CHAPTER XI.

Norfolk Island: Its Founding as a Penal Station; The Terrible

Discipline in Norfolk Island; An Attempt to Ameliorate it; Its

Failure; The Rigorous Treatment Restored; The Consequent Riot; Jackey

Jackey's Revenge; An Unparalleled Tale of Ferocity; The Soldiers

Overawe the Rioters; Thirteen Condemned to the Gallows; Jackey

Jackey's Remarkable Letter; The End of Several Notorious Bushrangers.

Norfolk Island, lying some seven hundred miles from the coast of New

South Wales, was first utilised as a penal settlement in 1788, when

it was decided that convicts who committed crimes in New South Wales

should be transported there for more severe treatment. Early in the

nineteenth century a rumour spread in Australia that Napoleon the First

intended to fit out a fleet to search for Admiral La Perouse, and to

found colonies in the south seas. The truth of this rumour seemed to

be affirmed by the activity of the naval authorities in New South

Wales. Settlements were made at Port Essington in the north, King

George's Sound in the west, and the Derwent River in Van Diemen's Land.

Shortly afterwards, in 1805, the prisoners were removed from Norfolk

Island to Hobart Town, apparently for the purpose of strengthening

the settlement in Van Diemen's Land. When Van Diemen's Land was made

independent of New South Wales, in 1825, Norfolk Island was again made

a penal settlement of the mother colony, and it so continued until

transportation to New South Wales ceased in 1842, when Norfolk Island

was transferred from the jurisdiction of the Governor of New South

Wales to that of the Governor of Van Diemen's Land. The treatment of

the prisoners in the island was rigorous in the extreme, and may aptly

be described as savage. When the enquiry of the House of Commons, by

Select Committee, was made in 1837 and 1838, as to the condition of

the convicts in the penal settlements, the few particulars published

about the evidence in the English newspapers had some effect on public

opinion, and in 1841, Captain Maconochie, one of the witnesses examined

who said that the prisoners might be governed with less harshness, was

appointed Commandant of Norfolk Island, with instructions to try the

mild reformatory treatment he advocated. Captain Maconochie and his

supporters in England do not seem to have realised that human beings

who have been under demoralising influences until they have reached

the adult age, and their characters have become set, are not amenable

to civilising influences. These should have been applied during the

impressionable years, and the younger they are applied the more

successful they are likely to be. This fact, however, does not yet seem

to be known sufficiently in England, and therefore small blame attaches

to Captain Maconochie, if he was not aware of it sixty years ago. The

new Commandant abolished Sunday labour as a punishment, shortened the

hours of labour on week-days, and granted holidays for good behaviour.

He allowed the men to build huts and to cultivate small patches of

ground, and thus to provide themselves with vegetables. He also gave

them tins to cook in, and served out rations individually, instead of

giving the rations out in messes. It does not appear that the prisoners

became unduly riotous under this treatment, and no such murders as

were mentioned by Judge Forbes and other witnesses before the Select

Committee, in which men had killed their mates for the purpose of being

hung "out of their misery," took place. One of these murders which

occurred only a short time before Captain Maconochie took charge may be

mentioned here. Stephen Brennan was sent to the island for bushranging.

He was tried there and found guilty of the murder of another convict.

There had been no quarrel between the two men, who were as friendly

as circumstances permitted under the rigid discipline, nevertheless

Brennan suddenly struck Patrick Lynch a blow with a stone-breaker's

hammer, and then stabbed him with a knife. The murder was committed

avowedly so that the perpetrator might be hung, and thus escape the

harsh treatment he was subjected to, and it is not improbable that

it was committed with the consent of the victim, for although there

is no evidence of this in this case, it is well known that men had

actually drawn lots in Norfolk Island, to decide which should murder

the other and get hung for the crime. In place of crimes like this,

there were quarrels and some rowdyism, but this was sufficient for

the opponents of the new experiment. Paragraphs appeared in the Van

Diemen's Land papers jeering at the "plum pudding policy" of Captain

Maconochie, and asserting that Queen's birthday rejoicings only led

to increased disturbances in Norfolk Island. Whether these paragraphs

were inspired by the prison officials, who feared that if Captain

Maconochie was successful there would be an end of "the system" which

they had organised, it is impossible to say, but after a three years'

