GOETHE, "_Kunst und Alterthum_."

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, &c.

The publishers of this little volume, in requesting me to undertake a

translation of the "Incendio Vesuviano," of Professor Palmieri, and to

accompany it with some introductory remarks, have felt justified by the

facts that Signor Palmieri's position as a physicist, the great

advantages which his long residence in Naples as a Professor of the

University, and for many years past Director of the Meteorological

Observatory--established upon Vesuvius itself, prior to the expulsion of

the late dynasty--have naturally caused much weight to attach to

anything emanating from his pen in reference to that volcano.

Nearly forty memoirs on various branches of physics--chiefly

electricity, magnetism and meteorology--produced since 1842, are to be

found under Palmieri's name in the "Universal Catalogue of Scientific

Papers of the Royal Society," and of these nine refer to Vesuvius, the

earliest being entitled "Primi Studii Meteorologici fatti sul R.

Osservatorio Vesuviano," published in 1853. He was also author, in

conjunction with Professor A. Scacchi, of an elaborate report upon the

Volcanic Region of Monte Vulture, and on the Earthquake (commonly called

of Melfi) of 1851. These, however, by no means exhaust the stock of

Palmieri's labours.

The following Memoir of Signor Palmieri on the eruption of Vesuvius in

April of this year (1872), brief as it is, embraces two distinct

subjects, viz., his narrative as an eye-witness of the actual events of

the eruption as they occurred upon the cone and slopes of the mountain,

and his observations as to pulses emanating from its interior, as

indicated by his Seismograph, and as to the electric conditions of the

overhanging cloud of smoke (so called) and ashes, as indicated by his

bifilar electrometer, both established at the Observatory. The two last

have but an indirect bearing upon Vulcanology. The narrative of the

events of the eruption is characterised by exactness of observation and

a sobriety of language--so widely different from the exaggerated style

of sensational writing that is found in almost all such accounts--that I

do the author no more than justice in thus expressing my view of its

merits.

Nor should a special narration, such as this, become less important or

suffer even in popular estimation by the fact that so recently my

friend, Professor J. Phillips, has given to the world the best general

account of Vesuvius, in its historical and some of its scientific

aspects, which has yet appeared. That monograph--with its sparkling

style, and scholarly digressions, as well as for its more direct

merits--will, no doubt, become the manual for many a future visitor to

the volcanic region of Naples; but it, like the following Memoir of

Palmieri, and in common with almost every work that has appeared on the

subject of Volcanoes, contains a good deal which, however interesting,

and remotely related to Vulcanology, does not properly belong to the

body of that branch of cosmical science, as I understand its nature and

limits.

It tends but little, for example, to clear our views, or enlarge our

knowledge of the vast mechanism in which the Volcano originates, and

that by which its visible mass is formed, that we should ascertain the

electric condition of the atmosphere above its eruptive cone, or into

what crystallographic classes the mineral species found about it may be

divided: it will help us but little to know Pliny's notions of how

Pompeii was overwhelmed, or to re-engrave pictures, assumed to give the

exact shape of the Vesuvian or other cone at different periods, or its

precise altitude, which are ever varying, above the sea. Even much more

time and labour may be spent upon analysing the vapours and gases of

fumaroles and salfatares than the results can now justify.

Nothing, perhaps, tends more to the effective progress of any branch of

observational and inductive science, than that we should endeavour to

discern clearly the scope and boundary of our subject.

To do so is but to accord with Bacon's maxim, "_Prudens questio dimidium

scientiæ_." That once shaped, the roads or methods of approach become

clearer; and every foothold attained upon these direct paths enables us

to look back upon such collateral or subordinate questions as at first

perplexed us, and find them so illuminated that they are already

probably solved, and, by solution, again prove to us that we _are_ in

the right paths.

I believe, therefore, that I shall not do disservice to the grand

portion of cosmical physics to which volcanic phenomena belong, by

devoting the few pages accorded to me for this Introduction to sketching

what seems to me to be the present position of terrestrial

_Vulcanicity_, and tracing the outlines and relations of the two

branches of scientific investigation--_Vulcanology_ and _Seismology_--by

which its true nature and part in the Cosmos are chiefly to be

ascertained.

The general term, _Vulcanicity_, properly comprehends all that we see or

know of actions taking place upon and modifying the surface of our

globe, which are referable not to forces of origin above the surface,

and acting superficially, but to causes that have been or are in

operation beneath it. It embraces all that Humboldt has somewhat vaguely

called "the reactions of the interior of a planet upon its exterior."

