CHAPTER IV

[142] This fundamental ground is our preference of doing to thinking.

Now this preference is a main element in our nature, and as we study

it we find ourselves opening up a number of large questions on every

side.

Let me go back for a moment to what I have already quoted from Bishop

Wilson:--"First, never go against the best light you have; secondly,

take care that your light be not darkness." I said we show, as a

nation, laudable energy and persistence in walking according to the

best light we have, but are not quite careful enough, perhaps, to see

that our light be not darkness. This is only another version of the

old story that energy is our strong point and favourable

characteristic, rather than intelligence. But we may give to this

idea a more general form still, in which it will have a yet larger

range of application. We may regard this energy driving at practice,

this paramount sense of the obligation of duty, self-control, and

work, this earnestness in going manfully with the best light we [143]

have, as one force. And we may regard the intelligence driving at

those ideas which are, after all, the basis of right practice, the

ardent sense for all the new and changing combinations of them which

man's development brings with it, the indomitable impulse to know and

adjust them perfectly, as another force. And these two forces we may

regard as in some sense rivals,--rivals not by the necessity of their

own nature, but as exhibited in man and his history,--and rivals

dividing the empire of the world between them. And to give these

forces names from the two races of men who have supplied the most

signal and splendid manifestations of them, we may call them

respectively the forces of Hebraism and Hellenism. Hebraism and

Hellenism,--between these two points of influence moves our world.

At one time it feels more powerfully the attraction of one of them,

at another time of the other; and it ought to be, though it never is,

evenly and happily balanced between them.

The final aim of both Hellenism and Hebraism, as of all great

spiritual disciplines, is no doubt the same: man's perfection or

salvation. The very language which they both of them use in

schooling [144] us to reach this aim is often identical. Even when

their language indicates by variation,--sometimes a broad variation,

often a but slight and subtle variation,--the different courses of

thought which are uppermost in each discipline, even then the unity

of the final end and aim is still apparent. To employ the actual

words of that discipline with which we ourselves are all of us most

familiar, and the words of which, therefore, come most home to us,

that final end and aim is "that we might be partakers of the divine

nature." These are the words of a Hebrew apostle, but of Hellenism

and Hebraism alike this is, I say, the aim. When the two are

confronted, as they very often are confronted, it is nearly always

with what I may call a rhetorical purpose; the speaker's whole design

is to exalt and enthrone one of the two, and he uses the other only

as a foil and to enable him the better to give effect to his purpose.

Obviously, with us, it is usually Hellenism which is thus reduced to

minister to the triumph of Hebraism. There is a sermon on Greece and

the Greek spirit by a man never to be mentioned without interest and

respect, Frederick Robertson, in which this rhetorical use of Greece

and the Greek [145] spirit, and the inadequate exhibition of them

necessarily consequent upon this, is almost ludicrous, and would be

censurable if it were not to be explained by the exigences of a

sermon. On the other hand, Heinrich Heine, and other writers of his

sort, give us the spectacle of the tables completely turned, and of

Hebraism brought in just as a foil and contrast to Hellenism, and to

make the superiority of Hellenism more manifest. In both these cases

there is injustice and misrepresentation. The aim and end of both

Hebraism and Hellenism is, as I have said, one and the same, and this

aim and end is august and admirable.

Still, they pursue this aim by very different courses. The uppermost

idea with Hellenism is to see things as they really are; the

uppermost idea with Hebraism is conduct and obedience. Nothing can

do away with this ineffaceable difference; the Greek quarrel with the

body and its desires is, that they hinder right thinking, the Hebrew

quarrel with them is, that they hinder right acting. "He that

keepeth the law, happy is he;" "There is nothing sweeter than to take

heed unto the commandments of the Lord;"+--that is the Hebrew [146]

