_"It remains a possibility that Christ actually was what He supposed
Himself to be."_
John Stuart Mill.
CHAPTER IV.
_THE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS--CONTINUED._
BASILIDES--VALENTINUS--MARCION--TATIAN--DIONYSIUS OF
CORINTH--MELITO OF SARDIS--CLAUDIUS
APOLLINARIS--ATHENAGORAS--EPISTLE OF VIENNE AND
LYONS--PTOLEMÆUS, HERACLEON, CELSUS--CANON OF MURATORI.
Our author says of Basilides, "He was founder of a system of
Gnosticism, who lived at Alexandria about the year 125. With the
exception of a very few brief fragments, none of his writings have
been preserved, and all our information regarding them is derived from
writers opposed to him. Eusebius states that Agrippa Castor, who had
written a refutation of the doctrines of Basilides, 'Says that he had
composed twenty-four books upon the gospel.' This is interpreted by
Tischendorf to imply that the work was a commentary upon our four
Gospels, a conclusion the audacity of which can scarcely be exceeded"
(p. 42). I remark that by "the gospel" would be meant the gospel
which was preached by the apostles, and Tischendorf is not far wrong
in supposing that the written records of it in the hands of the first
Christians was the subject of the commentary. Our author has certainly
not proved the contrary. He says: "We know that Basilides made use of
a Gospel, written by himself it is said, but certainly called after
his own name; ... but the fragments of that work which are extant are
of a character which precludes the possibility of the work being
considered a Gospel." Neander affirmed the Gospel of Basilides to be
the Gospel according to the Hebrews. I remark that that is not only
probable, but that the Gospel to the Hebrews may have been the Hebrew
translation of the Greek Gospel of Matthew, with its additions and
modifications, to suit the Jewish Nazarene sect, who, we know, had a
Hebrew text of their own, which they did not hesitate to alter and
adapt to their own views. Basilides, says our author, expressly states
that he received his knowledge of the truth from Glaucis, the
"interpreter of Peter," whose disciple he claimed to be. Basilides
also claimed to have received from a certain Matthias the report of
private discourses which he had heard from the Saviour for his
special instruction. Canon Westcott writes: "Since Basilides lived on
the verge of the apostolic times, it is not surprising that he made
use of other sources of Christian doctrine besides the canonical
books. The belief in Divine inspiration was still fresh and real."[38]
Our author says: "It is apparent, however, that Basilides, in basing
his doctrine on these apocryphal books as inspired, and upon
tradition, and in having a special Gospel called after his own name,
ignores the canonical Gospels, offers no evidence for their existence,
but proves that he did not recognise any such works as of authority."
I remark, the question is not their authority, but, Did they exist?
Basilides wrote a book, called it a Gospel, or commentary of the
Gospel, and made as much use as suited his heretical purpose of the
canonical records, of tradition, and of other books. This seems to be
what we can arrive at. Hippolytus, writing of the Basilideans and
describing their doctrines, uses the singular pronoun "he"--"he says,"
in a passage of which our author gives an unintelligible translation.
This pronoun is an inconvenient witness. Our author wants it to be
"they," in order that the disciples of Basilides living at a later
period, when the Gospels were generally recognised, may be meant, and
not Basilides, who lived A.D. 125. Hippolytus has a sentence of
Basilides, which our author translates as follows:--"Jesus, however,
was generated according to _these_, as we have already said. But when
the generation which has already been declared had taken place, all
things regarding the Saviour, according to _them_, occurred in a
similar way as they have been written in the Gospel." This means that
the things referring to the Incarnation were as _written_ in the
Gospel, not as preached, but as written; and if Basilides, as the
founder of the sect, is referred to, the statement testifies to the
existence of the Gospels in the year 125, and the doctrine of the
Incarnation being in them. But our author says the statement is not
made in connection with Basilides, but his followers; that it is made
about A.D. 225, by Hippolytus, and affords no proof that either
Basilides or his followers used the Gospels or admitted their
authority. "The exclusive use, by any one, of the Gospel according to
the Hebrews, for instance, would be perfectly consistent with the
statement" (p. 48). "No one who considers what is known of that
Gospel, or who thinks of the use made of it in the first half of the
second century by perfectly orthodox Fathers, before we hear anything
of our Gospels, can doubt this" (p. 48). I remark, that those who
adopt Tischendorf's view, that Matthew was written in Greek, and a
corrupted version in Hebrew, used in certain countries, will not have
to resort to any such explanation as our author suggests. His
examination in detail of the several quotations is important, because
it exhibits his want of appreciation of the evidence they afford. The
first passage Tischendorf points out is found in the "Stromata" of
Clement of Alexandria, and it is certainly from our Gospel of
Matthew,[39] however that work may have been compiled (for it is not
necessary to insist that no other records than Matthew's own are
included in the book which, we contend, was at very early date read in
the Churches, and is what we now have). "They say the Lord answered,
All men cannot receive this saying. For there are eunuchs who are
indeed from birth, but others from necessity."[40] Our author says
"this passage in its affinity to, and material variation from, our
First Gospel, might be quoted as evidence for the use of the Gospel
according to the Hebrews, but it is simply preposterous to point to it
as evidence for the use of Matthew. Apologists ... seem altogether to
ignore the history of the creation of written Gospels, and to forget
the very existence of the πολλοἱ of Luke." We value his
acknowledgment, and find no difficulty, notwithstanding the silence of
some apologists, in reconciling our belief in the four Gospels with
the facts or probabilities of what can be ascertained as to their
"creation." We allow that the word Luke uses (πολλοἱ) refers
to many, which is consistent with the idea that many committed to
writing what they knew, and that their records were embodied in the
Synoptic Gospels.
[38] "On the Canon," p. 255.
[39] See Matt. xix. 11, 12.
[40] "Strom." iii. 1.
The next passage referred to by Tischendorf is one quoted by
Epiphanius: "And therefore he said, Cast not ye pearls before swine,
neither give that which is holy unto dogs."[41] "It is introduced in
the section of the work of Epiphanius directed against the
Basilideans. As in dealing with all these heresies there is continual
interchange of reference to the head and later followers, there is no
certainty who is referred to in these quotations, and in this
instance nothing to indicate that the passage is ascribed to Basilides
himself. His name is mentioned in the first line of the first chapter,
but not again until the fifth chapter" (p. 50).
[41] "Hær." xxiv. 5.
I remark, it was the founder of the sect and not the followers who
wrote the book, and those who opposed the heresy would, although they
alluded to the sect, have regard to the founder when they referred to
the doctrines held, and quoted the written opinions which
distinguished the party on gospel matters. To make the matter as plain
as I can, I will suppose a case as an illustration of the point.
Supposing that in Pliny's letter to Trajan there were found these
words referring to the Christians: "They say, the rule which should be
observed in regard to an enemy is, Love your enemies, bless them that
curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which
persecute you"--would it be right to assert that the quotation is no
proof that Christ so taught, but His disciples, long afterwards? This
is something like what our author's objection, referring to the
pronouns "he" and "they" in Hippolytus, amounts to. "They" does not
mean "he" when thus used; and "he," when actually used in the first
line of the first chapter, and afterwards means, "they;" that is, "He
(Basilides) says," means "They (his followers at a later date) say."
The plural pronoun is used, indicating the sect, Basilides and his
followers. Therefore our author says there is uncertainty as to who he
is when used in the same sentence. He says "Hippolytus is giving an
epitome of the views of the school with nothing more definite than a
subjectless φησἱ (he says) to indicate who is referred to.
None of the quotations which we have considered are directly referred
to Basilides himself, but they are introduced by the utterly vague
expression, 'He says' (φησἱ), without any subject accompanying the
verb."
The suggestion (p. 51) that Hippolytus "consciously or unconsciously,
in the course of transfer to his pages, corrected the text," is very
unsatisfactory. An intelligent reader cannot fail to see how an
obvious inference is avoided, and how ingenuity is taxed to make words
square with foregone conclusions.
Tischendorf asks: "Who is there so sapient as to draw the line between
what the master alone says, and that which the disciples state,
without in the least repeating the master?" (p. 59) and our author
says, "Tischendorf solves the difficulty by referring everything
indiscriminately to the master" (p. 59). To say that Tischendorf does
this is reckless assertion.
When our author has to account for such a passage in Basilides as,
"The Holy Spirit shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest
shall overshadow thee," he says it _happens_ to agree with the words
in Luke i. 55; and resorts to his usual mode of avoiding the
acknowledgment that such a verbatim quotation is against his
hypothesis, by saying, "There is good reason for concluding that the
narrative to which it belongs was contained in other Gospels." The
following sentence is startling, and apt to mislead those who do not
take the trouble to be sure of his meaning. He says (p. 67): "Nothing,
however, can be clearer than the fact that this quotation, by whomsoever
made, is not taken from our Third Synoptic, inasmuch as there does not
exist a single MS. which contains such a passage." What does he mean?
We turn to Luke i. 35, and read: "The Holy _Ghost_ shall come upon
thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee: therefore
also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called the
_Son of God_." Does he mean the whole passage is not in any MS? No: he
means the following, with the slight variation at the end, is not in
any MS. "The Holy _Spirit_ shall come upon thee, and the power of the
Highest shall overshadow thee, therefore the thing begotten of thee
shall be called _holy_." Only the words in italics are different in
the two passages, and the meaning is the same, the only difference
being that the latter does not include the words "the Son of God." The
remark that the quotation _happens_ to agree with the passage in Luke
i. 35, should not be unnoticed.
Happens! Mark the peculiar inappropriateness of the word. It indicates
our author's whereabouts, and is a beacon in the book to warn the
reader. Events transpire, and they _happen_ to agree with prophetic
visions which plainly foretold them! Reason being unequal to an
explanation, coincidence must be resorted to. Was it an accident that,
"at one particular point in history, and in one special individual,
the elements of a new religious development, which, _per se_, were
already extant, should have concentrated themselves in a new life?"
This, says Baur, is "the wonder in the history of the origin of
Christianity which no historical reflection can further analyse." Did
it _happen_ that the Messiah came as was predicted centuries before?
Did Paul _happen_ to have a vision just at the time when the whole
course of his life underwent a change, and from being a chief
persecutor of the faith he became a chief apostle--no less an apostle
than the most prominent among the Twelve? If the Saviour did not meet
him on the way to Damascus he could not be an apostle; and as he was
an honest man, and no impostor, could what _happened_ to him have been
other than what he asserted? Baur was in a great difficulty about the
matter, and said, "_No analysis, either psychological or didactic, can
clear up the mystery of that act in which God revealed His Son in
Paul._" Jeremiah prophesied that the Jews should return to their own
land after seventy years of exile, and they _happened_ to do so!
The artful way in which the evidence from the writings of Hippolytus
is disposed of is one of the most notable things in the book we are
reviewing. The reader's attention is taxed to keep up with the
sophistical argument, and our author finds it necessary to explain why
he has been forced to go at such a length into these questions, as to
risk "being very wearisome" to his readers (p. 73).
These remarks apply to a great extent to the examination of the
evidence of Valentinus, described as "another Gnostic leader, who,
about the year A.D. 140, came from Alexandria to Rome, and flourished
till about A.D. 160." "Very little remains of the writings of this
Gnostic, and we gain our only knowledge of them from a few quotations
in the works of Clement of Alexandria, and some doubtful fragments
preserved by others" (p. 56).
