can pass on that side
of the lande withoute leve. Within the town, in most streetes, a man
cannot trott a horse, the streetes ly so full of bulletes, made of
marble,[85] and of all sizis, from 16 Incchis to 3 Inchis. Many other
Thinges conserninge this Cittie and Iland I do omit till my Returne into
Inglande; but of all the townes or Citties that in my life I have sene,
for strengthe I never saw the lyke.
Now, havinge Redemed our men oute of prison, the next day beinge the
30th, or last day of June, we wayed Anker, hoysed saile, and so to sea.
The firste of July, beinge under saile, we entered the sea Aegebu,[86]
passinge by and emongste the Iles of Archipelagua, wheare is a marvalus
company of little Ilandes. The second daye we sailed by one of them
emongeste the Reste, leavinge it southe. It is caled Lango.[87] Upon the
northe side verrie pleasante lowe grounde, wheare semed to be not only
store of vines, but plentie of other frute. Also we se a verrie fine
toune, whose wales Resiste the waves of the sea. Within the towne verrie
fayer buildinges, the which was never done by the Turkes, thoughe they
now Inioye (enjoy) the same. It was our happ to caste Anker before the
towne alnyghte, but in the morninge we sett sayle. The towne is called
Lango (Stanco), by the name of the Ilande.
The third daye, standinge upon the spar-decke of our shipp, I tould no
less than 16 Ilandes which weare Rounde about us.
The fourthe day, leavinge Learo[88] southe, we came to the Ilande Samose,
wheare that famos felosefer Pathagarus was borne. This Ilande, for the
moste parte, is Inhabited with Greekes. The wynde beinge verrie contrarie
to our cource, that findinge a faire Roode, we Caste anker thare, wheare
we myghte se a litle towne, a myle and better from the shore.
The people in the towne, seeinge our shipp com to an anker, we sawe them
Rune into the felds and drive awaye there Cattell with greate speede up
into the mountaines. Also in the Rood, halfe a myle from us, was a litle
shipp or barke, the which they halled ashore, and carriede awaye the
goodes that was in her; but they touke more paynes then theie needed, for
we ment them no harme, and one hour within nyghte we wayed Anker; but
the wynd was so Direcktly in the narrow passage[89] we had to go betwyxt
that Iland and another,[90] that we could not pass, but weare forced to
put in againe at the southe easte corner of the same ilande, under hudge
mountaine.[91] To my thinkinge it is only one parme stone (pumice stone),
and of sartaintie all that parte which was nexte unto the sea is a fearme
stone, and verrie streighte uprighte.
The nexte Day som of our men went a shore to se yf they could find any
freshe water, and to cut doune som fier wood.
One of those men, beinge a verrie bould fellow, stole away from his
fellowes, and wente to the towne aforesayde. He presumed partly upon his
language, but the reste of his fellowes came aborde without him, and
everie one did thinke that he was taken prisoner. The nexte daye, aboute
ten of the clocke, he came to the sea sid, and weaved for a boate; so,
when he cam aborde, he broughte with him som hens and som breade, and
was halfe Drunke with wyne. About tow houres after came to the shore
the captaine of that ilande, who was a Turke, and broughte with him a
presente, in hope to recave a better.
Heare doth grow a kinde of graine or corne, which theie do call myllio
(millet), a small seed muche lyke unto canara-bird seed. The increase of
it is at the least one hundrethe and fiftie foulde. They make of it finer
bread than of wheate. The eighte Daye Died one John Knill, sarvante to
Mr. Wyseman, marchante, who was also one of the owneres of our shipp.
The tenthe daye we wayed anker, and provede to pass our cource, but
the wynde would not suffer us, beinge weste and by northe, as it was
before. When we saw that we could not prevaile againste the wynde, we
came rounde to that place whear we did firste anker, thinkinge thare to
git som better store of vitals and freshe water; but beinge verrie darke
before we could git into the harber, by the necklyience (negligence) of
him that sounded, our ship was a grounde, the which turned us to greate
feare and muche truble a greate parte of that nyghte; yeat in the ende
all was well. But in the morninge, when we did thinke to have gone a
shore, we espied 4 gallis and a frigett, which came stealinge by the
shore. The gallis stayed a league of, under the shore of Asia the lesse,
but the frigett came into the roode to se what we wear, and thar came
to an anker; the which when our Mr. persaved, not knowinge what There
intent was, he caused anker to be wayed with all speed, and beinge under
saile, the frigett went before us, and also the gallis; for than our Mr.