notion of felicity; and, pursued with passion and tenacity, this

notion would not let the Hebrew rest till, as is well known, he had,

at last, got out of the law a network of prescriptions to enwrap his

whole life, to govern every moment of it, every impulse, every

action. The Greek notion of felicity, on the other hand, is

perfectly conveyed in these words of a great French moralist: "C'est

le bonheur des hommes"--when? when they abhor that which is evil?--

no; when they exercise themselves in the law of the Lord day and

night?--no; when they die daily?--no; when they walk about the New

Jerusalem with palms in their hands?--no; but when they think aright,

when their thought hits,--"quand ils pensent juste." At the bottom

of both the Greek and the Hebrew notion is the desire, native in man,

for reason and the will of God, the feeling after the universal

order,--in a word, the love of God. But, while Hebraism seizes upon

certain plain, capital intimations of the universal order, and rivets

itself, one may say, with unequalled grandeur of earnestness and

intensity on the study and observance of them, the bent of Hellenism

is to follow, with flexible activity, the whole play of the universal

order, to be [147] apprehensive of missing any part of it, of

sacrificing one part to another, to slip away from resting in this or

that intimation of it, however capital. An unclouded clearness of

mind, an unimpeded play of thought, is what this bent drives at. The

governing idea of Hellenism is spontaneity of consciousness; that of

Hebraism, strictness of conscience.

Christianity changed nothing in this essential bent of Hebraism to

set doing above knowing. Self-conquest, self-devotion, the following

not our own individual will, but the will of God, obedience, is the

fundamental idea of this form, also, of the discipline to which we

have attached the general name of Hebraism. Only, as the old law and

the network of prescriptions with which it enveloped human life were

evidently a motive power not driving and searching enough to produce

the result aimed at,--patient continuance in well doing, self-

conquest,--Christianity substituted for them boundless devotion to

that inspiring and affecting pattern of self-conquest offered by

Christ; and by the new motive power, of which the essence was this,

though the love and admiration of Christian churches have for

centuries been employed in varying, amplifying, [148] and adorning

the plain description of it, Christianity, as St. Paul truly says,

"establishes the law,"+ and in the strength of the ampler power which

she has thus supplied to fulfil it, has accomplished the miracles,

which we all see, of her history.

So long as we do not forget that both Hellenism and Hebraism are

profound and admirable manifestations of man's life, tendencies, and

powers, and that both of them aim at a like final result, we can

hardly insist too strongly on the divergence of line and of operation

with which they proceed. It is a divergence so great that it most

truly, as the prophet Zechariah says, "has raised up thy sons, O

Zion, against thy sons, O Greece!"+ The difference whether it is by

doing or by knowing that we set most store, and the practical

consequences which follow from this difference, leave their mark on

all the history of our race and of its development. Language may be

abundantly quoted from both Hellenism and Hebraism to make it seem

that one follows the same current as the other towards the same goal.