Marcion, the son of a bishop of Pontus, became a conspicuous heretic
in the second century, and there was a book called "Marcion's Gospel,"
which has long furnished a field for criticism. He was a Pauline
heretic, denouncing the Jewish party which insisted upon dragging
Jewish observances into Christianity. He went to Rome about A.D.
139-142, and taught there some twenty years. His opinions were widely
disseminated. His collection of apostolic writings, which is the
oldest of which we have any trace, includes (says our author) a single
Gospel and ten Epistles of Paul--viz., Galatians, Corinthians (2),
Romans, Thessalonians (2), Ephesians (in the superscription of which
there is, "to the Laodiceans)," Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon.
The Gospel of Marcion is not extant, but it is referred to by his
opponents, who affirmed that his evangelical work was an audaciously
mutilated version of Luke's Gospel. Our author gives a brief account
of the various opinions which have prevailed about the book during the
last hundred years, and considers the discussion upon it far from
closed. Is it a mutilation of Luke, or an independent work derived
from the same source as his, or is it a more primitive version of that
Gospel? Whence are the materials from which the portions of the text
extant are derived? Tertullian and Epiphanius denounced Marcion's
heresy. The former called him "impious and sacrilegious," which, our
author says, implies anything but fair and legitimate criticism. I
remark, Did he deserve the epithets? Would Paul, who tells the
Colossians to "beware lest any man spoil them through philosophy and
vain deceit, after the traditions of men, after the rudiments of the
world, and not after Christ," have been less emphatic in his
denunciations in such a case? Marcion was more Pauline than Petrine,
but would Paul have failed to censure in the strongest language such a
misrepresentation of Jehovah and the Old Testament economy as Marcion
disseminated?
Can our author's assertion be absolutely true that "Tertullian and
Epiphanius were only dogmatical, and not in the least critical"? How
could they be otherwise than to a certain extent critical? They were
not critics in the way of taking nothing for granted, after the modern
fashion; but they must have weighed, compared, and tested Marcion's
views while writing against them. "The spirit of the age," he says,
"was indeed so uncritical, that not even the canonical text could
awaken it into activity." This is a sentence which suggests that the
position in the Church of the canonical text was so evident, that to
question it was then unwarrantable, as, indeed, it has continued to be
to this day. The combined internal and external evidences harmonising
with the believer's consciousness, his necessities, and his
aspirations, were sufficient to preclude sceptical and captious
criticism.
The Christian contemporaries of Irenæus, Tertullian, and Epiphanius
were uncritical in that they did not doubt that the foundations of
their faith were sure. The gospel which had been preached to them,
which had changed the whole course of their lives, corresponded in its
main features with the four books which were held in estimation by
the Church at that time above all other writings; and they would not
be likely to wrangle about the title instead of cultivating the faith
they possessed. They could not, perhaps, prove by the rules of logic
that "God is, and is the rewarder of them that diligently seek him;"
that Christ is the brightness of the Father's glory, and the express
image of his Person; but they knew that He had said,--"Ye believe in
God believe also in me;" "In my Father's house are many mansions;"
and, "I go to prepare a place for you." "Be thou faithful unto death,
and I will give thee a crown of life." They lived in the consciousness
of these truths, and died (Bishop Pothinus, for instance) a martyr's
death rather than deny them.
There is this remark to be made in reference to the alleged uncritical
age of the Fathers. How is it that Marcion is seen to be so critical?
He is surely after the modern model. He who wrote the "Antithesis,"
and, as our author says, anticipated in some of his opinions those
held by many in our own time; he who wrote,--"If the God of the Old
Testament be good, prescient of the future, and able to avert evil,
why did he allow man, made in his own image, to be deceived by the
devil, and to fall from obedience of the law into sin and death?[42]
How came the devil, the origin of lying and deceit, to be made at
all?"[43] surely he is an instance of a man in that age possessing the
critical faculty. He has the boldness to question, and say,--"Yea,
hath God said?" "Anticipating the results of modern criticism," says
our author, "Marcion denies the applicability to Jesus of the
so-called Messianic prophecies" (p. 106).
[42] Tertullian, "Adv. Marc." xi. 5, cf. 9.
[43] Ibid. xi. 10.
If the research which is going on as to the Gospel of Marcion be
conducted in a proper manner, and from a proper motive, not from
antipathy to "parsons" and ecclesiastical assumptions, which was the
incentive of Strauss in attacking Christianity, good will come of it.
As Justin Martyr did not, as far as we know, suppose the book to be a
corrupted version of the Gospel according to Luke, Tertullian may have
been mistaken, and it may have been an independent work, one of the
many Luke refers to, the existence of which does not necessarily
invalidate the canonical ones. We may naturally suppose that events of
such marvellous speciality and importance as those which had "come to
pass" in those days among the Jews, would be more or less described
in letters and other writings by many persons who were eye-witnesses.
Such writings would be collected and read when the first Christians
assembled. The difference between the four canonical Gospels and other
manuscripts would consist in their being compiled by persons competent
to the task, who, like Ezra, were instruments Divinely influenced to
compile and "set forth in order a declaration of those things," for
the benefit of future ages and the religious instruction of the race.
The analysis of the text of Marcion by Hahn, Ritschl, Volkmar,
Helgenfeld, and others, who have examined and systemised the data of
the Fathers, is supposed to be sufficient to awaken in any inquirer
uncertainty, and stimulate conjecture (p. 101). I do not doubt it.
German hypercriticism is able, by a process of ratiocination, to
discredit any truth, even to persuade men that the Throne of the
universe is vacant, and that the only altar that man has the knowledge
to rear is one to the Unknown God; but
"He sits on no precarious throne,
Nor borrows leave to be."
They who believe in the inspiration by the Holy Ghost of the prophets
of the Old Testament see no difficulty in regard to the inspiration of
the writers of the New. If Isaiah and Jeremiah and Daniel had
supernatural communications made to them, in order that the Eternal
Creator might be manifested, why not Paul and John and Matthew? It is
the foregone conclusion, on the part of critics, that the miraculous
is impossible, which embarrasses their researches. One of John Stuart
Mill's last sentences is: "It remains a possibility that Christ
actually was what He supposed Himself to be." If this had occurred to
the great reasoner at the outset of his career instead of the close,
how much might the world have been advantaged!
Tatian is a witness whose evidence our author next tries to set aside.
He was an Assyrian by birth, a disciple of Justin Martyr at Rome, and
afterwards, having joined the sect of the Eucratites, a conspicuous
exponent of their austere and ascetic doctrines. The only one of his
writings extant is his Oration to the Greeks, written after Justin's
death, as it refers to that event, and it is generally dated A.D.
170-175. One point contested is Canon Westcott's affirmation that it
contains a "clear reference" to a parable recorded by Matthew:[44]
"The kingdom of heaven is like unto treasure hidden in a field, which
a man found and hid, and for his joy he goeth and selleth all that he
hath and buyeth that field." And the supposed reference by Tatian is,
"For by means of a certain hidden treasure he has taken to himself all
that we possess, for which, while we are digging, we are indeed
covered with dust, but we succeed in making it our fixed
possession."[45]
[44] Matt. xiii. 44.
[45] "Orat. ad Gr." § 30.
There is certainly not much similarity between the two passages,
although Tatian may be well supposed to have had the parable in his
mind when he wrote. The more important question is, Did Tatian write
"A Harmony of Four Gospels," which recognises our four Evangelists?
Was his Diatessaron such a book, or was it the Gospel according to the
Hebrews? If the latter, what is the Gospel according to the Hebrews? I
say it is probable it is the corrupted Hebrew translation of the Greek
Gospel of Matthew, and this conjecture has more in its favour than our
author's hypothesis.
Dionysius of Corinth, Eusebius tells us, wrote seven epistles to
various Churches, and a letter to Chrysophora, "a most faithful
sister." Only a few short fragments exist, which are all from the
epistle to Soter, Bishop of Rome, whose date in that pastorate is A.D.
168-176. In these fragments we find the following words:--"For the
brethren having requested me to write epistles, I write them. And the
apostles of the devil have filled these with tares, both taking away
parts and adding others, for whom the woe is destined. It is not
surprising, then, if some have recklessly ventured to adulterate the
Scriptures of the Lord, when they have corrupted these, which are not
of such importance."[46] After quoting this passage, our author
reiterates his statement that "We have seen that there has not been a
trace of any New Testament Canon in the writings of the Fathers before
and during this age." Does he suppose his readers will have seen as he
sees, or rather refuse to see what is plain enough? He has his own
opinion, but he need not assume that he has convinced his readers that
he has proved what he alleges. He talks of Westcott's boldness, and of
his imagination running away with him, and that it is simply
preposterous to suppose that this passage refers to the New Testament.
I leave Canon Westcott to defend his own words, but I say it is not
preposterous to infer that when Dionysius speaks of the "Scriptures of
the Lord" he means Gospel writings, which are included in our New
Testament. If it be assumed that the defence of the authority of the
New Testament writings and of evangelical views is necessarily based
on the synodical authority of the early Church, there may be some
weight in his objections; but Christianity has a position independent
of ecclesiastical pretensions to infallibility, and the latter may be
overthrown without the great institution established by Divine mercy
for the recovery of humanity from sin and its consequences being in
the slightest degree damaged. Dr. Donaldson is quoted, who remarks:
"It is not easy to settle what this term, 'Scriptures of the Lord,'
is; but my own opinion is that it most probably refers to the Gospels,
as containing the sayings and doings of the Lord. It is not likely, as
Lardner supposes, that such a term would be applied to the whole of
the New Testament."[47] The word "Scripture," in Greek, Γραφἡ
(Graphé), in Latin, _Scriptura_, has, no doubt, a meaning
which denotes an inspired writing. It is used fifty-one times in the
New Testament in the same sense, for Christ and the authors of the
New Testament regarded the Old Testament as distinguished from all
other writings, as _the_ writing--the writing of God. By speaking of
their own books as Graphai, the apostles place them on a level with
the Old Testament, and thus assert their Divine character.[48]
[46] Eusebius, "H. E." iv. 23.
[47] "Hist. Christ. Lit. and Doct." ii. p. 217.
[48] See Chr. Wordsworth, "On the Canon," p. 55. Lec. ii. and Ed.
1851.
Dr. Davidson speaks of the New Testament writings being ranked as
"Holy Scripture" by Dionysius of Corinth, A.D. 170.
Our author asserts (p. 167) that "many works were regarded as inspired
by the Fathers besides those in our Canon," and mentions especially
the Gospel of Peter having been read at Rhossus. He says: "The fact
that Serapion, in the third century, allowed the Gospel of Peter to be
used in the Church of Rhossus shows the consideration in which it was
held, and the incompleteness of the canonical position of the New
Testament." Now, he ought to have quoted Serapion's own explanation,
which we have preserved by Eusebius. He says (in his treatise written
to confute what was false in the Gospel of Peter): "We receive Peter
and the other apostles even as Christ; but the writings falsely called
by their names, we, as competent critics, renounce, knowing that we
received not such things. For when I was with you I supposed that all
were agreed with the true faith; and, without reading the Gospel
called Peter's, which they brought forward, I said, If this is the
only thing that seems to cause you dissension, let it be read."