purposed to goo that way which before he Durste not adventur; for whearas
we should have lefte this ilande on our Righte hand, now we lefte it on
our lefte hand, and ventured to goo be twyxte Samose and the mayne land
of Asia the less, the which is a marvalus straite pasege for suche a ship
as ours was. Even in the straighteste place these four gallis stayed for
us, but when they se our strengthe and bouldnes, they weare afrayed of
us. They had placed ther gallis cloce by the shore, so that ether the
beake head did tuche the shore or else there ors myghte, and yeat had we
hardly roume enoughe to pass betwyxte theire ores and the mayne lande.
Our Mr. caused all our company to stand up and make as great a show as we
coulde, and when we weare ryghte over againste them, our five trumpetes
sounded sodonly, which made them wonder, loukinge earnestly upon us, but
gave us not a worde; so we Dashte them oute of countinance who mente to
have feared us, and we lefte them by the shore of Samose, beinge the
eleventhe day of July.
The 12th daye we discried Scio. The 13th we sayled by the shore of that
ilande.
The 14th we cam to an anker in a rood, tow leagues shorte of the greate
towne or Cittie of Scio, so called by the name of the ilande.
The 15th day, in the morninge, our longe boate beinge reddie to go
ashore for freshe water, which we stod great need of, for in 3 dayes
before we had nothinge to eate but rice boyled in stinkinge water, and
our bevveredge did also stincke. The boate beinge lanched, thre of our
jentlmen passingeres came unto me and asked me yf I would goo a shore to
see yf we could buy some freshe vittals, and I sayd: Yeae, with all my
harte. Assowne as we weare in the boate, the Mr. was tould of it, and
he louked over the ship side, and spoke unto me, for the other myghte
have gone with his good will, and nevere com again, nether woulde he
have stayed halfe an hour for them; but theye did know that he would not
leave me behinde. So the Mr. asked me whether I would go, and I tould
him but to sett foute on shore, drinke som freshe water, and com aborde
with the boate. Than he bid me come aborde againe presently, but the
jentlmen had me betwyxte them, and helde me faste; nether did I meane to
dow as he bid me. Well, sayd the Mr., I see ye will goo ashore, and the
companye that is with yow will draw yow up to yonder towne which you se,
and I will tell you before you goo that which yow shall finde true. In no
parte of the worlde Dothe grow any masticke[92] but in this ilande, and
now is the time for it. The commodities heare ar nothinge but masticke,
cotten woll, and wynes. Yow cannot goo to yonder towne but yow muste
needes go throughe the gardens wheare these thinges grow; and yf you be
sene to take one sprige of masticke, or one podd of cotten woll, or one
bunche of grapes, it is a whole yeares impresonmente, and thare wilbe no
redemption for you. Tharfore do not saye but that I gave yow suffitiente
warninge, etc.
This iland of Scio is risinge from the sea side som 3 or 4 myle, and this
towne which we mente to go unto is tow myle from the sea, and it semed, a
farr off, to be a prittie towne, with a castell in the mydeste of it.[93]
When the Mr. had tould us his mynde, for the Daingeres we myghte fale
into unawares, than he sayd to me that yf I cam not backe againe with the
boat when she had taken in water, he would sett sayle and be gone; but we
feared not that, for as sowne as we came to lande, we wente direcktly to
the towne. It was upon the Sondaye, and the people seinge our ship com
to an anker, and seldum had sene the lyke in that contrie, and lykwyse
saw us com a shore, many wemen and childrin came to meet us, who wondred
as muche at us as we did at them. We wente on right forwardes, givinge
no bodie one worde till we came into the mydle of the towne under the
castell wale, and thare standinge still loukinge aboute us, thare came
a Greeke unto us, and demanded whom we soughte for, or whither we would
goo. To of our company could speake Ittalian well, who Answered that our
cominge was to buy som vitals.
This man saide thare was a Consoll in the towne, and we muste repare unto
him before we could have anythinge, so he wente with us unto the Consols
house. The streetes weare full of people, which flocked together to louke
upon us.