They are, truly, borne towards the same goal; but the currents which

bear them are infinitely different. It is true, Solomon will praise

[149] knowing: "Understanding is a well-spring of life unto him that

hath it."+ And in the New Testament, again, Christ is a "light,"+ and

"truth makes us free."+ It is true, Aristotle will undervalue

knowing: "In what concerns virtue," says he, "three things are

necessary,--knowledge, deliberate will, and perseverance; but,

whereas the two last are all important, the first is a matter of

little importance." It is true that with the same impatience with

which St. James enjoins a man to be not a forgetful hearer, but a

doer of the work,+ Epictetus exhorts us to do what we have

demonstrated to ourselves we ought to do; or he taunts us with

futility, for being armed at all points to prove that lying is wrong,

yet all the time continuing to lie. It is true, Plato, in words

which are almost the words of the New Testament or the Imitation,

calls life a learning to die. But underneath the superficial

agreement the fundamental divergence still subsists. The

understanding of Solomon is "the walking in the way of the

commandments;" this is "the way of peace,"+ and it is of this that

blessedness comes. In the New Testament, the truth which gives us

the peace of God and makes us free, is the love of Christ

constraining [150] us to crucify, as he did, and with a like purpose

of moral regeneration, the flesh with its affections and lusts, and

thus establishing, as we have seen, the law. To St. Paul it appears

possible to "hold the truth in unrighteousness,"+ which is just what

Socrates judged impossible. The moral virtues, on the other hand,

are with Aristotle but the porch and access to the intellectual, and

with these last is blessedness. That partaking of the divine life,

which both Hellenism and Hebraism, as we have said, fix as their

crowning aim, Plato expressly denies to the man of practical virtue

merely, of self-conquest with any other motive than that of perfect

intellectual vision; he reserves it for the lover of pure knowledge,

of seeing things as they really are,--the philomathês.+

Both Hellenism and Hebraism arise out of the wants of human nature,

and address themselves to satisfying those wants. But their methods

are so different, they lay stress on such different points, and call

into being by their respective disciplines such different activities,

that the face which human nature presents when it passes from the

hands of one of them to those of the other, is no longer the [151]

same. To get rid of one's ignorance, to see things as they are, and

by seeing them as they are to see them in their beauty, is the simple

and attractive ideal which Hellenism holds out before human nature;

and from the simplicity and charm of this ideal, Hellenism, and human

life in the hands of Hellenism, is invested with a kind of aërial

ease, clearness, and radiancy; they are full of what we call

sweetness and light. Difficulties are kept out of view, and the

beauty and rationalness of the ideal have all our thoughts. "The

best man is he who most tries to perfect himself, and the happiest

man is he who most feels that he is perfecting himself,"--this

account of the matter by Socrates, the true Socrates of the

Memorabilia, has something so simple, spontaneous, and

unsophisticated about it, that it seems to fill us with clearness and

hope when we hear it. But there is a saying which I have heard

attributed to Mr. Carlyle about Socrates,--a very happy saying,

whether it is really Mr. Carlyle's or not,--which excellently marks

the essential point in which Hebraism differs from Hellenism.

"Socrates," this saying goes, "is terribly at ease in Zion"

Hebraism,--and here is the source of its [152] wonderful strength,--

has always been severely preoccupied with an awful sense of the

impossibility of being at ease in Zion; of the difficulties which

oppose themselves to man's pursuit or attainment of that perfection

of which Socrates talks so hopefully, and, as from this point of view

one might almost say, so glibly. It is all very well to talk of

getting rid of one's ignorance, of seeing things in their reality,

seeing them in their beauty; but how is this to be done when there is

something which thwarts and spoils all our efforts? This something

is sin; and the space which sin fills in Hebraism, as compared with

Hellenism, is indeed prodigious. This obstacle to perfection fills

the whole scene, and perfection appears remote and rising away from

earth, in the background. Under the name of sin, the difficulties of

knowing oneself and conquering oneself which impede man's passage to

perfection, become, for Hebraism, a positive, active entity hostile

to man, a mysterious power which I heard Dr. Pusey the other day, in

one of his impressive sermons, compare to a hideous hunchback seated

on our shoulders, and which it is the main business of our lives to

hate and oppose. The discipline of the [153] Old Testament may be

summed up as a discipline teaching us to abhor and flee from sin; the

discipline of the New Testament, as a discipline teaching us to die

to it. As Hellenism speaks of thinking clearly, seeing things in

their essence and beauty, as a grand and precious feat for man to

achieve, so Hebraism speaks of becoming conscious of sin, of

awakening to a sense of sin, as a feat of this kind. It is obvious

to what wide divergence these differing tendencies, actively

followed, must lead. As one passes and repasses from Hellenism to

Hebraism, from Plato to St. Paul, one feels inclined to rub one's

eyes and ask oneself whether man is indeed a gentle and simple being,

showing the traces of a noble and divine nature; or an unhappy

chained captive, labouring with groanings that cannot be uttered to

free himself from the body of this death.