Serapion says he borrowed the book and read it, and found many things
agreeable to Christ's doctrine, but some discrepant additions.
Thus the reading of the Gospel of Peter at Rhossus cannot be instanced
as a proof that other Gospels besides the canonical ones were used as
inspired books, nor can any other be mentioned as having been thus
regarded, the Gospel according to the Hebrews not being apocryphal,
but a part of the New Testament, whether we take it to be, as our
author supposes, the basis of Matthew's Gospel, or, as we say, a
corrupted version of that apostle's Greek work. "To argue that because
one spurious Gospel was temporarily received among a few persons,
therefore there was no real canon of Scripture, and we cannot be sure
that any Gospel is genuine, shows about as much common sense and
logical acumen as would be displayed by a critic eighteen centuries
hence, who, discovering in one of our newspapers an account of the
conviction of a gang of coiners, should argue that because their base
half-crowns had got into circulation, and had passed current with some
persons who might have been expected to detect the fraud, therefore
there was no such thing as a legal currency of intrinsic value among
us; or if there were, still we did not know or care to inquire into
the genuineness of the coin which we accepted and passed."[49]
[49] See Kentish Bache's "Letters to Dr. Davidson," p. 22.
Our author says (p. 16): "'The Pastor of Hermas,' which was read in
the churches, and nearly secured a permanent place in the Canon, was
quoted as inspired by Irenæus."[50]
[50] "Adv. Hær." iv. 20, § 2; Euseb. "H. E." v. 8, and cf. iii. 3.
The word Irenæus uses is _Graphé_, which is sometimes translated, when
found in his works, _Scripture_, and at other times _writings_, as may
best suit the argument of a critic like Dr. Davidson, who does so
adapt the translation to suit his purpose.
Whatever erroneous notions might prevail as to apocryphal writings,
the discrimination of Serapion, in regard to the Gospel of Peter,
shows that such a work as the "Pastor of Hermas," in which, as
Mosheim says, the angels are made to "talk more insipidly than our
scavengers and porters," would not be put on a level with the books
whose internal evidence, as well as historical pretensions, placed
them in a much superior position. The contrast is too great for such
men as Irenæus and Tertullian, as well as Serapion, not to have
recognised the difference. The "gross forgeries" were too gross to be
at once accepted as genuine by the Fathers of the slight critical
faculty and the ready credulity of our author's argument.
Melito of Sardis, whose writings, it is generally agreed, belong to
A.D. 176, because the fragment extant has a phrase indicating that
Commodus had been admitted to share the Imperial Government with
Marcus Aurelius, is the next witness. He writes to Onesimus, "a
fellow-Christian who had urged him to make selections for him from the
Law and the Prophets concerning the Saviour and the faith generally,
and furthermore desired to learn the accurate account of the old
(Palaion) books." "Having gone to the East," Melito says, "and reached
the spot where each thing was preached and done, and having learned
accurately the books of the Old Testament, I have sent a list of
them." Dr. Westcott excites our author's ire because he says "that the
use of the word 'old' in this way implies that there must have been a
New Testament, and the form of language implies a familiar recognition
of its contents." This is "truly astonishing," says our author. I
remark, it is truly astonishing that any one should assert that the
use of the adjective "old" in this sentence does not plainly indicate
the existence of other books of a New Covenant or Testament. If the
Jewish Scriptures had been merely described as _old books_, we could
have understood the objection; but as the words occur, "_having
learned accurately the books of the Old Testament_," we must side with
Dr. Westcott, in spite of our author's astonishment.
Claudius Apollinaris, Eusebius says, was Bishop of Hierapolis, and
there is the fragment of a letter of Serapion, Bishop of Antioch,
which supports the statement, and in which Apollinaris is referred to
as the "most blessed." The date of his writings, in consequence of an
allusion to the Thundering Legion of the army of Marcus Aurelius, may
be fixed at about A.D. 174. None of them are extant. We have only two
brief fragments, in which the controversy respecting the observance of
the Christian Passover is alluded to. The following passage is
important: "There are some, however, who through ignorance raise
contentions regarding these matters in a way which should be pardoned,
for ignorance must not be pursued with accusation, but requires
instruction. And they say that the Lord, together with His disciples,
ate the lamb on the great day of unleavened bread, and they state that
Matthew says precisely what they have understood; hence their
understanding of it is at variance with the law, and according to them
the Gospels seem to contradict each other." Tischendorf and Westcott
naturally adduce this passage in support of the position of the four
canonical Gospels. Our author demurs, arguing that "there is such
exceedingly slight reason for attributing these fragments to Claudius
Apollinaris, and so many strong grounds for believing that he cannot
have written them, that they have no material value as evidence for
the antiquity of the Gospels" (p. 191).
Athenagoras wrote an apology, entitled "The Embassy of Athenagoras the
Athenian, a Philosopher and a Christian, concerning Christians, to the
Emperors Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and Lucius Aurelius Commodus,
Armeniaci Surmatici, and, above all, Philosophers;" and also a
"Treatise on the Resurrection of the Body." A passage from the former
occurs in the work of Methodius on the Resurrection, and is preserved
by Epiphanius and by Photius.
"For we have learnt not only not to render a blow, nor to go to law
with those who spoil and plunder us; but, to those who inflict a blow
on one side, also to present the other side of the head in return for
smiting; and to those who take away the coat, also to give besides the
cloke."[51]
[51] "Leg. pro Christ." § 1.
Of this our author says: "No echo of the words of Matthew has lingered
in the ear of the writer, for he employs utterly different phraseology
throughout; and _nothing can be more certain than the fact_ that there
is not a linguistic trace in it of acquaintance with our Synoptics"
(p. 194).
The value of our author's conclusions may be measured by what he here
asserts. It seems to me that the reverse may be asserted. (1) That
words in Matthew _did_ "linger in the ear of the writer;" (2) that he
_does not_ "employ utterly different phraseology throughout;" and (3)
that many things "_can_ be more certain than the fact that there is
not a linguistic trace in it of acquaintance with our Synoptics."
The next passage which is referred to is as follows:--"What, then, are
those precepts in which we are instructed? I say unto you, Love your
enemies, bless them that curse you, pray for them that persecute you;
that ye may be sons of your Father which is in the heavens, who maketh
his sun," &c.[52]
[52] "Leg. pro Christ." § 11. See Matt. v. 44, 45.
There is also the following:--"For if ye love, them which love you,
and lend to them which lend to you, what reward shall ye have?"[53]
[53] "Leg. pro. Christ." § 12. Comp. with Matt. v. 46.
Of this passage, our author says it is evident that it does not agree
with either of the Synoptics. "We have seen," says he, "the persistent
variation in the quotations from the Sermon on the Mount which occur
in Justin, and there is no part of the discourses of Jesus more
certain to have been preserved by living Christian tradition, or to
have been recorded in every form of Gospel. The differences in these
passages from our Synoptics present the same features as mark the
several versions of the same discourse in our First and Third Gospel,
and indicate a distinct source" (p. 195). I remark, every step our
author takes in this sort of criticism tends to the confirmation of
our Christian faith, which is not the Christianity of a creed or a
Church, but the belief in a Person. The more independent accounts of
His life and discourses which can be traced, the greater the proof of
His advent and mission. The Sermon on the Mount cannot be accounted
for apart from the superhuman. "Never man spake like this man." The
more it is quoted the more it is established as a sublime fact in
literature, which neither the Jewish race, nor the Augustan era, nor
indeed any other race or any other age, could have originated apart
from Divine intervention.
The Epistle of Vienne and Lyons, written from the Churches in those
towns to their brethren in Asia and Phrygia, about the year A.D. 177,
giving an account of the terrible persecution which had broken out, is
in part preserved by Eusebius. It contains words similar to those used
in regard to Zacharias and Elisabeth, where they are said to have
"walked in all the commandments and ordinances of God, blameless." And
it has also the words, "And himself having the Spirit more abundantly
than Zacharias," which compares with Luke i. 67: "And his father
Zacharias was filled with the Holy Spirit, and prophesied." In
reference to these passages, our author's comment is as follows: "The
state of the case is, we find a coincidence, in a few words in
connection with Zacharias, between the Epistle and our Third Gospel;
but so far from the Gospel being in any way indicated as their source,
the words in question are, on the contrary, in association with a
reference to events unknown to our Gospels, but which were indubitably
chronicled elsewhere. It follows clearly, and few will venture to
doubt the fact, that the allusion in the Epistle is to a Gospel
different from ours, and not to our Third Synoptic at all" (p. 204).
The event unknown to our Gospels is the martyrdom of Zacharias, which
our Gospels make no mention of.
Ptolemæus and Heracleon, two Gnostic leaders, are next referred to. Of
the former, Epiphanius has preserved "The Epistle to Flora," addressed
to one of his disciples, which contains passages similar to sentences
found in Matthew xii. 25, xix. 8, 6, xv. 4-8, v. 38, 39.; but our
author objects that the Epistle "was in all probability written
towards the end of the second century, and therefore it does not come
within the scope of our inquiry;" and he goes into considerable detail
to justify this statement.
Celsus wrote a work entitled "True Doctrine," which is not extant,
and of which Origen wrote a refutation. Our author says "it refers to
incidents of Gospel history and quotes some sayings which have
parallels, with more or less of variation, in our Gospels;" but
"Celsus nowhere mentions the name of any Christian book, unless we
except the Book of Enoch, and he accuses Christians, not without
reason, of interpolating the Book of the Sibyl, whose authority he
states some of them acknowledged" (p. 236). He goes into the question
of the date, which he makes out to be probably not between A.D.
150-160, as Tischendorf suggests, but much later.
In the last fragment of early literature examined--the Canon of
Muratori--the Book of Luke is alluded to as "_the third Gospel_," and
our author says (p. 241) "the statement regarding the Third Gospel
_merely_ proves the existence of that Gospel at the time the fragment
was composed," and that "the inference" that there was a first and
second Gospel is a _mere_ conjecture. I remark that if the statement
does prove that Luke's Gospel existed at the time the fragment was
composed, we gratefully accept the acknowledgment; and as to the
adverbs "_mere_" and "_merely_," which qualify the noun "_conjecture_"
and verb "_proves_," when our author's third volume appears, if it
does not furnish more than "_mere conjecture_" that the first and
second preceded it, we will allow the adverbs properly applied, and
the logic perfect.
The sentences in which such words as _certainly_, _it is certain_, _it
is undeniable_, _there is no question_, _it is impossible to suppose_,
_it is obviously mere speculation_, &c., are used, where the reasoning
does not warrant them, are innumerable; and it is only after becoming
familiar with the special pleading which is characteristic of the work
throughout, that the unsophisticated reader escapes from the
bewilderment into which the evidences of Christianity seem to get
entangled. The author seems to have got the reader into a gloomy
cavern of criticism, and it is only after the eye has become
accustomed to the partial darkness that he can make out whether what
he is taken to see are real figures, images, or ghosts. When he has
got to the middle of the second volume, however, he begins to see the
light again, and breathe more freely. He sees a way right through the
cavern, and finds that the figures of this underground chamber of
horrors are all phantoms.
