Poetry was, in all appearance, previous to any concerted plan of worship,

and to every established system of legislation. When certain individuals,

by dint of superior prowess or understanding, had acquired the veneration

of their fellow savages, and erected themselves into divinities on the

ignorance and superstition of mankind; then mythology took place, and

such a swarm of deities arose, as produced a religion replete with

the most shocking absurdities. Those, whom their superior talents had

deified, were found to be still actuated by the most brutal passions

of human nature; and in all probability their votaries were glad to

find such examples to countenance their own vicious inclinations. Thus

fornication, incest, rape, and even bestiality, were sanctified by the

amours of Jupiter, Pan, Mars, Venus, and Apollo. Theft was patronized by

Mercury; drunkenness by Bacchus; and cruelty by Diana. The same heroes

and legislators, those who delivered their country, founded cities,

established societies, invented useful arts, or contributed in any

eminent degree to the security and happiness of their fellow-creatures,

were inspired by the same lusts and appetites, which domineered among

the inferior classes of mankind; therefore every vice incident to human

nature was celebrated in the worship of one or other of these divinities;

and every infirmity consecrated by public feast and solemn sacrifice.

In these institutions the poet bore a principal share. It was his

genius that contrived the plan, that executed the form of worship, and

recorded in verse the origin and adventures of their gods and demi-gods.

Hence the impurities and horrors of certain rites; the groves of Paphos

and Baal Peor; the orgies of Bacchus; the human sacrifices to Moloch

and Diana. Hence the theogony of Hesiod; the theology of Homer; and

those innumerable maxims scattered through the ancient poets, inviting

mankind to gratify their sensual appetites, in imitation of the gods,

who were certainly the best judges of happiness. It is well known, that

Plato expelled Homer from his commonwealth on account of the infamous

characters by which he has distinguished his deities, as well as for some

depraved sentiments which he found diffused through the course of the

Iliad and Odyssey. Cicero enters into the spirit of Plato, and exclaims,

in his first book De Natura Deorum, “Nec multa absurdiora sunt ea, quæ,

poetarum vocibus fusa, ipsâ suavitate nocuerunt: qui, et irâ inflammatos,

et libidine furentes, induxerunt Deos, feceruntque ut eorum bella,

pugnas, prœlia, vulnera videremus: odia præterea, dissidia, discordias,

ortus, interitus, querelas, lamentationes, effusas in omni intemperantiâ

libidines, adulteria, vincula, cum humano genere concubitus, mortalesque

ex immortali procreatos.” “Nor are those things much more absurd, which,

flowing from the poet’s tongue, have done mischief even by the sweetness

of his expression. The poets have introduced gods inflamed with anger and

enraged with lust; and even produced before our eyes their wars, their

wrangling, their duels, and their wounds. They have exposed, besides,

their antipathies, animosities, and dissensions; their origin and death;

their complaints and lamentations; their appetites, indulged to all

manner of excess; their adulteries; their fetters; their amorous commerce

with the human species, and from immortal parents derived a mortal

offspring.”

As the festivals of the gods necessarily produced good cheer, which was

often carried to riot and debauchery, mirth of consequence prevailed; and

this was always attended with buffoonery. Taunts and jokes, and raillery

and repartee, would necessarily ensue; and individuals would contend for

the victory in wit and genius. These contests would in time be reduced to

some regulations, for the entertainment of the people thus assembled, and

some prize would be decreed to him who was judged to excel his rivals.

The candidates for fame and profit being thus stimulated, would task

their talents, and naturally recommend these alternate recriminations to

the audience, by clothing them with a kind of poetical measure, which

should bear a near resemblance to prose. Thus, as the solemn service

of the day was composed in the most sublime species of poetry, such as

the ode or hymn, the subsequent altercation was carried on in iambics,

and gave rise to satire. We are told by the Stagirite, that the highest

species of poetry was employed in celebrating great actions; but the

humbler sort used in this kind of contention;[7] and that in the ages of

antiquity there were some bards that professed heroics, and some that

pretended to iambics only.

Οἱ μεν ἡρωικων, οἱ δε ιαμβων ποιηται.

To these rude beginnings we not only owe the birth of satire, but

likewise the origin of dramatic poetry. Tragedy herself, which afterwards

attained to such dignity as to rival the epic muse, was at first no other

than a trial of crambo, or iambics, between two peasants, and a goat was

the prize, as Horace calls it, _vile certamen ob hircum_; “a mean contest

for a he-goat.” Hence the name τραγωδια, signifying the goat-song, from

τραγος _hircus_, and ωδη _carmen_.

Carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum,

Mox etiam agrestes satyros nudavit, et asper

Incolumi gravitate jocum tentavit, eo quod

Illecebris erat et grata novitate morandus

Spectator, functusque sacris, et potus et exlex.

_Hor._

The tragic bard, a goat his humble prize,

Bade satyrs naked and uncouth arise;

His muse severe, secure, and undismay’d,

The rustic joke in solemn strain convey’d;

For novelty alone he knew could charm

A lawless crowd, with wine and feasting warm.

Satire then was originally a clownish dialogue in loose iambics, so

called, because the actors were disguised like satyrs, who not only

recited the praises of Bacchus, or some other deity, but interspersed

their hymns with sarcastic jokes and altercation. Of this kind is the

_Cyclop_ of Euripides, in which Ulysses is the principal actor. The

Romans also had their _Atellanæ_, or interludes of the same nature, so

called from the city of _Atella_, where they were first acted: but these

were highly polished in comparison of the original entertainment, which

was altogether rude and innocent. Indeed the _Cyclop_ itself, though

composed by the accomplished Euripides, abounds with such impurity, as

ought not to appear on the stage of any civilized nation.

It is very remarkable that the _Atellanæ_, which were in effect

tragi-comedies, grew into such esteem among the Romans, that the

performers in these pieces enjoyed several privileges which were refused

to the ordinary actors. They were not obliged to unmask, like the other

players, when their action was disagreeable to the audience. They were

admitted into the army, and enjoyed the privileges of free citizens,

without incurring that disgrace, which was affixed to the characters of

other actors.[8] The poet Laberius, who was of equestrian order, being

pressed by Julius Cæsar to act a part in his own performance, complied

with great reluctance, and complained of the dishonour he had incurred,

in his prologue preserved by Macrobius, which is one of the most elegant

morsels of antiquity.

Tragedy and comedy flowed from the same fountain, though their streams

were soon divided. The same entertainment which, under the name of

_tragedy_, was rudely exhibited by clowns, for the prize of a goat, near

some rural altar of Bacchus, assumed the appellation of _comedy_, when it

was transferred into cities, and represented with a little more decorum

in a cart or waggon, that strolled from street to street, as the name

κωμωδια, implies, being derived from κωμη, a street, and ωδη, a poem. To

this origin Horace alludes in these lines:

Dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis

Quæ canerent agerentque peruncti fæcibus ora.

Thespis, inventor of dramatic art,

Convey’d his vagrant actors in a cart:

High o’er the crowd the mimic tribe appear’d,

And play’d and sung, with lees of wine besmear’d.

Thespis is called the inventor of the dramatic art, because he raised the

subject from clownish altercation to the character and exploits of some

hero: he improved the language and versification, and relieved the chorus

by the dialogue of two actors. This was the first advance towards that

consummation of genius and art, which constitutes what is now called a

perfect tragedy. The next great improver was Æschylus, of whom the same

critic says,

Post hunc personæ pallæque repertor honestæ

Æschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis;

Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.

Then Æschylus a decent vizard used;

Built a low stage; the flowing robe diffused:

In language more sublime two actors rage,

And in the graceful buskin tread the stage.

The dialogue which Thespis introduced, was called the _episode_, because

it was an addition to the former subject, namely, the praises of Bacchus;

so that now tragedy consisted of two distinct parts, independent of each

other; the old _recitative_, which was the _chorus_, sung in honour of

the gods; and the _episode_, which turned upon the adventures of some

hero. This episode being found very agreeable to the people, Æschylus,

who lived about half a century after Thespis, still improved the

drama, united the chorus to the episode, so as to make them both parts

or members of one fable, multiplied the actors, contrived the stage,

and introduced the decorations of the theatre; so that Sophocles, who

succeeded Æschylus, had but one step to surmount, in order to bring

the drama to perfection. Thus tragedy was gradually detached from its

original institution, which was entirely religious. The priests of

Bacchus loudly complained of this innovation by means of the episode,

which was foreign to the intention of the chorus; and hence arose the

proverb of _Nihil ad Dionysium_, “nothing to the purpose.” Plutarch

himself mentions the episode as a perversion of tragedy, from the honour

of the gods to the passions of men: but, notwithstanding all opposition,

the new tragedy succeeded to admiration; because it was found the most

pleasing vehicle of conveying moral truths, of meliorating the heart, and

extending the interests of humanity.

Comedy, according to Aristotle, is the younger sister of Tragedy. As the

first originally turned upon the praises of the gods, the latter dwelt on

the follies and vices of mankind. Such, we mean, was the scope of that

species of poetry which acquired the name of comedy, in contradiction to

the tragic muse: for in the beginning they were the same. The foundation,

upon which comedy was built, we have already explained to be the practice

of satirical repartee or altercation, in which individuals exposed the

follies and frailties of each other, on public occasions of worship and

festivity.