Apparently it was the Hellenic conception of human nature which was

unsound, for the world could not live by it. Absolutely to call it

unsound, however, is to fall into the common error of its Hebraising

enemies; but it was unsound at that particular moment of man's

development, it was premature. The indispensable basis of conduct

and [154] self-control, the platform upon which alone the perfection

aimed at by Greece can come into bloom, was not to be reached by our

race so easily; centuries of probation and discipline were needed to

bring us to it. Therefore the bright promise of Hellenism faded, and

Hebraism ruled the world. Then was seen that astonishing spectacle,

so well marked by the often quoted words of the prophet Zechariah,

when men of all languages of the nations took hold of the skirt of

him that was a Jew, saying:--"We will go with you, for we have heard

that God is with you."+ And the Hebraism which thus received and

ruled a world all gone out of the way and altogether become

unprofitable, was, and could not but be, the later, the more

spiritual, the more attractive development of Hebraism. It was

Christianity; that is to say, Hebraism aiming at self-conquest and

rescue from the thrall of vile affections, not by obedience to the

letter of a law, but by conformity to the image of a self-sacrificing

example. To a world stricken with moral enervation Christianity

offered its spectacle of an inspired self-sacrifice; to men who

refused themselves nothing, it showed one who refused [155] himself

everything;--"my Saviour banished joy" says George Herbert. When the

alma Venus, the life-giving and joy-giving power of nature, so fondly

cherished by the Pagan world, could not save her followers from self-

dissatisfaction and ennui, the severe words of the apostle came

bracingly and refreshingly: "Let no man deceive you with vain words,

for because of these things cometh the wrath of God upon the children

of disobedience."+ Throughout age after age, and generation after

generation, our race, or all that part of our race which was most

living and progressive, was baptized into a death;+ and endeavoured,

by suffering in the flesh, to cease from sin. Of this endeavour, the

animating labours and afflictions of early Christianity, the touching

asceticism of mediaeval Christianity, are the great historical

manifestations. Literary monuments of it, each, in its own way,

incomparable, remain in the Epistles of St. Paul, in St. Augustine's

Confessions, and in the two original and simplest books of the

Imitation.*

Of two disciplines laying their main stress, the [156] one, on clear

intelligence, the other, on firm obedience; the one, on

comprehensively knowing the grounds of one's duty, the other, on

diligently practising it; the one on taking all possible care (to use

Bishop Wilson's words again) that the light we have be not darkness,

the other, that according to the best light we have we diligently

walk,--the priority naturally belongs to that discipline which braces

man's moral powers, and founds for him an indispensable basis of

character. And, therefore, it is justly said of the Jewish people,

who were charged with setting powerfully forth that side of the

divine order to which the words conscience and self-conquest point,

that they were "entrusted with the oracles of God;"+ as it is justly

said of Christianity, which followed Judaism and which set forth this

side with a much deeper effectiveness and a much wider influence,

that the wisdom of the old Pagan world was foolishness compared to

it. No words of devotion and admiration can be too strong to render

thanks to these beneficent forces which have so borne forward

humanity in its appointed work of coming to the knowledge and

possession of itself; above all, in those great [157] moments when

their action was the wholesomest and the most necessary.

But the evolution of these forces, separately and in themselves, is

not the whole evolution of humanity,--their single history is not the

whole history of man; whereas their admirers are always apt to make

it stand for the whole history. Hebraism and Hellenism are, neither

of them, the law of human development, as their admirers are prone to

make them; they are, each of them, contributions to human

development,--august contributions, invaluable contributions; and

each showing itself to us more august, more invaluable, more

preponderant over the other, according to the moment in which we take

them, and the relation in which we stand to them. The nations of our

modern world, children of that immense and salutary movement which

broke up the Pagan world, inevitably stand to Hellenism in a relation

which dwarfs it, and to Hebraism in a relation which magnifies it.

They are inevitably prone to take Hebraism as the law of human

development, and not as simply a contribution to it, however

precious. And yet the lesson must perforce be [158] learned, that

the human spirit is wider than the most priceless of the forces which

bear it onward, and that to the whole development of man Hebraism

itself is, like Hellenism, but a contribution.