The "Examiner" justly says: "For our part we see no reason why the
Synoptic[54] Gospels may not have assumed their present form by the
end of the first century;[55] and we cannot think that our author's
German oracles have succeeded in establishing their dissimilarity from
the documents quoted by the Primitive Fathers. Justin Martyr's
references to the Sermon on the Mount, for instance, appear to us to
be actually derived from Matthew. If, however, as is contended, they
were taken from the lost "Gospel of the Hebrews," this merely proves
the substantial identity of the two. The question of Justin's
acquaintance with the Fourth Gospel is more difficult. We are
nevertheless disposed to resolve it in the affirmative."
[54] The word Synoptics, applied to Matthew, Mark, and Luke's Gospels,
indicates abridgment--the bringing of all parts under one view.--_See
Dr. Hyde Clark's Dictionary_.
[55] "Negative critics, as we have seen, have been compelled again to
raise the age of the Gospels, and to place them in the apostolic age,
between A.D. 50 and A.D. 100."--_Dr. Christlieb_, p. 541.
This is a sensible comment on our author's general argument.
CHAPTER V.
_THE FOURTH GOSPEL._
_"Every trace has vanished of the great nameless one."_
Baur.
_"The denial of the authenticity of John's Gospel is a source of far
greater difficulties than its acknowledgment."_
Ritschl.
_"The doctrine of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, is the fundamental
doctrine of Christianity. Without it Christianity, as a theological
and as a philosophical system, cannot rank above Rabbinism and
Mahommedanism."_
Bunsen.
CHAPTER V.
_THE FOURTH GOSPEL._
The evidence that to John the Apostle is to be ascribed the Fourth
Gospel, is worthy of the best attention we can bestow upon it. After
that apostle had been dead half a century, this book, as is
acknowledged by our author and all other critics, occupied a prominent
place among the manuscripts of the Christians, with the name of John,
as the author, attached; and the question now arises, after nearly
eighteen centuries of belief in its authorship and authority, is there
reasonable ground for doubting that it can be properly attributed to
the apostle who was the companion, disciple, and bosom friend of
Jesus? I think the question may be answered with confidence upon the
evidence within our reach.
In the first place, Irenæus believed it was the Gospel according to
John the Apostle; and who was Irenæus, that his belief in it should
be good evidence? He was not John's contemporary, but there was one
between John and Irenæus who was so intimate with both that the link
of evidence is fully to be relied upon, and that link is Polycarp.
Therefore, Irenæus, who was a hearer of Polycarp, can tell us
something about it. Now Polycarp was born in the time of Nero, so he
was for thirty-two years a contemporary of John's, and was his
disciple. And Irenæus says in a letter written to a person called
Florinus, and preserved by Eusebius: "When I was yet a youth, I saw
thee in Asia Minor, at Polycarp's house, where thou wert distinguished
at court, and obtained the regard of the bishop. I can more distinctly
recollect things which happened then than others more recent, for
events which happened in youth seem to grow with the mind, and to
become part of ourselves. So I can tell the place where the blessed
Polycarp used to sit and discourse, and his going out and coming in,
and the manner of his life, and his personal appearance, and his
discourses to the people, and how he related his intercourse _with
John_, and the rest who had seen the Lord; and how he rehearsed their
sayings, and what things there were which he had heard from them
about the Lord, and about His _miracles_, and about His doctrine; and
how Polycarp, having learned from the eye-witnesses of the Word of
Life, narrated all things agreeably with the Scriptures. And to these
things, by God's mercy bestowed on me at that time, I used diligently
to listen, writing the remembrance of them, not on paper, but in my
heart; and, by God's grace, I am always meditating affectionately upon
them."[56]
[56] "Hist. Eccl." v. 20.
Now we may be certain that Polycarp would be likely to know the truth
of the matter, and Irenæus declares that "_John, the disciple of the
Lord who leaned on the bosom of the Lord at supper_, wrote the
Apocalypse."[57] So we have here reliable evidence that John wrote
both the Apocalypse and the book whose author leaned on our Lord's
bosom at supper. Not only this from Polycarp. There is extant "The
Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians," which Irenæus believed to be
genuine, and in it we find these words: "For whosoever doth not
confess Jesus Christ hath come in the flesh, is antichrist." I compare
this with the words in John's Epistle: "And every spirit that
confesses not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of God,
and this is that spirit of antichrist." Our author says it is not a
verbatim quotation. I say it is a quotation, if not verbatim. It is
acknowledged that the author of the First Epistle of John and the
Fourth Gospel is the same, the ideas and style being so much alike.
"The two writings," says Rénan, "present the most complete identity of
style, the same peculiarities, the same favourite expressions."
[57] Ibid. iv. 32.
It is impossible to doubt that Polycarp would have learned from John
himself whether he was the author of a Gospel; and if Irenæus had
never heard Polycarp allude to the Gospel as John's, he could not have
believed in it as he did, and have plainly stated that John wrote it
and the Apocalypse. There would have been in this case a justifiable
inference from "silence." If Polycarp in his teaching had never
alluded to John's Gospel, it would have been so strange that Irenæus
would have deemed it spurious altogether, and unworthy of the
estimation with which he regarded it; for it is one of the four
Gospels that he fancifully likens to the four corners of the earth,
the four principal winds, and the four wings of the Seraphim. It is to
be remembered that our author acknowledges Irenæus so regarded all
the four Gospels, for he alludes (p. 91) to "the arbitrary assumption
of exclusive originality and priority for the four Gospels" by
Irenæus, Tertullian, and Epiphanius. It is evident that this Fourth
Gospel could not have first appeared as late as A.D. 150, but must
have been in existence long before; and on the testimony of Irenæus,
through Polycarp, from John himself, its authenticity may be
considered established.
The evidence from the work of Hippolytus, entitled, "The Refutation of
all Heresies," that Basilides quoted from the Fourth Gospel, our
author dismisses in one paragraph (p. 371), having fully referred to
the testimony from that writer in treating of the Synoptics. There
are, however, two very distinct passages which cannot be objected to
as quotations, and the attempt to get rid of them by the substitution
of the plural pronoun "they" for the singular one "he," in the text of
Hippolytus, is an utter failure. The first is from John i. 9, "The
true Light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world;" and
the words in "The Refutation," by Hippolytus, are, "And this, he says,
is that which has been stated in the Gospels, 'He was the true Light
which lighteth every man that cometh into the world.'" The other is,
"Mine hour is not yet come," agreeing with John ii. 4. The discovery
of the work, "The Refutation of all Heresies," in the year 1841, at
Mount Athos, by the erudite Minoides Mynas, a Greek, in the employ of
the French Government, was important as bearing on this question, for
it proves that the Fourth Gospel was in existence thirty years earlier
than the Tübingen criticism asserted. Our author's want of
appreciation of the evidence found in Hippolytus is one of the weakest
points in his book.
Is the Fourth Gospel quoted by Justin Martyr? Our author says, No! I
say, Yes! to the question. In his Dialogue with Tryphon (p. 316) occur
the words, "I am not the Christ, but the voice of one crying," which
is evidently from that Gospel, for we know of no other which makes
John the Baptist say the same. He says "the evangelical work of which
Justin made use was obviously different from our Gospels, and the
evident conclusion to which any impartial mind must arrive is, that
there is not only not the slightest ground for affirming that Justin
quoted the passage (as above) from the Fourth Gospel, from which he so
fundamentally differs, but every reason on the contrary to believe
that he derived it from a particular Gospel, in all probability the
Gospel according to the Hebrews" (p. 302). I remark, that the words,
"I am not the Christ, but the voice of one crying," could not be
quoted from the Gospel according to the Hebrews if that supposed
independent book did not contain them, and there is no evidence that
it did. On the contrary, our Gospel of Matthew, compiled, as we
suppose, partly from it, would have in that case had the words; and as
it has not, and as only John's Gospel has them, the inference is clear
that Justin had seen the latter, as well as the other Gospel or
Gospels from which the earlier part of the sentence is taken. The
whole of Justin's sentence is as follows: "For John sat by the Jordan
and preached the baptism of repentance, wearing only a leathern girdle
and raiment of camel's hair, and eating nothing but locusts and wild
honey." Men supposed him to be the Christ, wherefore he cries to them,
"_I am not Christ_, but the voice of one crying (or preaching). For he
cometh who is greater than I, whose shoes I am not meet to bear."
We find in the second "Apology" (p. 94) these words: "Christ said,
'Except ye be born again ye may not enter into the kingdom of
heaven;" and in the very same line is continued the reference to the
conversation with Nicodemus, in these words: "But that it is
impossible for those who have been once born to enter into their
mother's womb, is plain to all." I scarce need remind you how the
statement of Christ and the question of Nicodemus are as close
together in the Fourth Gospel. The passage there is, "Except a man be
born again, he cannot see the kingdom of God. Nicodemus saith unto
him, How can a man be born when he is old? Can he enter the second
time into his mother's womb and be born?" The two sentences, coming
together in both, leaves no doubt that Justin used the Fourth Gospel,
for there is nothing like them in any of the other Gospels.
It is something to have from Justin Martyr the evidence that Jesus
taught Nicodemus that a man cannot see the kingdom of God without
being born of the Holy Ghost. If Justin quoted from an earlier Gospel,
it is against our author's non-superhuman theory; and if from our
Gospels, it is equally so. But, supposing that he could prove that
Justin did not quote, that would _not_ prove that the books were not
in existence. Paul's Epistles, 1 Thessalonians, Galatians, 1
Corinthians, and Romans, all written not later than the year 58, are
they quoted, as we might suppose they would be, by Justin? We know
nothing as to the extent of his library. He might have had copies of
all these Gospels and Epistles, or none at hand to quote verbatim
from. Was there a concordance, to help a writer to be exact, after the
modern demand?