The first regular plan of comedy is said to have been the _margites_ of

Homer, exposing the idleness and folly of a worthless character: but

of this performance we have no remains. That division, which is termed

the _ancient comedy_, belongs to the labours of Eupolis, Cratinus, and

Aristophanes, who were contemporaries, and flourished at Athens about

four hundred and thirty years before the Christian era. Such was the

licence of the muse at this period, that, far from lashing vice in

general characters, she boldly exhibited the exact portrait of every

individual, who had rendered himself remarkable or notorious by his

crimes, folly, or debauchery. She assumed every circumstance of his

external appearance, his very attire, air, manner, and even his name:

according to the observation of Horace.

——Poetæ

——quorum comœdia prisca virorum est:

Si quis erat dignus describi, quod malus, aut fur,

Quod mœchus foret, aut sicarius, aut alioqui

Famosus, multâ cum libertate notabant.

The comic poets, in its earliest age,

Who form’d the manners of the Grecian stage—

Was there a villain who might justly claim

A better right of being damn’d to fame,

Rake, cut-throat, thief, whatever was his crime,

They boldly stigmatised the wretch in rhyme.

Eupolis is said to have satirized Alcibiades in this manner, and to have

fallen a sacrifice to the resentment of that powerful Athenian: but

others say he was drowned in the Hellespont, during a war against the

Lacedæmonians; and that, in consequence of this accident, the Athenians

passed a decree, that no poet should ever bear arms.

The comedies of Cratinus are recommended by Quintilian for their

eloquence; and Plutarch tells us, that even Pericles himself could not

escape the censure of this poet.

Aristophanes, of whom there are eleven comedies still extant, enjoyed

such a pre-eminence of reputation, that the Athenians by a public decree

honoured him with a crown made of a consecrated olive-tree, which grew

in the citadel, for his care and success in detecting and exposing the

vices of those who governed the commonwealth. Yet this poet, whether

impelled by mere wantonness of genius, or actuated by malice and envy,

could not refrain from employing the shafts of his ridicule against

Socrates, the most venerable character of Pagan antiquity. In the comedy

of the Clouds, this virtuous philosopher was exhibited on the stage under

his own name, in a cloak exactly resembling that which Socrates wore, in

a mask modelled from his features, disputing publicly on the nature of

right and wrong. This was undoubtedly an instance of the most flagrant

licentiousness; and what renders it the more extraordinary, the audience

received it with great applause, even while Socrates himself sat publicly

in the theatre. The truth is, the Athenians were so fond of ridicule,

that they relished it even when employed against the gods themselves,

some of whose characters were very roughly handled by Aristophanes and

his rivals in reputation.

We might here draw a parallel between the inhabitants of Athens and the

natives of England, in point of constitution, genius, and disposition.

Athens was a free state like England, that piqued itself upon the

influence of the democracy. Like England, its wealth and strength

depended upon its maritime power, and it generally acted as umpire in

the disputes that arose among its neighbours. The people of Athens, like

those of England, were remarkably ingenious, and made great progress in

the arts and sciences. They excelled in poetry, history, philosophy,

mechanics, and manufactures; they were acute, discerning, disputatious,

fickle, wavering, rash, and combustible, and, above all other nations in

Europe, addicted to ridicule; a character which the English inherit in a

very remarkable degree.

If we may judge from the writings of Aristophanes, his chief aim was to

gratify the spleen and excite the mirth of his audience; of an audience

too, that would seem to have been uninformed by taste, and altogether

ignorant of decorum; for his pieces are replete with the most extravagant

absurdities, virulent slander, impiety, impurities, and low buffoonery.

The comic muse, not contented with being allowed to make free with the

gods and philosophers, applied her scourge so severely to the magistrates

of the commonwealth, that it was thought proper to restrain her within

bounds by a law, enacting that no person should be stigmatised under

his real name; and thus the chorus was silenced. In order to elude the

penalty of this law, and gratify the taste of the people, the poets began

to substitute fictitious names, under which they exhibited particular

characters in such lively colours, that the resemblance could not

possibly be mistaken or overlooked. This practice gave rise to what is

called the _middle comedy_, which was but of short duration: for the

legislature, perceiving that the first law had not removed the grievance

against which it was provided, issued a second ordinance, forbidding,

under severe penalties, any real or family occurrences to be represented.

This restriction was the immediate cause of improving comedy into a

general mirror, held forth to reflect the various follies and foibles

incident to human nature; a species of writing called the _new comedy_,

introduced by Diphilus and Menander, of whose works nothing but a few

fragments remain.