Perhaps we may help ourselves to see this clearer by an illustration

drawn from the treatment of a single great idea which has profoundly

engaged the human spirit, and has given it eminent opportunities for

showing its nobleness and energy. It surely must be perceived that

the idea of the immortality of the soul, as this idea rises in its

generality before the human spirit, is something grander, truer, and

more satisfying, than it is in the particular forms by which St.

Paul, in the famous fifteenth chapter of the Epistle to the

Corinthians,+ and Plato, in the Phaedo, endeavour to develope and

establish it. Surely we cannot but feel, that the argumentation with

which the Hebrew apostle goes about to expound this great idea is,

after all, confused and inconclusive; and that the reasoning, drawn

from analogies of likeness and equality, which is employed upon it by

the Greek philosopher, is over-subtle and sterile? Above and beyond

the inadequate solutions which Hebraism and Hellenism here attempt,

extends the immense [159] and august problem itself, and the human

spirit which gave birth to it. And this single illustration may

suggest to us how the same thing happens in other cases also.

But meanwhile, by alternations of Hebraism and Hellenism, of man's

intellectual and moral impulses, of the effort to see things as they

really are, and the effort to win peace by self-conquest, the human

spirit proceeds, and each of these two forces has its appointed hours

of culmination and seasons of rule. As the great movement of

Christianity was a triumph of Hebraism and man's moral impulses, so

the great movement which goes by the name of the Renascence* was an

uprising and re-instatement of man's intellectual impulses and of

Hellenism. We in England, the devoted children of Protestantism,

chiefly know the Renascence by its subordinate and secondary side of

the Reformation. The Reformation has been often called a Hebraising

revival, a return to the ardour and sincereness of primitive [160]

Christianity. No one, however, can study the development of

Protestantism and of Protestant churches without feeling that into

the Reformation too,--Hebraising child of the Renascence and

offspring of its fervour, rather than its intelligence, as it

undoubtedly was,--the subtle Hellenic leaven of the Renascence found

its way, and that the exact respective parts in the Reformation, of

Hebraism and of Hellenism, are not easy to separate. But what we may

with truth say is, that all which Protestantism was to itself clearly

conscious of, all which it succeeded in clearly setting forth in

words, had the characters of Hebraism rather than of Hellenism. The

Reformation was strong, in that it was an earnest return to the Bible

and to doing from the heart the will of God as there written; it was

weak, in that it never consciously grasped or applied the central

idea of the Renascence,--the Hellenic idea of pursuing, in all lines

of activity, the law and science, to use Plato's words, of things as

they really are. Whatever direct superiority, therefore,

Protestantism had over Catholicism was a moral superiority, a

superiority arising out of its greater sincerity and earnestness,--at

the moment of its apparition at any [161] rate,--in dealing with the

heart and conscience; its pretensions to an intellectual superiority

are in general quite illusory. For Hellenism, for the thinking side

in man as distinguished from the acting side, the attitude of mind of

Protestantism towards the Bible in no respect differs from the

attitude of mind of Catholicism towards the Church. The mental habit

of him who imagines that Balaam's ass spoke, in no respect differs

from the mental habit of him who imagines that a Madonna of wood or

stone winked; and the one, who says that God's Church makes him

believe what he believes, and the other, who says that God's Word

makes him believe what he believes, are for the philosopher perfectly

alike in not really and truly knowing, when they say God's Church and

God's Word, what it is they say, or whereof they affirm.

In the sixteenth century, therefore, Hellenism re-entered the world,

and again stood in presence of Hebraism,--a Hebraism renewed and

purged. Now, it has not been enough observed, how, in the

seventeenth century, a fate befell Hellenism in some respects

analogous to that which befell it at the commencement of our era.

The Renascence, that [162] great re-awakening of Hellenism, that

irresistible return of humanity to nature and to seeing things as

they are, which in art, in literature, and in physics, produced such

splendid fruits, had, like the anterior Hellenism of the Pagan world,

a side of moral weakness, and of relaxation or insensibility of the

moral fibre, which in Italy showed itself with the most startling

plainness, but which in France, England, and other countries was very

apparent too. Again this loss of spiritual balance, this exclusive

preponderance given to man's perceiving and knowing side, this

unnatural defect of his feeling and acting side, provoked a reaction.