These reactions show themselves principally and mainly in the marking

out and configuration of the great continents and ocean beds, in the

forcing up of mountain chains, and in the varied phenomena consequent

thereon, as seen in more or less adjacent formations.

These constitute the mechanism which has moulded and fashioned the

surface of our globe from the period when it first became superficially

solid, and prepared it as the theatre for the action of all those

superficial actions--such as those of tides, waves, rain, rivers, solar

heat, frost, vitality, vegetable and animal (passing by many others less

obvious)--which perpetually modify, alter or renew the surface of our

world, and maintain the existing regimen of the great machine, and of

its inhabitants. These last are the domain of Geology, properly so

called. No geological system can be well founded, or can completely

explain the working of the world's system as we now see it, that does

not start from Vulcanicity as thus defined; and this is equally true,

whether, as do most geologists, we include within the term Geology

everything we can know about our world as a whole, exclusive of what

Astronomy teaches as to it, dividing Geology in general into Physical

Geology--the boundaries of which are very indistinct--and

Stratigraphical Geology, whose limits are equally so.

It has been often said that Geology in this widest sense begins where

Astronomy or Cosmogony ends its information as to our globe, but this is

scarcely true.

Vulcanicity--or Geology, if we choose to make it comprehend that--must

commence its survey of our world as a nebula upon which, for unknown

ages, thermic, gravitant and chemical forces were operative, and to the

final play of which, the form, density and volume, as well as order of

deposition of the different elements in the order of their chemical

combination and deposition was due, when first our globe became a liquid

or partly liquid spheroid, and which have equally determined the

chemical nature of the materials of the outward rind of the earth that

now is, and with these some of the primary conditions that have fixed

the characters, nature and interdependence of the vegetables and animals

that inhabit it. Physical Astronomy and Physical Geology, through

Vulcanicity, thus overlap each other; the first does not end where the

second begins; and in every sure attempt to bring Geology to that

pinnacle which is the proper ideal of its completed design--namely, the

interpretation of our world's machine, as part of the universal Cosmos

(so far as that can ever become known to our limited observation and

intelligence)--we must carry with us astronomic considerations, we must

keep in view events anterior to the "_status consistentior_" of

Leibnitz, nor lose sight of the fact that the chain of causation is one

endless and unbroken; that forces first set moving, we know not when or

how, the dim remoteness of which imagination tries to sound in shadowy

thought, like those of the grand old Eastern poem, "When the morning

stars first sang together," are, however changed in form, operative

still. The light and fragile butterfly, whose glorious garb irradiates

the summer zephyr in which it floats, has had its power of flight--which

is its power to live--determined by results of that same chain of causes

that lifted from the depths the mountain on whose sunny side he floats,

that has determined the seasons and the colour of the flower whose

nectar he sucks, and that discharges or dissipates the storm above, that

may crush the insect and the blossom in which it basked. And thus, as

has been said, it was not all a myth, that in older days affirmed that

in some mysterious way the actions and the lives of men were linked to

the stars in their courses.

Whatever may have been the manifestations of Vulcanicity at former and

far remoter epochs of our planet, and to which I shall return, in the

existing state of regimen of and upon our globe it shows itself chiefly

in the phenomena of Volcanoes and of Earthquakes, which are the

subjects of Vulcanology and of Seismology respectively, and in principal

part, also, of this Introduction.

The phenomena of hot springs, geysers, etc., which might be included

under the title of Thermopægology, have certain relations to both, but

more immediately to Vulcanology.

Let us now glance at the history and progress of knowledge in these two

chief domains of Vulcanicity, preparatory to a sketch of its existing

stage as to both, and, by the way, attempt to extract a lesson as to the

methods by which such success as has attended our labours has been

achieved.

It will be most convenient to treat of Seismology first in order.

Aristotle--who devotes a larger space of his Fourth Book, [Greek: Peri

Kosmou], to Earthquakes--Seneca, Pliny, Strabo, in the so-called classic

days, and thence no end of writers down to about the end of the

seventeenth century--amongst whom Fromondi (1527) and Travagini (1679)

are, perhaps, the most important now--have filled volumes with records

of facts, or what they took to be such, of Earthquakes, as handed down

to or observed by themselves, and with plenty of hypotheses as to their

nature and origin, but sterile of much real knowledge.