When we came to the Consols house, we weare to go up a pare of staires,
made lyke a ladder at one end of the house withoute. This lader went up
to a stage or scaffould which was on the backesid of his house, that
louked righte towardes the sea wheare our shipp lay at an anker. The
consoll was apon this stage, sittinge at a table, and with him thare
was six verrie gallant jentlwemen, and verrie beautifull. Assowne as we
came up, these brave wemen arose and wente awaye, and the Consoll came
unto us, imbracinge us one after another, and bid us verrie wellcom. He
caused the Table to be furnished with a verrie fine bankett (banquet) of
sweete meates, and but tow litle cakes of breade; our drinke was verrie
good raspis.[94] Whyleste we satt thare talkinge, the common sorte of
the people in that towne came to the garden wales, for on that sid of
the house was the Consols garthen, and the wales weare of stone withoute
morter, and the people Did so muche desier to se us, that they did climbe
upon the wales. The Consoll many times stood up chidinge them, and
shakinge his hande at them, threatininge punishmente; but the more he
chid, the more the people did climbe upon the wale, and the wale beinge
over loden, Downe came the wale, makinge a greate noyes, the lengthe of a
pare of butes (boats), and almoste so muche in another place. The which
made The Consoll verrie angrie, and he myghte verrie well have wyshte
that we had note com thare.
Wheare we satt we myghte se our shipp ryghte before us, and we se the
boate goo a bord with water.
In this meane time, the Consoll had sente tow men aboute the towne, to se
what vitels they could git for us; at the end of tow houres theye came
againe, and tould us that theye could find nothinge that was to be sould
at that time, beinge Sondaye, but aboute a bushell of garlicke, the which
we wear contented to take, because we would have somthinge; and we saw
that we weare trublsom to the Consoll; so, havinge taken or leves of the
Consoll, he apoynted one to carrie our garlick to the townes end before
us. Goinge Downe the ladder from the scaffould, upon bothe sides of the
ladder did stand the chefeste wemen in the towne, in degrees one above
Another, to se us at our goinge awaye; they stoode in suche order as we
myghte se theire facis and bristes nakede, yeat weare they verrie richly
appareled, with cheanes aboute theyre neckes, and juels in them and in
there eares, theire heades verrie comly dresed with rebbininge of diverse
collores; but that which made us moste admiere them was their beautie and
cleare complecktion. I thinke that no parte of the worlde can compare
with the wemen in That contrie for beautie; but afterwards we understood
that yf we had gone to the Cittie, which was but sixe myles further, we
should have bene muche better entertained, for in that Cittie was an
Inglishe Consoll, whose name was Mr. Willyam Aldridge, a fine jentlman,
but our Mr. would not put in thare, for feare of beinge put to som
charge; for he was a verrie myserable and sparinge man, all for his owne
profitt, and not regardinge to satisfie other mens Desieres, or to give
his passingers anye Contente.
Beinge Come aborde our ship with our bage of garelicke, it was not so
selenderly regarded but that we myghte have had chapmen (buyers) for it,
and our monye againe with profitt.
The same Daye Anker was wayed, and we under sail, but we profetted litle,
for before the morninge we came to an Anker againe somethinge neare to
the same place.
The nexte daye, beinge the 16 daye, we wayed Anker againe, and weare
becalmed before the greate toone of Scio, verrie neare unto it, but our
Mr. would not suffer any man to goo ashore.
The 19th of July we came to the Iland Tenedoes, the which is ryghte over
agenste the southe Ende of the platt or ruins of the great Cittie of
Troye, the wynde beinge Direcktly againste us, and also a great Currante
which comes from the rever of Hellisponte. We came to an Anker by the
Shore, neare to that southe gatte of Troye; a greate parte of the gate is
yeat standinge, with som hudge peecis of those myghtie wales that hathe
bene.
The xxth Daye we wayed Anker againe, but could do no goode, for the wynde
and currante was againste us, and we came to an anker againe neare to the
same place.
The 21 Day, Died a boye Caled John Felton, who was borne at Yarmouthe.
Also, the same day, I and som more of our company wente a shore, and
sawe som monimentes in Troy, peecis of wales, sutchins,[95] and marble
pillares.
We beinge come aborde againe, ii of the greate Turkes gallis cam by
us, some rowinge and som saylinge; bucause they should not com a borde
us, our Mr. caused Anker to be wayed, and towardes nyghte, the wynde
faylinge, we came to an anker againe.