The internal evidence of the Fourth Gospel is, perhaps, not so
appreciable by our author as the external, on account of his foregone
conclusion that the superhuman is incredible. But as "there is no
feasible explanation of the Divine origin of Christianity without
acknowledging the Divine mission of Jesus," so is there no possible
explanation of the Fourth Gospel without a recognition of the
evangelical doctrine of the triune in the Divine Nature--the threefold
manifestation of the one God. Exclude from the Fourth Gospel the idea
of the Holy Spirit having inspired John to write it, and there
naturally follows the attempt to exclude the book from its historical
and authoritative position. It has a perfectly harmonious place in the
superhuman means by which spiritual truth is exhibited and enforced
for the benefit of mankind, but that place is an advanced one. It was
the last of inspired utterances, and it presupposes the development
that it supplements, and which it designs to promote. The Holy Spirit,
"the God of peace that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus,
that Great Shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting
covenant," to make us "perfect in every good work to do His will,"
must be recognised and duly honoured if the Bible is to be understood
and Christianity successfully exhibited and defended. Let us turn to
the book. It opens with allusions to the dignity of Christ the Messiah
which no philosophy known in Alexandria had a conception of. Philo and
his Platonic school discoursed of the Logos; but their doctrine is
distinct from that of this Gospel. Justin takes up their idea, as our
author shows (p. 278), and draws a distinction between the Logos and
Jesus, describing Jesus Christ as being made flesh by the power of the
Logos; for Justin says,--"Through the power of the Word, according to
the will of God the Father and Lord of all, he was born a man of a
virgin."[58] Philo says,[59]--"The Logos of God is above all things in
the word, and is the most ancient and most universal of all things
_created_." I do not deny that Justin got ideas of the Logos from the
Old Testament and from the writings of Philo, as shown by our author,
but I submit that he confused their doctrine with the more developed
truth of the New Testament. "It is certain," he says (p. 291), "that
both Justin and Philo, unlike the prelude to the Fourth Gospel, place
the Logos in a secondary position to God the Father, indicating a less
advanced stage in the doctrine. 'He calls the Word constantly the
first-born of all _created_ beings'" (p. 292). Our author says,--"We
do not propose in this work to enter fully into the history of the
Logos doctrine" (p. 280). Had he done so, he could not have shown that
the doctrine reached to the height of the apostolic conception. There
is no allusion to the Divinity of the Logos, as John and Paul assert;
and no reference to the unquestionable statement of Scripture that, in
the Word made flesh, we have a revelation of the mysterious triune
nature of Jehovah. A vague notion of it is found in many idolatrous
systems of religious worship, and its prevalence is an indication of
the truth which tradition, from primitive revelation, has handed
down; but the mystery, as Paul says, was hidden for ages and
generations, and was not made manifest until, in the fulness of time,
the scheme of Redemption was fully unfolded. The gospel is called by
Paul "the revelation of the mystery, which was kept secret since the
world began, but now is made manifest by a clear interpretation of the
scriptures of the prophets, according to the commandment of the
everlasting God, made known to all nations for the obedience of
faith."[60] To concentrate the doctrine in the Fourth Gospel and
Paul's later epistles, and then repudiate the writings, is a mode of
sustaining the denial of it which is far from being successful. This
doctrine is evidently one of the essential elements of Christian
truth. As the bread which sustains our bodily life, so the bread of
the life of the soul, may be decomposed, but none of the elements must
be left out of it if it is to be of use. In the Old Testament we find
many passages which show the plurality in the Divine nature. The
doctrine, it is true, was not so revealed as to be conspicuous at the
time, for if it had been, it would have been misunderstood, and thus
tended to interfere with the schooling which the Jews were undergoing
to cure them of their proneness to idolatry; but with the New
Testament in our hand we see what, without it, would be still hidden
in obscurity. As we read the Fourth Gospel in the light of this
doctrine, how it harmonises with the "plan of salvation" which
believers in all evangelical Churches call Christianity! The book
professes to be written that men, believing in Jesus Christ, may have
eternal life; records the testimony of John the Baptist that Jesus was
the Lamb of God which taketh away the sin of the world (i. 29); and
announces the important dogma that the supernatural influence of the
Holy Spirit is indispensable to overcome the unwillingness of the soul
of man to receive the truths of the Divine revelation. "No man can
come to me, except the Father which hath sent me draw him" (vi. 44).
"Except a man be born of the Spirit he cannot enter the kingdom of
God." It testifies to the Divine nature of Jesus in the most explicit
manner. "Therefore the Jews sought to kill him," because he said "God
was his Father, making himself equal with God" (v. 18). "That all men
should honour the Son, even as they honour the Father" (v. 23). "If ye
had known me, ye should have known my Father also" (viii. 19).
"Verily, verily, I say unto you, Before Abraham was, I am" (viii. 58).
"It is he (the Son of God) that talketh with thee. And he (the man who
had been blind) said, Lord, I believe. And he worshipped him" (ix.
38). "I and my Father are one" (x. 30). "For blasphemy" (we stone
thee), "and because thou, being a man, makest thyself God" (x. 36).
"Jesus said unto her, I am the resurrection, and the life: he that
believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live: and whosoever
liveth and believeth in me shall never die. Believest thou this?" (xi.
25, 26). "Jesus said, Now is the Son of man glorified, and God is
glorified in him. If God be glorified in him, God shall also glorify
him in himself, and shall straightway glorify him" (xiii. 32). "He
that hath seen me hath seen the Father" (xiv. 9).
[58] "Apol." i. 46.
[59] "Leg." iii. § 61.
[60] Rom. xvi. 25, 26.
The doctrine of what we call (not having a better word) the
personality of the Holy Spirit is clearly indicated in such passages
as the following:--"I will pray the Father, and he shall give you
another Comforter, that _he_ may abide with you for ever; even the
Spirit of truth; whom the world cannot receive, because it seeth _him_
not, neither knoweth _him_: but ye know _him_; for _he_ dwelleth with
you" (xiv. 17). "But the Comforter, the Holy Ghost, whom the Father
will send in my name, _he_ shall teach you all things, and bring all
things to your remembrance, whatsoever I have said unto you" (xiv.
26). "It is expedient for you that I go away: for if I go not away,
the Comforter will not come unto you; but if I depart, I will send
_him_ unto you. And when _he_ is come, _he_ will reprove the world of
sin, and of righteousness, and of judgment" (xvi. 7). "When _he_, the
Spirit of truth, is come, _he_ will guide you into all truth: for _he_
shall not speak of _himself_; but whatsoever he shall hear, that shall
_he_ speak: and _he_ will show you things to come" (xvi. 13). The
seventeenth chapter I will not refer to in part, but specify entire,
begging the reader to meditate on its marvellous comprehensiveness and
expressiveness.
Much of the teaching of Jesus would be so far above the comprehension
of the disciples when they heard it, that it would not be likely to be
impressed on their memory. The Holy Spirit was to be sent, to bring
all things to their remembrance; and it is only by this promise being
fulfilled that we can understand the inspired words of the Fourth
Gospel.
Could Jesus have said what He is described in this book to have said,
if God had not been with Him as He never was with any other man? If
such a question be pertinent, how utterly needless the further
question, Could the book have been written by the _nameless unknown
some one_ whom the hypothesis of its non-Johannine origin substitutes
as the author?
Whatever difference there is between the composition of the Fourth
Gospel and the Apocalyse, there is, at all events, a striking analogy
between the opening verses of the former and those in the latter,
where the faithful and true witness is referred to as "the beginning
of the creation of God,"[61] and as being set down with His Father
upon His throne. In the preface to each of the addresses to the seven
Churches Christ assumes the attributes and prerogatives of the Deity.
The prominence given to the mysterious doctrine of the Divinity of
Christ is as great in the one as the other.
[61] Rev. iii. 14.
It is somewhat singular that from Rénan, who so utterly rejects the
miraculous, we should have such a decided opinion that it is
appropriately entitled the Gospel according to John. After saying, "I
dare not be sure that the Fourth Gospel has been entirely written by
a Galilean fisherman," he writes in his introduction to the "Life of
Jesus": "No one doubts that towards the year 150, the Fourth Gospel
did exist, and was attributed to John. Explicit texts from Justin,
Athenagoras, Tatian, Theophilus of Antioch, and Irenæus, show that
from thenceforth this Gospel mixed in every controversy, and served as
corner-stone for the development of the faith. Irenæus is explicit.
Now he came from the school of John, and between him and the apostle
there was only Polycarp. The part played by this Gospel in Gnosticism,
and especially in the system of Valentinus, in Montanism, and in the
quarrel of the Quartodecimans, is not less decisive. The school of
John was the most influential in the second century, and it is only by
regarding the origin of the Gospel as coincident with the rise of the
school, that the existence of the latter can be understood at all."
"The First Epistle, attributed to John, is certainly by the same
author as the Fourth Gospel. Now this Epistle is recognised as from
John by Polycarp, Papias, and Irenæus. But it is, above all, the
perusal of the Fourth Gospel itself which is calculated to give the
impression that John must have written it. The author always speaks
as an eye-witness. He wishes to pass for the Apostle John. If, then,
this work is not really by the apostle, we must admit a fraud of which
the author convicts himself. Now, although the ideas of the time
respecting literary honesty differed essentially from ours, there is
no example in the apostolic world of a falsehood of this kind.
Besides, not only does the author wish to pass for the apostle, but we
see clearly that he writes in the interest of this apostle."
As to the difference in language and style between it and the
Apocalypse, it is not altogether unusual for an author to produce
works which differ greatly from each other. An instance is mentioned
by the Rev. Kentish Bache, in his letter to Dr. Davidson. "William
Penn, within one and the same year (1668) wrote two different works,
entitled 'The Sandy Foundation Shaken,' and 'Innocency with her Open
Face.' The former pamphlet is circulated by the Unitarians as a tract
demolishing the doctrine of the Trinity, while the latter is an
earnest defence of that very doctrine; and yet Penn protests that his
belief had undergone no change" (p. 35).
One of the difficulties in the way of the reception of the Fourth
Gospel is the raising of Lazarus from the dead, which the Synoptics do
not record. A probable explanation is suggested by Grotius, who says,
as Lazarus was living when the Synoptics were written, and as "the
chief priests consulted that they might put him to death, because that
by reason of him many of the Jews went away and believed on
Jesus,"[62] the publication of the miracle would have exposed Lazarus
to more intense hostility, and endangered his life.
[62] John xii. 10.
Our author makes the strange assertion that "the Fourth Gospel, by
whomsoever written--even if it could be traced to the Apostle
John--has no real historical value, being at best the glorified
recollections of an old man, written down half a century after the
events recorded" (p. 467). This bold assertion ignores the fact that
the impressions of early life are, as a rule, indelibly fixed on the
memory. Of no historical value, though written by John! Our author
knows perfectly well that such an event as the raising of Lazarus from
the dead could never fade from the memory of those who witnessed it.
Does he overlook, or suppress, the consideration that John's
recollection would be daily refreshed by the teaching of the
principles of a gospel which consisted of these events and discourses?
We can as well conceive of the Duke of Wellington having forgotten,
when he was eighty years old, the campaigns of the Peninsula and the
battle of Waterloo, as John forgetting the memorable transactions in
the life of his Master with which he was so closely identified.
Besides, we do not know that the materials for John's book had not
long before been noted down. It is not probable that he who wrote the
Apocalypse in the year 68 would put nothing into writing of the
memoirs until close upon the time when the book was published. Such is
not the mode of authorship now, and was not then. Supposing the
apostle to have died, leaving behind him unarranged materials,
including notes and memoranda made at various times, and that these
were, with fidelity, but with more scholarship than John possessed,
transcribed, edited, and made a book of, entitled "The Gospel
according to John," we have an explanation of the linguistic
difficulty which does not overstep the limits of reasonable
probability.
Well may Dr. Davidson acknowledge "it is not easy to account for the
early belief of its Johannine origin;" and that "if a disciple of
John wrote it, he had learned more than his master." It _would_ have
been "strange if such an author had continued unknown." If we reject
the Johannine origin, we have to believe that during the fifty years
between John's death and the time of the book's _general acceptance as
his_ there lived some one capable of writing it, of whom history and
tradition are silent. This is certainly a large matter for sceptical
credulity to swallow. How much easier to believe that the refinement
and beauty of composition, whose charm has captivated the world, is
the work of a Grecian disciple, who wrote under the superintendence,
if not dictation, of the apostle who only could have furnished the
materials at the time when it was written. At the close of the first
century all the other apostles were dead, and for its authorship we
cannot look beyond the circle which surrounded Jesus at the
instituting of that ever-abiding memorial of Him, "The Lord's Supper."