trial, the mild treatment was pronounced a failure, and Major Joseph

Childs was appointed to supersede Captain Maconochie, as Commandant of

Norfolk Island, and reached the island on February 8th, 1844. Major

Childs landed with orders to revert to the old rigid discipline, and

he appears to have endeavoured to carry these orders out to the best

of his ability. The hours of work were increased, holidays abolished,

and all the old punishments re-established. These alterations were

made very gradually. As I have already said, the prisoners had been

supplied with rations individually, and were allowed their own pots

and pans to cook them with. In July, 1846, new regulations were issued

that rations were to be issued in bulk and to be cooked in the general

mess house. The rations on the island had always been notoriously bad,

and consisted generally of salt beef and maize. Captain Maconochie had

allowed them to grow potatoes. The privilege was abolished on January

1st, 1846, when the garden plots were taken from the prisoners and

laid waste. The prisoners refused in a body to go to work unless some

equivalent was given them for their potatoes, and half a pint of peas

daily was promised them. After three days the peas in stock gave out,

and another mutiny took place. Numbers of the prisoners were flogged,

but this did not quieten them, and Commandant Childs promised them

that eight ounces of flour should be served out in place of the peas.

In a few days, however, the stock of flour was exhausted, and then,

"incredible as it may appear, an old order, issued in May, 1846, after

the gardens were taken away from the prisoners, stating that two

pounds of sweet potatoes should form part of the daily rations, was

posted up; although it must have been known to the superintendent that

it would be utterly impossible to serve out a single ounce of sweet

potatoes a man daily for a week."[35] The sweet potatoes in the island

had been grown by the men, and had been most unjustly taken away from

them when their gardens were laid waste. It was well-known that there

were no sweet potatoes in the island, and the reposting of this old

and obsolete regulation was an outrage on truth. The prisoners were

not slow in showing their indignation, nor very particular as to the

words they used in expressing it. And it was during the dissatisfaction

consequent on the posting of this old order, that the new regulation

calling in the kettles on July the 1st was posted. When the order

was first posted, the majority of the prisoners were in their cells.

A few were attending school, and among these was Jackey Jackey, who

was doing a sum when the soldiers came round to collect the kettles.

Hearing the rattling of the tins, he raised himself up, pencil in

hand, and listened intently. Then he pushed the slate away, folded his

arms, and sat as if in deep thought. The other prisoners present were

whispering together, trying to conjecture what was being done with

their tins. On the following morning, July 2nd, the prisoners were all

mustered for prayers, a practice only recently introduced along with

the repressive measures of the new superintendent. During the service

the men kept whispering and paid but little attention. Several times

order was called for, but this only produced a lull for a time. When

the prayers were over the men marched to the Lumber Yard and read

the new regulation. Then they found that their tins had already been

removed. There was silence for a moment, followed by fierce and eager

whisperings, then the whole body marched to the Barrack Yard, broke

open the store, and took out all the tins they could find. They marched

back to the Lumber Yard, and then Jackey Jackey made the following

speech:--"Now, men, I've made up my mind to bear this oppression no

longer; but, remember, I'm going to the gallows. If any man funks let

him stand out. Those who wish to follow me, come on."

A policeman named Morris was standing in the archway or entrance to

the yard, Jackey Jackey rushed forward, struck him a fearful blow

with an enormous bludgeon, and knocked him down. A large mob of the

prisoners snatched up such weapons as came to their hands and followed

him. Many of the prisoners only had sticks, some large, some small.