Hooke's "Discourses of Earthquakes," read before the Royal Society about

1690, afford a curious example of how abuse of words once given by

authority clings as a hindrance to progress. He had formed no distinct

idea of what he meant by an Earthquake, and so confusedly mixes up all

elevations or depressions of a permanent character with "subversions,

conversions and transpositions of parts of the earth," however sudden or

transitory, under the name of Earthquakes.

A like confusion is far from uncommon amongst geological writers, even

at the present day, and examples might be quoted from very late writings

of even some of the great leaders of English Geology.

From the seventeenth to the middle of the eighteenth century one finds

floods of hypotheses from Flamsteed, Höttinger, Amontons, Stukeley,

Beccaria, Percival, Priestly, and a crowd of others, in which

electricity, then attracting so much attention, is often called upon to

supply causation for a something of which no clear idea had been formed.

Count Bylandt's singular work, published in 1835, though showing a

curious _partial_ insight in point of advancement, might be put back

into that preceding period.

In 1760 appeared the very remarkable Paper, in the fifty-first volume of

the "Philosophical Transactions," of the Rev. John Mitchell, of

Cambridge, in which he views an Earthquake as a sudden lifting up, by a

rapid evolution of steam or gas beneath, of a portion of the earth's

crust, and the lateral transfer of this gaseous bubble beneath the

earth's crust, bent to follow its shape and motion, or that of a wave of

liquid rock beneath, like a carpet shaken on air. Great as are certain

collateral merits of Mitchell's Paper, showing observation of various

sorts much in advance of his time, this notion of an Earthquake is such

as, had he applied to it even the imperfect knowledge of mechanics and

physics then possessed in a definite manner, he could scarcely have

failed to see its untenable nature. That the same notion, and in a far

more extravagant form, should have been reproduced in 1843 by Messrs.

Rogers, by whom the gigantic parallel anticlinals, flanks and valleys of

the whole Appalachian chain of mountains are taken for nothing more than

the indurated foldings and wrinkles of Mitchell's carpet, is one of the

most salient examples of the abuse of hypothesis untested by exact

science.

Neither Humboldt nor Darwin, great as were the opportunities of

observation enjoyed by both, can be supposed to have formed any definite

idea of _what_ an Earthquake is; and the latter, who had observed well

the effects of great sea-waves rolling in-shore after the shock, did not

establish any clear relation between the two.[A]

Hitherto no one appears to have formed any clear notion as to what an

Earthquake is--that is to say, any clear idea of what is the nature of

the movement constituting the shock, no matter what may be the nature or

origin of the movement itself. The first glimmering of such an idea, so

far as my reading has enabled me to ascertain, is due to the penetrating

genius of Dr. Thomas Young, who, in his "Lectures on Natural

Philosophy," published in 1807, casually suggests the probability that

earthquake motions are vibratory, and are analogous to those of

sound.[B] This was rendered somewhat more definite by Gay Lussac, who,

in an able paper "On the Chemical Theories of Volcanoes," in the

twenty-second volume of the "Annales de Chémie," in 1823, says: "En un

mot, les tremblements de terre ne sont que la propagation d'une

commotion à travers la masse de la terre, tellement indépendante des

cavités souterraines qu'elle s'entendrait, d'autant plus loin que la

terre serait plus homogène."

These suggestions of Young and of Gay Lussac, as may be seen, only refer

to the movement in the more or less solid crust of the earth. But two,

if not three, other great movements were long known to frequently

accompany earthquake shocks--the recession of the sea from the shore

just about the moment of shock--the terrible sounds or subterraneous

growlings which sometimes preceded, sometimes accompanied, and sometimes

followed the shock--and the great sea-wave which rolls in-shore more or

less long after it, remained still unknown as to their nature. They had

been recognised only as concomitant but unconnected phenomena--the more

inexplicable, because sometimes present, sometimes absent, and wholly

without any known mutual bearing or community of cause.

On the 9th February, 1846, I communicated to the Royal Irish Academy my

Paper, "On the Dynamics of Earthquakes," printed in Vol. XXI., Part I.,

of the Transactions of that Academy, and published the same year in

which it was my good fortune to have been able to colligate the observed

facts, and bringing them together under the light of the known laws of

production and propagation of vibratory waves in elastic, solid, liquid

and gaseous bodies, and of the production and propagation of liquid

waves of translation in water varying in depth, to prove that all the

phenomena of earthquake shocks could be accounted for by a single

impulse given at a single centre. The definition given by me in that

Paper is that an earthquake is "_The transit of a wave or waves of

elastic compression in any direction, from vertically upwards to

horizontally, in any azimuth, through the crust and surface of the

earth, from any centre of impulse or from more than one, and which may

be attended with sound and tidal waves dependent upon the impulse and

upon circumstances of position as to sea and land_."