Among the anomalies of our author's hypothesis we have to think of the
apostles living in the first century, and attaining their reputation
as writers during the second. In the first century men appear, but
without their writings. In the second century the writings come to
light, but without the men. How unnatural, says Dr. Christlieb, is
this! Who can fail to see that the hypothesis is incredible?
"We invariably find that an age which is fertile in literary
productions is followed by a conservative period, in which the
productions of the foregoing period are collected and digested--first
the classical, then the post-classical. Does the second century, in
other respects, bear the impress of a productive classical period in
literature? On the contrary, its undoubted products breathe a spirit
which bears the same relation to the New Testament writings as does
the tenour of a post-classical age bear to that of the age preceding
it. Did these writings, especially the Fourth Gospel, belong to
'unknown' authors, they would be perfectly inexplicable phenomena as
compared with all the other products of that period. It has been well
said that it were no less absurd to ascribe the most inspiriting
writings of Luther to the spiritless period of the Thirty Years' War,
than to transfer the Gospel of John to the middle of the second
century."[63]
[63] Dr. Christlieb, p. 541.
"Notwithstanding their warm Christian life, the writings of the second
century evince such a remarkable dearth of new ideas that one plainly
sees how, after the spiritual flood-tides of the first century, the
ebb had set in."[64]
[64] Dr. Christlieb, p. 541.
"Compare, for instance, the clear and sober-minded spirit of the New
Testament epistles, or the quiet sublimity of the Gospel of John, with
the epistles of Ignatius, the enthusiasm of which degenerates into a
well-nigh fanatic desire for martyrdom; or with the Pastor of Hermas,
and the value ascribed by him to ascetic rigour; or with the epistles
by Clement of Rome, which tell the fable of the phœnix as a fact; or,
again, with the Epistle of Barnabas, which delights in insipid
allegories, and gives the most absurd typical interpretations of the
Old Testament, justifying Neander's remark, that here we encounter
quite another spirit than that of an apostolic man."[65]
[65] Ibid. p. 541.
Our author produces such a mass of evidence from the early writers,
confirmatory of the truths of the Gospel, that his criticism tends to
opposite conclusions. Supposing he can prove that the canon of
Scripture is not _un_assailable, he has not accomplished much. It is
of more value to have confirmation of the facts and principles of
Divine truth, than to be assured that the authorship, construction,
compilation, or arrangement of the Scriptures, are just what the
Church of Rome authoritatively pronounced. Because we cannot
positively settle certain questions of little comparative importance,
are we to surrender our faith in essentials? Are we to let the
conjectures and queries of German cavillers, with their "Yea, hath God
said," destroy our cherished faith and hope? God forbid! It is not the
preservation or infallibility of the apostolic writings which makes
His incarnation, death, and resurrection, facts in the history of our
race. The facts make the history, not the history the facts. Europe
was saved from Oriental despotism by Leonidas at Thermopylæ, and the
valour and patriotism of the Greeks; by Charles Martel in the eighth
century; and again by Prince Eugene in the seventeenth century; but it
is not because history has truly or imperfectly recorded these facts
that we enjoy to this day the great benefits resulting to civilisation
from their heroism.
The truth of Christianity does not, at all events, rest on the
_quotations of the early Fathers_, and our author would have
accomplished but little had he proved that there were none found. In
the first ages of the Church, when the events were fresh, the voice
of the preacher was the channel which conveyed the saving gospel to
the souls of men, and there was not the same necessity for reference
to the written records as in after times. When a century had elapsed
after the death of Christ, then the records of the first disciples
became of importance. They then came into prominence, and were
abundantly quoted, as our author acknowledges. As time went on that
importance increased, and about three hundred years after the events
the Emperor Constantine ordered Eusebius to have fifty copies of the
Holy Scriptures fairly inscribed on parchment, the use whereof he
tells Eusebius he "knew to be absolutely necessary to the Church."
Eusebius gives us the emperor's entire letter. They were not so
absolutely necessary when most of the Fathers wrote whom our author
has referred to. _I_ do not want any written record to prove to me
that the Spaniards in the Peninsular War, seventy years ago, poisoned
the bread of the British troops. I lived in my youth with an old
Christian soldier and his wife who were in the campaign, and used to
amuse me with their experience of such facts, as we sat round the fire
on a winter's evening. Nor of the American War of Independence do the
people of the present generation depend entirely on writings or books
for the proof that it took place. Two lives reach from date to date,
and no evidence can be stronger than such.
Until we have better reason than our author has adduced for altering
our estimate of these sacred writings, so often assailed, but
maintaining serenely, century after century, their high pretensions as
a message from heaven to culture our moral and spiritual nature, and
guide us thither, we should be foolish, oh, how foolish! to question
their authority or neglect their guidance. Because we cannot be sure
that the Bible is in every detail the perfect transcript of Divine
revelation, we are to abandon the only solace that humanity possesses,
the only theory which accounts for the wickedness which, without its
teaching, is such an anomaly to all else in creation, the only bond
which binds society in brotherhood, and makes social existence capable
of including happiness here, or the hope of life hereafter. Better a
misunderstood revelation than none at all. Better a glimpse of
immortality, than the negation which is utter darkness, and makes the
issue of existence only death.
CHAPTER VI.
_CONTEMPORARY EVIDENCE._
_"Hoist with his own petard."_
CHAPTER VI.
_CONTEMPORARY EVIDENCE._
We now come to the question of contemporary evidence. Our author says
the testimony of the New Testament in favour of the miraculous is
inadequate because it is not contemporary. I have to endeavour to show
that he has himself proved it to be contemporary.
The "Spectator" describes him as virtually saying: It is as if you
tried to prove some unheard-of facts of the civil war in the time of
Charles I. by testimony not to be traced higher than the reign of
George III. I say we trace the testimony to one of Cromwell's own
officers, and our author's own criticism shall be shown to prove it.
I take one piece of evidence of his own which he has elaborately
presented. I compare it with proofs of the same kind from other
sources. I refer to the authorities specified, and I accept it and
endorse it. But I make a different use of it. He uses it to prove that
because John, the apostle, wrote the Apocalypse, he cannot have
written the Fourth Gospel. I use it to prove that because John wrote
the Apocalypse _the facts of the Gospel are by contemporary testimony
substantiated_; and I contend that this evidence--clear, direct, and
irrefragable--neutralises his main argument and the object of his
book, which is to invalidate supernatural religion and the reality of
Divine revelation.
He says (on page 392 of his second volume): "The external evidence
that the Apostle John wrote the Apocalypse is more ancient than that
for the authorship of any other book of the New Testament, excepting
some of the epistles of Paul. Justin Martyr affirms in the clearest
and most positive manner the apostolic origin of the work. He speaks
to Tryphon of a certain man whose name was John, one of the apostles
of Christ, who prophesied, by a revelation made to him, of the
Millennium and subsequent general resurrection. The genuineness of
this testimony is not called in question by any one."
"As another most important point we may mention that there is probably
not another work of the New Testament the precise date of the
composition of which, within a very few weeks, can be so positively
affirmed. No result of criticism rests upon a more secure basis, and
is now more universally accepted by all competent critics than the
fact that the Apocalypse was written A.D. 68, 69. The writer
distinctly and repeatedly mentions his name. 'The revelation of Jesus
Christ ... unto his servant John. John to the seven Churches which are
in Asia;' and he states that the work was written in the island of
Patmos, where he was 'on account of the word of God and the testimony
of Jesus'" (p. 395).
"It is clear that the writer counted fully upon being generally known
under the simple designation of John; and when we consider the
unmistakable terms of authority with which he addresses the seven
Churches, it is scarcely possible to deny that the writer either was
the apostle, or, distinctly desired to assume his personality" (p.
397).
"The whole description (of the New Jerusalem) is a mere allegory of
the strongest Jewish dogmatic character, and it is of singular value
for the purpose of identifying the author" (p. 399).
"There is no internal evidence whatever against the supposition that
the 'John' who announces himself as the author of the Apocalypse was
the apostle. On the contrary, the tone of authority adopted
throughout, and evident certainty that his identity would everywhere
be recognised, denote a position in the Church which no other person
of the name of John could possibly have held at the time when the
Apocalypse was written. The external evidence, therefore, which
indicates that Apostle John as the author is quite in harmony with the
internal testimony of the book itself" (p. 402).
I have quoted sufficient to show that our author, whose object is to
discredit the Fourth Gospel, elaborately and successfully proves that
John the Apostle wrote the Apocalypse.
There is other testimony to prove this, easily got at, besides what
our author supplies.
Sir Isaac Newton long ago fixed upon the year 68 as the date.
Dr. Davidson says: "We should despair of proving the authenticity of
any New Testament book by the help of ancient witnesses, if that of
the Apocalypse be rejected."
In the present quarter's "Edinburgh Review" (October 1874) there is a
remarkable confirmation of the importance I am attaching to the
Apocalypse as a book written by the Apostle John during the nine
months' reign of the Emperor Galba, that is, between May 1, 68, and
January 15, 69. The writer of the article, which is a review of
Rénan's "Antichrist," says: "The arguments which support the
assignment of A.D. 68 as the date of its composition are absolutely
irresistible." And he adds: "Here we have a book the date of which is
positively ascertained, and the writer almost certainly known, while
its contents are of a prophetic character, and lay claim (in a marked
manner) to inspiration, yet are so peculiarly historical in their
character, and deal with a period of history so perfectly well known
down to its minutest details, that it can be checked and verified at
every turn. Might we not almost say that we have here (as in the Book
of Daniel) a _gauge_ by which to measure inspiration, a _sample_ by
which to understand prophecy, a _key_ for a full comprehension of what
Holy Scripture is and means?"
The Apocalypse is, as our author describes it, an ecstatic and
dogmatic allegory. What it is besides, which the believer in Divine
inspiration would include in the definition, is out of the range of
such a critic's comprehension, and he would not be likely to attach
much importance to the words, "Write the things which thou hast seen,
and the things which are, and the _things which shall be hereafter_."
But he seems to have overlooked how much essential evangelical
doctrine it expresses, and how much it is imbued with its spirit; that
it testifies to the resurrection of Christ and the atonement. Although
it _is_ an allegory, its author could no more have written it, if he
had known nothing of those doctrines, than Bunyan could have written
"The Pilgrim's Progress," or Milton "Paradise Lost" and "Regained." By
proving John to be the author of this "highly dogmatic treatise," as
he calls the Apocalypse, he takes us to the essence of the dogmas.
They must have either been in existence before John wrote it, or he
invented them, for they are certainly there.
He seems unconsciously to have furnished the very contemporary
evidence which such critics as himself pretend _not_ to have found,
and profess they require, before they can accept the miracles and
evangelical doctrines of the gospel.
He allows that Matthew was an _eye-witness_, but denies that he wrote
of _miracles_. He allows that Paul wrote of _miracles_, but he was
_not_ an _eye-witness_.
Now John both saw them and wrote of them, for he was the son of
Zebedee, and he wrote the Apocalypse. This being proved, we have in
it, from him, as an eye-witness of the miracles of Jesus, evidence
which confirms the Gospels. The vision is from Him "_who liveth and
was dead; the first begotten of the dead, who cometh with clouds_,"
and to one who was "_in the spirit on the Lord's day_."