One had a reaping hook and another a pitchfork. As soon as the sentry

fell under the blow from Jackey Jackey, the other prisoners were

upon him, beating, stabbing, and cutting until the man was a fearful

sight to look upon. Jackey Jackey then led the way to the cook-house,

where Stephen Smith, the police overseer, was in charge. Smith was

something of a favourite among the prisoners, but this good feeling

availed him nothing at this time. When Jackey Jackey came rushing

towards him, Smith cried out in a piteous tone, "For God's sake don't

hurt me, Jackey? Remember my wife and children!" "Damn your wife and

children," shrieked Jackey Jackey, as he crashed in one side of Smith's

head with his bludgeon. Jackey Jackey passed on, leaving those who

followed him to finish his bloody work if necessary. Near the gate of

the Barrack-yard John Price, overseer of work, and a man named Ingram

were standing together. Jackey Jackey rushed towards them and aimed a

blow at Price, but he dodged back and the club struck Ingram, nearly

killing him. Jackey Jackey raised his club for another blow at Price,

when the surging crowd behind pushed him forward, and Price escaped and

ran for the soldiers. The prisoners behind Jackey Jackey now raised

the cry of "Barrow! Barrow!" and from this it is conjectured that

their main object was the murder of the Stipendiary Magistrate of the

Island, Mr. Barrow, who was believed by the prisoners to be the cause

of much of their misery. Jackey Jackey turned from the Barrack-yard

and led the way towards Government House. On their road they came to

the limekilns, and Jackey Jackey, who had by this time exchanged his

club for an axe, opened the door of the hut there. Two policemen were

stationed there and they had not yet risen from their beds. One named

Dixon was still asleep, and Jackey Jackey smashed the axe through

his skull as he lay. The other, Simon, sprang from his bed on to the

floor, but was immediately knocked down by a ferocious blow aimed at

him by the bushranger, his brains and blood spattering the walls of the

hut. Jackey Jackey immediately left the hut, and while his followers

crowded in to strike at, or jeer at, their dead enemies as their humour

prompted them, he coolly stood aside and lighted his pipe. After

drawing a few whiffs he said in a loud calm voice, "Now, boys, for the

Christ killer," and the crowd responded with shouts of "Hooray! Now

for Barrow's." "To Barrow's." "To Barrow's." They started off, but had

not gone far when the soldiers with muskets loaded and bayonets fixed

barred the road.

At this time there were about eighteen hundred prisoners on the island,

and of these, sixteen hundred were among the rioters. The soldiers

numbered only about three hundred, but their discipline enabled them

to overawe the vastly superior force, numerically, opposed to them.

Perhaps the habits of obedience and submission, so long enforced on

the prisoners, may have had some influence. Perhaps, even among this

herd of desperate and reckless men, the sight of the soldiers standing

firmly with their guns presented ready to fire may have instilled

some fear. However this may have been, there was no fight. The rebels

retired slowly and unwillingly to the Lumber Yard, where they permitted

the soldiers to arrest them one after the other without making any show

of defence until one thousand one hundred and ten of them were placed

"on the chain." Perhaps Jackey Jackey and the more violent of his

followers may have thought that they had done sufficient to ensure them

that death on the gallows which was the avowed object of their rising,

while the majority had been so demoralised by official brutality as to

be utterly indifferent as to what might become of them.

Among those arrested were Jackey Jackey, the bushranger with a

continental notoriety, and Lawrence Kavanagh, the Van Diemen's Land

highwayman. John Gardner, John Jackson, William Duncan, Abraham

Farrer, and John Booth, some of them convicted bushrangers, were

also conspicuous for their support of Jackey Jackey in the murder of

officials. Another New South Wales bushranger engaged in this riot was

Michael Houlihan, who had been captured by Commissioner Brigham on

September 10, 1842, in the Lachlan district, and transported to Van

Diemen's Land for highway robbery and horse-stealing, and had been

sent from thence to Norfolk Island for similar offences committed near

Hobart Town. Besides these there were John Price, and many others named

in Chapter X., who were among the insurgents and who more or less

actively supported the leaders. On the other hand, Martin Cash, the

companion of Kavanagh, refused to take part in the rising. He retired

from the Lumber Yard when Jackey Jackey announced his intention,

and remained in his cell during the whole time of the riot. Some

speculation has been indulged in as to his reason for so acting. It is

certain that he was not deterred by fear. Possibly, having been for so

long the leader of a gang of bushrangers, he objected to serve under

another and a younger man. He, however, was almost the only well-known

bushranger confined in the island at the time who did not follow Jackey

Jackey.