The 22th Day, tow friggotes which came down the ryver Hellisponte, seinge
our ship, and knowing her to be a ship from Inglande by her flage in the
mayn top, tow Inglishe men that weare in one of the friggotes desiered
of ther Captaine that they myghte haile our shipe. The captaine was
verrie willinge so to dow, The which our captaine, or Mr., persavinge,
and knowing the frigotes to be Turkes, and because theye should not come
a borde us, he caused Anker to be wayed with all speede; for the Turk’s
condition is suche that, yf they come a borde, the captaines would have
had a presente, or have beged somthinge.
So by that time that theye weare com unto us, we weare under saille.
Than the tow Inglishe men caled unto us, and, after som salutations,
theye tould our Mr. thate thare was cominge at hande The Amberall of the
greate Turkes navie, and, in his Company, 15 gallis more; and also showed
how we myghte knowe the Amberall from the reste, for his gallie had
tow lanthorns on his poupe, and the reste but one a peece. And so these
friggotes departede.
No souner weare the frigotes gone but we discried the gallies verrie
neare unto us, for theye cam downe the rever Hellisponte, at a corner by
the wales of Troye. The sighte of these gallis, to our thinkinge, was a
marvalus show, they weare so curiusly paynted with fayre collors and good
varnishe. The slaves that weare in them rowinge satt all nakede. As they
weare rowinge towardes Tenedoes, the wynde cam fayer for them, and than
they cut ther sayels, and the slaves weare covered with a peece of canves
that over sprede them all. When the gallis weare under saile they showed
muche better than theye did before. The sailes weare made of cotten woll,
and one clothe verrie whyte, and another verrie blewe, and the masts of
the sam colores.
As theye weare sailinge by us, our Mr. caused the gonors to give them
thre peecis, the which was but meserably done; yeate, beinge so neare the
wales of Troy, the eckco was suche that everie peece semed to be five by
the reporte.
Than the Amberall sente a gallie unto us to demande his presente, and
also to aske whye we did salute him no better. The gallie beinge com
unto us with his messege our Mr. answered that the Amberal’s presente
was caked[96] under the hatchis, nether did he know what it was untill
he came to our imbassador at Constantinople; and for that thare was no
better salutation, or more shott given to the Amberall, the reason was
That he did [not] knowe that the Amberall was thare. Yf he hade he would
have given him all the ordinance in our shipp.
This excuse beinge made, the captaine of that gallie, who did not com a
borde us, but sente a litle boate to our ship sid, for the gallie durste
not com neare us, but the men in this boate sad that their captaine
myghte not returne to his amberall excepte he carried him som smale
presente.
Than our Mr., makinge deligente seartche in our ship, he found tow
holland chestis, the which he sente to the amberall. Than the captaine
of that gallie demanded a presente for him selfe. Our Mr. answered
that he had nothinge. Than he desiered to have som tobacko[97] and
tobackco-pipes, the which in the end he had. And so he sailed to
Tenedose, wheare the Amberall and the reste of the gallis weare come to
an Anker. At his departur, our Mr. gave him one peece with the shott.
Aboute tow houres after this gallie was gone, the wynde beinge verrie
smale, and touke us shorte righte befor Cape Jenisarie, by som people
caled the Cape of Janisaries.[98] Thare I wente a shore wythe som of our
martchantes, wheare we founde a litle scateringe villidge, inhabited with
Greekes. Thare we boughte som breade and hens.
Also thare we saw more at large the rewins of the wales and housis in
Troye, and from thence I broughte a peece of a whyte marble piller, the
which I broke with my owne handes, havinge a good hamer, which my mate
Harvie did carrie a shore for the same purpose; and I broughte this
peece of marble to London. This Cape Jenisarie is aboute ten myle from
Tenedose.
Now, beinge Come aborde our ship, we sett saile the same Daye, and
entered into the rever Hellisponte seven leagues, and thare came to an
Anker neare unto the tow Castels caled Sestose and Abidose. Sestose is
in Thracia, and Abidose in Litle Asia. These tow Castels are verrie
strongly kepte for the defence of entringe the Straites of Hellisponte
aforesaid, which is the waye that all shipinge muste pass by that goethe
to Constantinople.
The 24 a Captaine of one of the Castels came aborde our shipp, and
broughte with him a presente.