It as evidently presupposes the miraculous facts of the Gospels, and
is supplementary to them, as certainly as it presupposes the
prophecies of the Old Testament, and supplements the predictions of
Daniel.
The allegory of "a Lamb as it had been slain," which is prominent in
the vision, is unmistakable. No critic could be so perverse as to deny
that this plainly indicates that Jesus Christ rose from the dead, and
that His death is referred to as a sacrifice for sin in fulfilment of
the ancient types and sacrificial rites; nor can it be doubted that
the same is in harmony with the gospel which Paul preached and wrote
about in his absolutely unquestionable epistles, to which alone we
refer, avoiding, for obvious reasons, allusion to the Acts of the
Apostles, as our author seems to ignore that book altogether.
Let us turn to the sublime words of this Apocalypse, proved to have
been written by John the Apostle, and as we read, imagine, if we can,
that the author himself, and the Christians of the seven Churches of
Asia and elsewhere, knew nothing of the miraculous facts of the
Gospels and the doctrine of the atonement with which they are
inseparably connected; and imagine, if we can, that they were both
added, according to our author's hypothesis, to the original and lost
Gospels a century later. It is entitled "The Revelation of Jesus
Christ, which God gave unto him, to show unto his servants things
which must _shortly come to pass_."
Among such things--"shortly to come to pass"--affecting the Church, we
cannot be wrong in understanding the attack upon Jerusalem by the
Romans to be included. If so, the saying of the angel--"Rise and
measure the temple of God, and the altar, and them that worship
therein," implies that Jerusalem was still standing when the book was
written. Also, among the things shortly to come to pass, must be
understood the impending judgments on Rome (the mystical Babylon) for
the terrible and bloody persecution which had lately happened; for
Rome is evidently referred to in the seventeenth chapter, where we
read: "Upon her forehead was a name written, Mystery, Babylon the
great; and I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the saints and of
the martyrs of Jesus." We are left in no uncertainty as to the
interpretation of this chapter, for it is given us in the last verse,
where we are told--"And the woman which thou sawest is that great city
which reigneth over the kings of the earth." "The seven heads are
seven mountains on which the woman sitteth. _And there are seven
kings, five are fallen, and one is, and the other is_ not yet come."
It is all but certain that the kings referred to are--1 Augustus, 2
Tiberius, 3 Caligula, 4 Claudius, 5 Nero, and the 6th, "_which now
is_," Galba, who reigned nine months, from 1st May, 68, till 15th
January, 69; the 7th, to come next, being Otho, who, when he cometh,
must continue a short space. It was but "a short space," for on the
20th of April in the same year Vespasian ascended the throne. The
beast which was to appear next is undoubtedly Nero; for though he was
dead, Tacitus tells us there was a wide-spread rumour, which created
great alarm, that the report of his having committed suicide, when the
senate had denounced him, was false. He is said to have been
personified by a slave, who took up his abode in an island not far
from Patmos. When we think of the Roman coins of that date having on
them the words "Nero Cæsar," the Hebrew letters for which are
identical with the "six hundred threescore and six," the number of the
beast, which "he that hath understanding is to count," we cannot avoid
the conclusion that Nero, under the symbol of a beast, is referred to.
If this be the correct interpretation, there is no uncertainty about
the date and authorship of the book.
The preface or title closes with the words, "Blessed is he that
readeth, and they that hear, the words of this prophecy, and keep
those things which are written therein; for _the time is at hand_."
And then the book opens with an apostolic salutation to the Churches,
and a fervent ascription of praise to Jehovah, and to the risen and
exalted Messiah and Redeemer.
"John to the seven Churches which are in Asia (Churches planted by
Paul years before): Grace unto you, and peace, from him which is, and
which was, and which is to come; and from Jesus Christ, the faithful
witness, the first begotten from the dead, and the prince of the kings
of the earth. Unto him who loved us, and washed us from our sins in
his own blood, and hath made us kings and priests unto God and his
Father; to him be glory and dominion for ever and ever."
"I John, who also am your brother, and companion in tribulation, and
in the kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ, was in the isle that is
called Patmos, for the word of God, and for the testimony of Jesus
Christ." "I was in the spirit on the Lord's day." (To be "in the
spirit on the Lord's day" is in harmony with evangelical Christianity,
and quite meaningless apart from it. The first day of the week is,
undoubtedly, called the Lord's day, because on that day He rose from
the dead; and bread has been broken and wine drunk on that day, in
obedience to His commands, and in remembrance of His death, ever since
the day of Pentecost.)
"I am he that liveth, and was dead; and, behold, I am alive for
evermore, and have the keys of hades and of death."
"The Lion of the tribe of Juda, the Root of David, hath prevailed to
open the book, and to loose the seals thereof."
"And I beheld, and, lo, in the midst of the throne ... a Lamb as it
had been slain; and they sung a new song, saying, Thou art worthy to
take the book, and open the seals thereof: for thou wast slain, and
hast redeemed us to God by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue,
and people, and nation."
"Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power, and riches," &c.
"Blessing, and honour, and glory, and power, be unto him that sitteth
upon the throne, and unto the Lamb, for ever and ever."
"These are they that came out of great tribulation, and washed their
robes, and made them white in the blood of the Lamb."
"And every creature which is in heaven, and on the earth, and under
the earth, and such as are in the sea, and all that are in them, heard
I saying, Blessing, and honour, and glory, and power, be unto him that
sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb, for ever and ever."
There is nothing in the Fourth Gospel, nor in any other part of
Scripture, that more emphatically proclaims the Godhead of Jesus
Christ than this worship of Him by the whole host of heaven. The
whole creation, as twice described in the second commandment, fall
down and worship Him. It is identical with the language Paul uses in
his letter to the Philippians: "Wherefore God also hath highly exalted
him, and given him a name that is above every name, that in the name
of Jesus _every knee should bow_, of things in heaven, and things in
earth, and things under the earth; and every tongue should confess
that Jesus Christ _is Lord_, to the glory of God the Father."
This sort of language pervades the whole book. The allegory of a Lamb
slain to wash away sin by the shedding of His blood occurs a score
times.
It is not possible to read it and believe what our author insinuates.
He wants some proof that the four Gospels are not religious romances
written long after the events occurred which they record. I point out
that the author has the proof in his own argument that John wrote the
Apocalypse, and that the evidence therein given to the miracles is not
affected by any uncertainty whether the Gospels were produced by
eye-witnesses, or constructed on second-hand evidence, by such
disciples as Mark and Luke.
No criticism ever questions that Paul preached a miraculous gospel,
or ever doubts the genuineness of certain of his epistles in which the
doctrines are fully stated.
There are, at least, four which have never been questioned--viz., the
First of Thessalonians, written about the year 50; the Epistle to the
Galatians, A.D. 52; the First of Corinthians, A.D. 57; and the one to
the Romans, A.D. 58; and in all those letters the miracles and
doctrines are referred to which, years before, when he first went
forth to preach, were the themes of his ministry. His insight into
spiritual matters increased as he grew older, as his later writings
indicate; but from first to last it was the same gospel.
He writes to the Corinthians in the year 57, to remind them of the
gospel he had preached unto them. He says, "I delivered unto you first
of all that which I also received, how that Christ died for our sins,
according to the Scriptures, and that he was buried, and that he rose
again the third day, according to the Scriptures; and that he was seen
of Peter, then of the twelve; after that he was seen of five hundred
brethren at once, of whom the greater part remain unto this present,
but some are fallen asleep. After that he was seen of me also, as of
one born out of due time." Now as Paul's written version of the
gospel at this time was in the main identical with John's, we get from
the evidence that John wrote the Apocalypse a very definite
conclusion.
It has been absurdly suggested by John Stuart Mill, and others,[66]
that Paul originated the dogmatic doctrines of Christianity. Now we
know that Paul, in the early years of his ministry, communicated with
James, Peter, and John, at Jerusalem, respecting that gospel which he
was preaching among the Gentiles; for he writes to that effect in his
unquestioned epistle to the Galatians, and tells them that when "those
three apostles, who seemed to be pillars, perceived the grace that was
given to him, they gave to him and Barnabas the right hand of
fellowship." Would John and Peter and James have done this if the
miraculous gospel Paul told them he was preaching was inconsistent
with their own knowledge of the circumstances and events in Christ's
life of which they were all eye-witnesses?
[66] "Nothing can be more false than the fashionable notion of our day
that Paul was the author of Christianity. The true founder of
Christianity was Jesus."--_Rénan_ ("The Apostles," p. 3).
We have John writing a book before the destruction of Jerusalem, and
Paul an epistle before the reign of Nero, and they both bear testimony
to the fact that Jesus was the Messiah of Jewish prophecy, who
descended into our world to be its Saviour and Redeemer by the
sacrifice of His life on the cross--His miraculous resurrection from
the dead being the attestation of His atoning work, while His promise
to come again to earth in like manner as He was seen to go away, they
both relied upon with implicit confidence.
As early as the year 52 Paul writes from Corinth to the Thessalonians,
reminding them "how they turned from idols to serve the living and
true God, and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom He raised from the
dead, even Jesus, who delivered us from the wrath to come;"[67] and he
charges them by the Lord that this epistle be read in all the Churches
in Macedonia.[68] Its genuineness has never been questioned.
[67] 1 Thess. i. 9.
[68] Ibid. i. 27.
Thus it is quite certain that Paul, at the commencement and throughout
his ministry, preached the dogmatic doctrines of the Divinity of
Christ, the resurrection, the atonement, the depravity of human
nature, justification by faith, and the work of the Holy Spirit in
renewing and sanctifying the souls of men, which constituted the
Christianity of the first three centuries, and undoubtedly
emanated--not from the depths of Paul's moral consciousness, but from
the events, Divine utterances, and superhuman circumstances which were
the theme of the earliest Christian records.[69] The Apocalypse is
absolute proof as to how they originated, and that they were prevalent
when it was written.
[69] Paul tells the Thessalonians he is thankful that they received
what he preached as the word of God, not as the word of men.
This, I contend, is sound argument, and neutralises that of our
author. Other objections of cavillers have their appropriate answers.
They may say that the eye-witnesses might honestly believe and teach,
but were deceived. No one would, I think, say they were dishonest, and
invented the miracles. It may be said that a single eye-witness such
as John is insufficient. But if a jury has _one_ such, and all the
circumstantial evidence in the case supports his testimony, the
verdict is easily arrived at. A tree that is grafted usually yields
fruit after the process, not before; but we have here this tree of
Christianity proved to be fully developed in the year 68, and its
fruit described, and we are asked to believe that it was grafted to
bear its evangelical dogmas a century afterwards! The fact is that the
same apostle, who describes its fruit in the year 68, was present
when it was planted, and we know from his evidence that the tree
needed no grafting to produce such fruit.
This evidence, from a hostile critic of such ability and scholarship,
to the authenticity and authorship of the book of Revelation, is
surely of considerable value. As Professor Owen could, from a single
bone of a fossil animal, show what the whole was of which the bone
formed a part, so might be used this evidence that John wrote the
Apocalypse.
The Christian apologist may show our author his own argument, and
pointing out the word _Apocalypse_, exclaim, "I thank thee, Jew, for
teaching me that word!" _Thou art hoist with thine own petard!_
CHAPTER VII.