Let us trace that reaction where it most nearly concerns us.

Science has now made visible to everybody the great and pregnant

elements of difference which lie in race, and in how signal a manner

they make the genius and history of an Indo-European people vary from

those of a Semitic people. Hellenism is of Indo-European growth,

Hebraism is of Semitic growth; and we English, a nation of Indo-

European stock, seem to belong naturally to the movement of

Hellenism. But nothing more strongly marks the essential unity of

man than the affinities we can [163] perceive, in this point or that,

between members of one family of peoples and members of another; and

no affinity of this kind is more strongly marked than that likeness

in the strength and prominence of the moral fibre, which,

notwithstanding immense elements of difference, knits in some special

sort the genius and history of us English, and of our American

descendants across the Atlantic, to the genius and history of the

Hebrew people. Puritanism, which has been so great a power in the

English nation, and in the strongest part of the English nation, was

originally the reaction, in the seventeenth century, of the

conscience and moral sense of our race, against the moral

indifference and lax rule of conduct which in the sixteenth century

came in with the Renascence. It was a reaction of Hebraism against

Hellenism; and it powerfully manifested itself, as was natural, in a

people with much of what we call a Hebraising turn, with a signal

affinity for the bent which was the master-bent of Hebrew life.

Eminently Indo-European by its humour, by the power it shows, through

this gift, of imaginatively acknowledging the multiform aspects of

the problem of life, and of thus getting itself unfixed from its own

over- [164] certainty, of smiling at its own over-tenacity, our race

has yet (and a great part of its strength lies here), in matters of

practical life and moral conduct, a strong share of the assuredness,

the tenacity, the intensity of the Hebrews. This turn manifested

itself in Puritanism, and has had a great part in shaping our history

for the last two hundred years. Undoubtedly it checked and changed

amongst us that movement of the Renascence which we see producing in

the reign of Elizabeth such wonderful fruits; undoubtedly it stopped

the prominent rule and direct development of that order of ideas

which we call by the name of Hellenism, and gave the first rank to a

different order of ideas. Apparently, too, as we said of the former

defeat of Hellenism, if Hellenism was defeated, this shows that

Hellenism was imperfect, and that its ascendency at that moment would

not have been for the world's good.

Yet there is a very important difference between the defeat inflicted

on Hellenism by Christianity eighteen hundred years ago, and the

check given to the Renascence by Puritanism. The greatness of the

difference is well measured by the difference in force, beauty,

significance and usefulness, between [165] primitive Christianity and

Protestantism. Eighteen hundred years ago it was altogether the hour

of Hebraism; primitive Christianity was legitimately and truly the

ascendent force in the world at that time, and the way of mankind's

progress lay through its full development. Another hour in man's

development began in the fifteenth century, and the main road of his

progress then lay for a time through Hellenism. Puritanism was no

longer the central current of the world's progress, it was a side

stream crossing the central current and checking it. The cross and

the check may have been necessary and salutary, but that does not do

away with the essential difference between the main stream of man's

advance and a cross or side stream. For more than two hundred years

the main stream of man's advance has moved towards knowing himself

and the world, seeing things as they are, spontaneity of

consciousness; the main impulse of a great part, and that the

strongest part, of our nation, has been towards strictness of

conscience. They have made the secondary the principal at the wrong

moment, and the principal they have at the wrong moment treated as

secondary. This contravention of the [166] natural order has

produced, as such contravention always must produce, a certain

confusion and false movement, of which we are now beginning to feel,

in almost every direction, the inconvenience. In all directions our

habitual courses of action seem to be losing efficaciousness, credit,

and control, both with others and even with ourselves; everywhere we

see the beginnings of confusion, and we want a clue to some sound

order and authority. This we can only get by going back upon the

actual instincts and forces which rule our life, seeing them as they

really are, connecting them with other instincts and forces, and

enlarging our whole view and rule of life.