As soon as news of the riot and its suppression reached Van

Diemen's Land, Judge Brown was sent to Norfolk Island by the

Lieutenant-Governor, Sir W.T. Denison, to try the prisoners, and Jackey

Jackey, Henry Whiting, William Pickthorne, William Scrimshaw, Kavanagh,

Gardner, Jackson, Duncan, Farrer, Booth, and three others, making

thirteen in all, were arraigned on the charge of murdering John Morris.

They were convicted and sentenced to death. They were all executed on

October 13, 1846.

The following letter was written by Jackey Jackey to a former chaplain

at Port Arthur, and was published in the _Cornwall Chronicle_. "The

spelling of many of the words has been corrected, but the style has not

been interfered with":--

H.M. Gaol, Norfolk Island.

Condemned Cells, 1846, October the 8th.

Reverend Sir,--As in duty bound to you for the kindness you have

shown to me, and the interest I have always seen you take in those

that have ever been under your spiritual care, whatever may be

their fate, I have been induced to write to you, hoping this may

find you in good health, and in the enjoyment of all God's choicest

blessings. I have to inform you, that long before this letter reaches

your hands, the hand that wrote this will be cold in death. I do not

grieve that the hour is fast approaching that is to end my earthly

career. I welcome death as a friend;--the world, or what I have seen

of it, has no allurements in it for me. 'Tis not for me to boast;

but yet, Sir, allow a dying man to speak a few words to one who

has always shown a sympathy for the wretched outcasts of society,

and ever, with a Christian charity, strove to recall the wretched

wanderer to a sense of his lost condition. I started in life with a

good feeling for my fellowman. Before I well knew the responsibility

of my station in life, I had forfeited my birth-right. I became a

slave, and was sent far from my dear native country, my parents, my

brother, and sisters--torn from all that was dear to me, and that

for a trifling offence. Since then I have been treated more like

a beast than a man, until nature could bear no more. I was, like

many others, driven to despair by the oppressive and tyrannical

conduct of whose whose duty it was to prevent us from being treated

in this way. Yet these men are courted by society; and the British

Government, deceived by the interested representations of these

men, continues to carry on a system that has and still continues to

ruin the prospects of the souls and bodies of thousands of British

subjects. I have not the ability to represent what I feel on this

subject, yet I know from my own feelings that it will never carry

out the wishes of the British people! The spirit of the British

law is reformation. Now, years of sad experience should have told

them, that instead of reforming--the wretched man, under the present

system, led by example on the one hand, and driven by despair and

tyranny on the other, goes on from bad to worse, till at length he

is ruined body and soul. Experience, dear bought experience, has

taught me this. In all my career, I never was cruel--I always felt

keenly for the miseries of my fellow-creatures, and was ever ready

to do all in my power to assist them to the utmost, yet my name will

be handed down to posterity[36] branded with the most opprobrious

epithet that man can bestow. But 'tis little matter now. I have

thus given vent to my feelings, knowing that you will bear with me,

and I know that you have and will exert yourself for the welfare of

wretched men. It is on this account that I have strove, though in but

a feeble manner, to express my feelings. The crime for which I am

to suffer is murder. Reverend Sir, you will shudder at my cruelty,

but I only took life--those that I deprived of life, though they did

not in a moment send a man to his last account, inflicted on many a

lingering death--for years they have tortured men's minds as well

as their bodies, and after years of mental and bodily torture, sent

them to a premature grave. This is what I call refined cruelty, and

it is carried on, and I blush to own it, by Englishmen, and under

the enlightened English Government. Will it be believed hereafter,

that this was allowed to be carried on in the nineteenth century?