_CONCLUSION._
_"The final and surest proof of the actuality and Divine origin of
revelation is its manifestation in individuals, as a healing,
sin-constraining power, diffusing everywhere light and life."_
Christlieb.
_"The most important controversies are those which a man finds in his
own heart."_
J. A. Bengel.
_"The Key to Scripture is the Person and Office of Messiah."_
CHAPTER VII.
_CONCLUSION._
At the close of his work our author attempts to console his readers
for having demolished their evangelical belief in the following
eloquent language:--
"In surrendering its miraculous element and its claims to supernatural
origin, therefore, _the religion of Jesus_ does not lose its virtue,
or the qualities which have made it a blessing to humanity. It
sacrifices none of that elevated character which has distinguished and
raised it above all human systems; it merely relinquishes a claim
which it has shared with all antecedent religions, and severs its
connection with ignorant superstition. It is too divine in its
morality to require the aid of miraculous attributes. No supernatural
halo can heighten its spiritual beauty, and no mysticism deepen its
holiness. In its perfect simplicity it is sublime, and in its
profound wisdom it is eternal" (p. 489).
This may be eloquently expressed, but it will not bear analysis. If
"the religion of Jesus" has an "_elevated character_," which has
"_distinguished and raised it above all human systems_," it must have
a superhuman "_elevated character_," and, if so, a supernatural
_character_, and, therefore, the religion of Jesus is a _supernatural
religion_. To take from the Bible all that is miraculous, and pretend
it would "_not lose its virtue_," or "_the qualities which have made
it a blessing to humanity_," is simply absurd. The teachings of
Christ, apart from His recognition of Abraham's faith in God having
spoken to him; of Moses, as divinely commissioned to give the law of
Sinai; and of David, to prophesy of Himself as the Messiah, is
inconceivable. It is not possible to strike out of the Bible all that
is supernatural and leave it intelligible. What would be left, far
from being "perfect simplicity and profound and eternal wisdom," would
be, for religious instruction, indeed, a blank.
Knowing what human nature is and has been in all ages, where, we may
ask, could such perfect and sublime morality have come from apart
from Divine interference? As Henry Rogers says in his recent work,
"The Superhuman Origin of the Bible inferred from itself," "_The Bible
is not such a book as man would have made if he could, or could have
made if he would._"
Even John Stuart Mill, in his book just published, describes Christ as
the "pattern of perfection for humanity;" and "a unique figure, not
more unlike all His precursors than all His followers, even those who
had the direct benefit of His personal teaching."
The late Dr. Priestley, the eminent Unitarian, said that the actual
resurrection of Jesus Christ is more authentically attested than any
other fact in history.[70]
[70] See his work, "Matter and Spirit," p. 247.
The fact is, in short, just this: the whole Scripture testimony to the
work of man's redemption is, to the believer, explicit and harmonious,
while the emasculated and perverted creed of the moralist who rejects
the miraculous is sheer confusion and absurdity.
We appreciate the admonition of the apostle Paul, where he says: "Oh,
Timothy, keep that which is committed to thy trust, avoiding profane
and vain babblings, and oppositions of science, so called, which,
some professing, have erred concerning the faith."
It is of importance to note that the writings which record the deaths
of some of the principal persons, such as John the Baptist, James the
Apostle, and Stephen, would, probably, have mentioned the decease of
others if they had died before the books were composed. Supposing they
originated at a later date, the writers would have had no motive for
omitting any such particulars. Surely, the Acts of the Apostles would
have told us of the death of Paul and Peter, Matthew and Barnabas, and
the other men whose doings it records. If we imagine the book a
fiction, then, we ask, where are the stories which apocryphal books
contain, such as the crucifixion of Peter, which would, certainly,
have been included? This must be accounted for before we set aside the
book as not history, but fiction.
This anonymous sceptical work has to encounter the damaging objection
that it enters a verdict before the case is complete. The judge, that
is, impartial criticism holding the balance evenly, may justly say,
How can the verdict be pronounced in the absence of witnesses of such
importance as the Acts of the Apostles and the epistles of Paul? The
final reflections at the conclusion of the second volume are
premature. Instead of it being "right not to delay a clear statement
of what the author believes to be the truth and its consequences," it
is the opposite; and we venture to predict that, when he has done his
worst, when he has made the most of the silence of primitive writers
whose works time has reduced to fragments; when he has fully exposed
the irrelevancy of many of the assertions of over-sanguine apologists
(such as Tischendorf and Canon Westcott); when he has magnified to the
utmost the difficulties inseparable from the investigation of matters
eighteen centuries distant, between which period in history and the
present time there have intervened revolutions in nations, invasions
of barbarians, cities burned, libraries destroyed, and all that is
conceivable of obliteration, falsification, fraud, and superstition,
in what are called the dark ages--his ability, learning, research, and
logic will not have convinced the majority of his readers that
Christianity is to be placed in the category of the world's religious
delusions and impostures. His complete work will be fully replied to
by critics of his own calibre and acumen, and the highest honour it
will ultimately attain will be to be relegated to the unenviable
position in literature in which are placed Spinoza, Hume, Baur,
Strauss, Rénan, Mill, and all those able doubters who have boldly but
unsuccessfully assailed the truth as it is in Jesus.
I close with the remark that the Bible is regarded by the Evangelical
Protestant Nonconformists from an independent point of view. The
authority of the councils of the Popish Church is nothing to them. The
decision of the Council of Laodicea, A.D. 364, furnishes evidence of
the Holy Scriptures being, in the main, what we esteem them to be; but
we do not recognise its authority.
We are in a position to welcome any light which any critic can throw
upon the records of Divine revelation, and can be grateful for any
laborious research which separates the gold from the dross, and
selects the real coin from the counterfeit. But it is undoubtedly true
that, as the religion of the Bible is a spiritual matter, it is best
discerned by those whose hearts are open to receive it.
"If any man will do his will, he shall know of the doctrine whether it
be of God."[71] "He that believeth on the Son of God hath the witness
in himself."[72] "Filled with the knowledge of his will in all wisdom
and spiritual understanding."[73]
[71] John vii. 17.
[72] 1 John v. 10.
[73] Col. i. 9.
On the assumption that man is not a spiritual being, the investigation
of what the Bible teaches is not likely to be successful. The most
prominent statements will be foolishness. The primary fact that God is
a Spirit will not be apprehended, and all analogous doctrines deemed
the outgrowth of superstition. It is the vainest of all inquiries from
such a foregone conclusion. Man is not placed at such a point of
observation in the universe as to be competent to conduct a
theological investigation, based on a negative hypothesis, regarding
the essential proposition of all religious truth. Among the
indispensable requisites in the pursuit of such knowledge, are, the
receptive disposition, the listening attitude, the becoming humility,
the consciousness of a tendency to go wrong, and of dependence on the
Divine illumination of the Holy Spirit. "Blind unbelief is sure to
err." The inquirer who does not lay aside pride and self-sufficiency
is not in a condition to take the first step. If intellectual power,
acuteness of perception, and the logical faculty, could ensure the
successful pursuit of spiritual truth, we may suppose that Satan's
knowledge would convince him of the folly of his opposition to the
Divine authority. That which intervenes betwixt the Almighty Creator
and the fallen angel intercepts the vision of the depraved human soul.
Only "the pure in heart can see God." The blindness is not removable
until, as in the case of Saul of Tarsus, those conditions are complied
with which are implied in the statement, "Behold he prayeth." His soul
is humbled, his eyes are opened, and he gets nearer to the truth. "The
Lord is nigh unto them who call upon him."[74]
[74] Psa. cxlv. 18.
The summary of what I have endeavoured to make plain to you respecting
the book is briefly this:--
1. That it chiefly consists of German scepticism made plain to English
readers; of a recast of the exploded fallacies of Hume; and an
unsuccessful attempt to eliminate the miraculous from the Gospels.
2. That the assumption that there are in the Bible Satanic miracles,
thus putting Jewish superstition on a level with revealed truth, is
reasoning on false premises.
3. That the miracles of the Bible do not admit of their being
accommodated to the laws of nature, to satisfy the scientific and
philosophical theologians.
4. That the objection to the testimony of the first disciples, on the
ground of their not being learned, scientific, and critical, has no
weight, especially as applied to Paul, whose education would enable
him to weigh the evidence of the eye-witnesses, which he would compare
with the revelation to himself; and thus he was in a position to know
the exact truth.
5. That the abstract argument against miracles not having sufficient
force to merit Mr. Arnold's endorsement, its further discussion was
not necessary, the first part of the book being sufficiently
neutralised.
6. That the argument from the silence of early Church writers is not
conclusive, because we have only fragments of their writings, and that
there was not the same need to refer to written records while
tradition was fresh.
7. That the objection to a quotation because it is not verbatim is
frivolous.
8. That the hypothesis that the original records of Christ's life,
which are not our Gospels, and are lost, did not contain any miracles,
is a German conjecture, which is totally unsupported and absolutely
incredible.
9. That the assumption of uniform and verbal inspiration is not an
essential of orthodox views, and that Christianity has been more
damaged by its friends than its enemies.
10. That the author's mode of presenting his facts is not to be relied
upon, any more than his conclusions.
11. That offensive epithets and unwarrantable boldness of assertion do
not strengthen his arguments; nor is eloquent language always sense.
12. That the question is not whether the Gospels establish the reality
of miracles, so that Christianity is false if they do not sufficiently
do so; but is the general evidence, resting on a great variety of
proofs, sufficient to prove it true?
13. That special pleading is found throughout the book.
14. That whatever information is wanting, as to the exact manner in
which the four Gospels were compiled--whatever probability there may
be that Matthew's is made up of materials from several other sources,
such as the lost "Gospel of the Hebrews," as well as from that
apostle's own record of what he heard and was eye-witness of--whatever
probability there may be that the Fourth Gospel is only the Apostle
John's to the extent of his having furnished the materials, which
Grecian, rather than Jewish, pens put into elegant language and
artistic form--it is undeniable that if John the son of Zebedee, the
apostle, wrote the Apocalypse, as our author proves he did, the fact
furnishes the strongest evidence, "clear, direct, and irrefragable,"
that he knew, being an eye-witness of the events of the Gospel
records, the Resurrection of Christ to be no "cunningly devised
fable," but the fact of facts, the truth of truths, the miracle of
miracles.
15. That the religion of the Bible being spiritual, its truths are
best discerned by those whose hearts are open to receive them.
The vast expanse of evangelical Christian evidence, shining around us
like the sky on a clear night, has its nebulæ which only faith's
telescope can reach; but there are stars and constellations which are
so conspicuous that no inquirer after truth can fail to see them. John
to the seven Churches, whose angels are seven stars, is as obvious as
the Pleiades; Paul and Barnabas, as of old, are Mercurius and Jupiter;
Abraham's descendants, still distinct from all other races, in all
lands, are prominent as Sirius; Pliny's letter to Trajan is radiant as
Arcturus; the martyr-story of the Catacombs and of history is as
demonstrative as Mars; while the institution to show forth the Lord's
death, by the breaking of bread on the Lord's day, glows like Venus.
These, requiring no telescope,
"Confirm the tidings as they roll,
And spread the truth from pole to pole."
UNWIN BROTHERS, THE GRESHAM PRESS, CHILWORTH AND LONDON.