NOTES

145. +Proverbs 29:18 is the source of the first passage. I have not

found the exact language of the second quotation, but the thought

resembles that of Psalms 19:9-10: "The fear of the Lord is clean,

enduring for ever: the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous

altogether. More to be desired are they than gold, yea, than much

fine gold: sweeter also than honey and the honeycomb." King James

Bible.

148. +Romans 3:31. "Do we then make void the law through faith? /

God forbid: yea, we establish the law." King James Bible.

148. +Zechariah 9:12-13. "Turn you to the strong hold, ye prisoners

of hope: even to day do I declare that I will render double unto

thee; / When I have bent Judah for me, filled the bow with Ephraim,

and raised up thy sons, O Zion, against thy sons, O Greece, and made

thee as the sword of a mighty man." King James Bible.

149. +Proverbs 16:22. "Understanding is a wellspring of life unto

him that hath it: but the instruction of fools is folly." King James

Bible.

149. +John 8:12. "Then spake Jesus again unto them, saying, I am

the light of the world: he that followeth me shall not walk in

darkness, but shall have the light of life." And again: John 9:4-5.

"I must work the works of him that sent me, while it is day: the

night cometh, when no man can work. / As long as I am in the world, I

am the light of the world." King James Bible.

149. +John 8:31-32. "Then said Jesus to those Jews which believed on

him, If ye continue in my word, then are ye my disciples indeed; /

And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free."

King James Bible.

149. +James 1:25. "But whoso looketh into the perfect law of

liberty, and continueth therein, he being not a forgetful hearer, but

a doer of the work, this man shall be blessed in his deed." King

James Bible.

149. +Proverbs 2:20-21 may be the passage Arnold has in mind,

although the language differs: "That thou mayest walk in the way of

good men, and keep the paths of the righteous. / For the upright

shall dwell in the land, and the perfect shall remain in it." One of

the central devices in Proverbs is the metaphor of the "path"--of

uprightness, folly, etc. King James Bible.

150. +Romans 1:18. "For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven

against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, who hold the

truth in unrighteousness." King James Bible.

150. +Philomathês, "fond of knowledge, loving knowledge." (Liddell

and Scott.) GIF image:

154. +Zechariah 8:23. "Thus saith the Lord of hosts; In those days

it shall come to pass, that ten men shall take hold out of all

languages of the nations, even shall take hold of the skirt of him

that is a Jew, saying, We will go with you: for we have heard that

God is with you." King James Bible.

155. +Ephesians 5:6. "Let no man deceive you with vain words: for

because of these things cometh the wrath of God upon the children of

disobedience." King James Bible.

155. +Romans 6:3. "Know ye not, that so many of us as were baptized

into Jesus Christ were baptized into his death?" King James Bible.

155. *The two first books. +Arnold refers to the Imitatio Christi,

attributed to fourteenth-century priest Thomas à Kempis. The Benham

translation and a modern English translation are currently available

from the College of St. Benedict at Saint John's University Internet

Theology Resources site. See also the Benham text link.

156. +Romans 3:1-2. "What advantage then hath the Jew? or what

profit is there of circumcision? / Much every way: chiefly, because

that unto them were committed the oracles of God." King James Bible.

158. +See 1 Corinthians 15. Saint Paul wrestles in this chapter to

explain the Resurrection's promise. For example, refer to 15:50-53:

"Now this I say, brethren, that flesh and blood cannot inherit the

kingdom of God; neither doth corruption inherit incorruption. /

Behold, I shew you a mystery; We shall not all sleep, but we shall

all be changed, / In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the

last trump: for the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall be raised

incorruptible, and we shall be changed. / For this corruptible must

put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality."

159. *I have ventured to give to the foreign word Renaissance,

destined to become of more common use amongst us as the movement

which it denotes comes, as it will come, increasingly to interest us,

an English form.

Culture and Anarchy · 第 4 / 6 章