FOOTNOTES:

[7] Οἱ μεν γαρ σεμνοτεροι, τας καλας εμιμουντο πραξεις——οἱ δε

ευτελεστεροι, τας των φαυλων, πρωτον λογοις ποιουντες.

[8] Cum artem ludicram, scenamque totam probro ducerent, genus id

hominum non modo honore civium reliquorum carere, sed etiam tribu moveri

notatione censoriâ voluerunt.

_Cic. apud S. Aug. de Civit. Dei._

XV.

POETRY DISTINGUISHED FROM OTHER WRITING.

Having communicated our sentiments touching the origin of poetry, by

tracing tragedy and comedy to their common source, we shall now endeavour

to point out the criteria, by which poetry is distinguished from every

other species of writing. In common with other arts, such as statuary

and painting, it comprehends imitation, invention, composition, and

enthusiasm. Imitation is indeed the basis of all the liberal arts:

invention and enthusiasm constitute genius, in whatever manner it may be

displayed. Eloquence of all sorts admits of enthusiasm. Tully says, an

orator should be “vehemens ut procella, excitatus ut torrens, incensus ut

fulmen; tonat, fulgurat, et rapidis eloquentiæ fluctibus cuncta proruit

et proturbat.” “Violent as a tempest, impetuous as a torrent, and glowing

intense like the red bolt of heaven, he thunders, lightens, overthrows,

and bears down all before him, by the irresistible tide of eloquence.”

This is the “mens divinior atque os magna sonaturum” of Horace. This is

the talent,

——Meum qui pectus inaniter angit,

Irritat, mulcet, falsis terroribus implet,

Ut magus.

With passions not my own who fires my heart;

Who with unreal terrors fills my breast,

As with a magic influence possess’d.

We are told, that Michael Angelo Buonaroti used to work at his statues in

a fit of enthusiasm, during which he made the fragments of the stone fly

about him with surprising violence. The celebrated Lully being one day

blamed for setting nothing to music but the languid verses of Quinault,

was animated with the reproach, and running in a fit of enthusiasm to his

harpsichord, sung in recitative, and accompanied four pathetic lines from

the Iphigenia of Racine with such expression, as filled the hearers with

astonishment and horror.

Though versification be one of the criteria that distinguish poetry from

prose, yet it is not the sole mark of distinction. Were the histories of

Polybius and Livy simply turned into verse, they would not become poems;

because they would be destitute of those figures, embellishments, and

flights of imagination, which display the poet’s art and invention. On

the other hand, we have many productions that justly lay claim to the

title of poetry, without having the advantage of versification; witness

the Psalms of David, the Song of Solomon, with many beautiful hymns,

descriptions, and rhapsodies, to be found in different parts of the Old

Testament; some of them the immediate productions of divine inspiration:

witness the Celtic fragments, which have lately appeared in the English

language, and are certainly replete with poetical merit. But though good

versification alone will not constitute poetry, bad versification alone

will certainly degrade and render disgustful the sublimest sentiments

and finest flowers of imagination. This humiliating power of bad verse

appears in many translations of the ancient poets; in Ogilby’s Homer,

Trapp’s Virgil, and frequently in Creech’s Horace. This last indeed is

not wholly devoid of spirit, but it seldom rises above mediocrity; and as

Horace says,

——Mediocribus esse poetis

Non homines, non Dî, non concessêre columnæ.

But God and man and letter’d post denies

That poets ever are of middling size.

How is that beautiful ode, beginning with “Justum et tenacem propositi

virum,” chilled and tamed by the following translation:

He who by principle is sway’d,

In truth and justice still the same,

Is neither of the crowd afraid,

Though civil broils the state inflame;

Nor to a haughty tyrant’s frown will stoop,

Nor to a raging storm, when all the winds are up.

Should nature with convulsions shake,

Struck with the fiery bolts of Jove,

The final doom and dreadful crack

Cannot his constant courage move.

That long Alexandrine—“Nor to a raging storm, when all the winds are

up,” is drawling, feeble, swoln with a pleonasm or tautology, as well

as deficient in the rhyme; and as for “the dreadful crack” in the next

stanza, instead of exciting terror, it conveys a low and ludicrous idea.

How much more elegant and energetic is this paraphrase of the same ode,

inserted in one of the volumes of Hume’s History of England:

The man whose mind, on virtue bent,

Pursues some greatly good intent

With undiverted aim,

Serene beholds the angry crowd;

Nor can their clamours fierce and loud

His stubborn honour tame.