I will now proceed to inform you what has happened since I left

Port Arthur. I was sent to Glenorchy Probation Station. I was then

determined, if possible, to regain my freedom, and visit my dear

native country, and see my parents and friends again. I took to the

bush, with two men; one of them said that he knew the bush well, but

he deceived me and himself too. Our intention was to take a craft

from Brown's River; we were disappointed--there was no craft there.

We then turned to go to Launceston, thinking to get one there, and

to cross to the Sydney main. But after leaving New Norfolk, I lost

one of my mates, and the same night the other left me at the Green

Ponds. I was soon after taken and sent to Hobart Town. I was tried

and sent to Norfolk Island, and this place is now worse than I can

describe. Every species of petty tyranny that long experience has

taught some of these tyrants is put in force by the authorities. The

men are half-starved, hard worked, and cruelly flogged. These things

brought on the affair of the first of July, of which you have, no

doubt, heard. I would send you the whole account, but that I know you

will have it from better hands than mine. I am sorry that this will

give you great pain, as there are several of the men that have been

under your charge at Port Arthur concerned in this affair. Sir, on

the 21st of September, 1846, Mr. Brown arrived in the Island with a

commission to form a Court, and try the men. On the 23rd of September

he opened the Court. Fourteen men were then arraigned for the murder

of John Morris, that was formerly gate-keeper at Port Arthur. This

trial occupied the Court nine days. The Jury retired, and returned

a verdict, and found twelve out of fourteen guilty of murder. On

the 5th of October the sentence of death was then passed on us, and

to be carried into effect on the 13th of October, 1846. Sir, the

strong ties of earth will soon be wrenched, and the burning fever

of this life will soon be quenched, and my grave will be a haven--a

resting-place for me, William Westwood. Sir, out of the bitter cup of

misery I have drunk from my sixteenth year--ten long years--and the

sweetest draught is that which takes away the misery of living death;

it is the friend that deceives no man; all will then be quiet--no

tyrant will there disturb my repose, I hope, William Westwood.

Sir, I now bid the world adieu, and all it contains.

William Westwood, his writing.

Beneath the letter is printed as follows:--

_The Dying Declaration of William Westwood, alias "Jackey Jackey."_

"I, William Westwood, wish to die in the Communion of Christ's Holy

Church, seeking mercy of God through Jesus Christ our Lord and

Saviour.--Amen.

I wish to say, as a dying man, that I believe four men now

going to suffer are innocent of the crime laid to their charge,

viz.:--Lawrence Kavanagh, Henry Whiting, William Pickthorne, and

William Scrimshaw. I declare that I never spoke to Kavanagh on the

morning of the riots; and these other three men had no part in the

killing of John Morris as far as I know of. I have never spoke a

disrespectful word of any man since my confinement. I die in charity

with all men, and now I ask your prayers for my soul!"

William Westwood, aged twenty-six years.

Jackey Jackey, at the time of his death, was twenty-six years of age.

He was 5 feet 9 inches in height, with fair hair, blue eyes, and a

ruddy complexion.

Shortly after the death of these men, Mr. John Price, superintendent of

Port Arthur, was sent to Norfolk Island with instructions to break up

the settlement and remove the prisoners to Van Diemen's Land, and this

was gradually effected. Two or three years later the Government of the

Island was again transferred to the Governor of New South Wales, and

in 1857, about two hundred of the Pitcairn Islanders--the descendants

of the Mutineers of the _Bounty_ were landed there and have remained

unmolested to the present time, and the later history of this beautiful

island may be summed up in the one word "peace."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 35: _Launceston Chronicle._]

[Footnote 36: "Posperity" in the paper is so obviously a typographical

error that I have taken the liberty of correcting it.]

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