Nor the proud tyrant’s fiercest threat,

Nor storms that from their dark retreat

The lawless surges wake;

Nor Jove’s dread bolt that shakes the pole

The firmer purpose of his soul

With all its power can shake.

Should Nature’s frame in ruins fall,

And Chaos o’er the sinking ball

Resume primeval sway,

His courage Chance and Fate defies,

Nor feels the wreck of earth and skies

Obstruct its destined way.

If poetry exists independent of versification, it will naturally be

asked, how then is it to be distinguished? Undoubtedly by its own

peculiar expression: it has a language of its own, which speaks so

feelingly to the heart, and so pleasingly to the imagination, that its

meaning cannot possibly be misunderstood by any person of delicate

sensations. It is a species of painting with words, in which the figures

are happily conceived, ingeniously arranged, affectingly expressed, and

recommended with all the warmth and harmony of colouring: it consists of

imagery, description, metaphors, similes, and sentiments, adapted with

propriety to the subject, so contrived and executed as to soothe the ear,

surprise and delight the fancy, mend and melt the heart, elevate the

mind, and please the understanding. According to Flaccus:

Aut prodesse volunt, aut delectare poëtæ;

Aut simul et jucunda et idonea dicere vitæ.

Poets would profit or delight mankind,

And with the amusing show the instructive join’d.

Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci,

Lectorem delectando, pariterque monendo.

Profit and pleasure mingled thus with art

To soothe the fancy and improve the heart.

Tropes and figures are likewise liberally used in rhetoric: and some of

the most celebrated orators have owned themselves much indebted to the

poets. Theophrastus expressly recommends the poet for this purpose. From

their source the spirit and energy, the pathetic, the sublime, and the

beautiful, are derived.[9] But these figures must be more sparingly used

in rhetoric than in poetry, and even then mingled with argumentation, and

a detail of facts altogether different from poetical narration. The poet,

instead of simply relating the incident, strikes off a glowing picture

of the scene, and exhibits it in the most lively colours to the eye of

the imagination. “It is reported that Homer was blind,” says Tully in

his Tusculan Questions, “yet his poetry is no other than painting. What

country, what climate, what ideas, battles, commotions, and contests

of men, as well as of wild beasts, has he not painted in such a manner

as to bring before our eyes those very scenes, which he himself could

not behold!”[10] We cannot therefore subscribe to the opinion of some

ingenious critics, who have blamed Mr. Pope for deviating in some

instances from the simplicity of Homer, in his translation of the Iliad

and Odyssey. For example, the Grecian bard says simply, the sun rose;

and his translator gives us a beautiful picture of the sun rising. Homer

mentions a person who played upon the lyre; the translator sets him

before us warbling to the silver strings. If this be a deviation, it is

at the same time an improvement. Homer himself, as Cicero observes above,

is full of this kind of painting, and particularly fond of description

even in situations where the action seems to require haste. Neptune,

observing from Samothrace the discomfiture of the Grecians before Troy,

flies to their assistance, and might have been wafted thither in half

a line; but the bard describes him, first, descending the mountain on

which he sat; secondly, striding towards his palace at Ægæ, and yoking

his horses; thirdly, he describes him putting on his armour; and lastly,

ascending his car, and driving along the surface of the sea. Far from

being disgusted by these delays, we are delighted with the particulars of

the description. Nothing can be more sublime than the circumstance of the

mountain’s trembling beneath the footsteps of an immortal:

——Τρεμε δ’ ουρεα μακρα και ὑλη

Ποσσιν ὑπ’ αθανατοισι Ποσειδαωνος ιοντος.

But his passage to the Grecian fleet is altogether transporting.

Βη δ’ ελααν επι κυματ’, &c.

He mounts the car, the golden scourge applies,

He sits superior, and the chariot flies;

His whirling wheels the glassy surface sweep:

The enormous monsters, rolling o’er the deep,

Gambol around him on the watery way,

And heavy whales in awkward measures play;

The sea subsiding spreads a level plain,

Exults and crowns the monarch of the main;

The parting waves before his coursers fly;

The wandering waters leave his axle dry.

With great veneration for the memory of Mr. Pope, we cannot help

objecting to some lines of this translation. We have no idea of the sea’s

exulting and crowning Neptune, after it had subsided into a level plain.

There is no such image in the original. Homer says, the whales exulted,

and knew or owned their king; and that the sea parted with joy; γηθοσυνη

δε θαλασσα διιστατο. Neither is there a word of the wandering waters; we

therefore think the lines might be thus altered to advantage:

They knew and own’d the monarch of the main;

The sea subsiding spreads a level plain;

The curling waves before his coursers fly:

The parting surface leaves his brazen axle dry.

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