Thus, for example, if the impulse (whatever may be its cause) be

delivered somewhere beneath the bed of the sea, all four classes of

earthquake waves may reach an observer on shore in succession. The

elastic wave of shock passing through the earth _generally_ reaches him

first: its velocity of propagation depending upon the specific

elasticity and the degree of continuity of the rocky or the incoherent

formations or materials through which it passes.

Under conditions pointed out by me, this elastic wave may cause an

aqueous wave, producing recession of the sea, just as it reaches the

margin of sea and land.

If the impulse be attended by fractures of the earth's crust, or other

sufficient causes for the impulse to be communicated to the air directly

or through the intervening sea, ordinary sound-waves will reach the

observer through the air, propagated at the rate of 1,140 feet per

second, or thereabouts; and may also reach him before or with or soon

after the shock itself, through the solid material of the earth; and

lastly, if the impulse be sufficient to disturb the sea-bottom above the

centre of impulse, or otherwise to generate an aqueous wave of

translation, that reaches the observer last, rolling in-shore as the

terrible "great sea-wave," which has ended so many of the great

earthquakes, its dimensions and its rate of propagation depending upon

the magnitude of the originating impulse and upon the variable depth of

the water. It is not my purpose, nor would it be possible within my

limits here, to give any complete account of the matter contained in

that Paper, which, in the words of the President of the Academy upon a

later occasion, "fixed upon an immutable basis the true theory of

Earthquakes."[C] I should state, however, that in it I proved the

fallacy of the notion of vorticose shocks, which had been held from the

days of Aristotle, and showed that the effects (such as the twisting on

their bases of the Calabrian Obelisks) which had been supposed due to

such, were but resolved motions, due to the transit rectilinearly of the

shock.

This removed one apparent stumbling block to the true theory.

Incidentally also it was shown that from the observed elements of the

movement of the elastic wave of shock at certain points--by suitable

instruments--the position and depth of the _focus_, or centre of

impulse, might be inferred.

In the same volume ("Transactions of the Royal I. Academy," XXI.) I gave

account, with a design to scale, for the first self-registering and

recording seismometer ever, to my knowledge, proposed. In some respects

in principle it resembles that of Professor Palmieri, of which he has

made such extended use at the Vesuvian Observatory, though it differs

much from the latter in detail. In June, 1847, Mr. Hopkins, of

Cambridge, read his Report, "On the Geological Theories of Elevation and

Earthquakes," to the British Association--requested by that body the

year before--and printed in its Reports for that year.

The chief features of this document are a digest of Mr. Hopkins's

previously published "Mathematical Papers" on the formations of

fissures, etc., by elevations and depressions, and those on the

thickness of the earth's crust, based on precession, etc., which he

discusses in some relations to volcanic action.

This extends to forty-one pages, the remaining eighteen pages of the

Report being devoted to "Vibratory Motions of the Earth's Crust produced

by Subterranean Forces--Earthquakes."

The latter consists mainly of a _résumé_ of the acknowledged laws, as

delivered principally by Poisson, of formation and propagation of

elastic waves and of liquid waves, by Webers, S. Russel and others--the

original matter in this Report is small--and as respects the latter

portion consists mainly in some problems for finding analytically the

position or depth of the centre of disturbance when certain elements of

the wave of shock are given, or have been supposed registered by

seismometric instruments, such as that described by myself, and above

referred to.[D] At the time my original Paper "On the Dynamics of

Earthquakes" was published, there was little or no _experimental_

knowledge as to the actual velocity of transit of waves--analogous to

those of sound, but of greater amplitude--through elastic solids. The

velocity as deduced from theory, the solid being assumed quite

_homogeneous_ and _continuous_, was very great, and might be taken for

some of the harder and denser rock formations at 11,000 or 12,000 feet

per second. That these enormous velocities of wave transit would be

something near those of actual earthquake shock seemed probable to me,

and was so accepted by Hopkins.

Thus, he says (Report, p. 88): "The velocity of the sea-wave, for any

probable depth of the sea, will be so small as compared with that of the

vibratory wave, that we may consider the time of the arrival of the

latter at the place of observation as coincident with that of the

departure of the sea-wave from the centre of divergence."

In my original Paper (Dynamic, &c.), I had suggested, as an important

object, to ascertain by actual experiment what might be the wave's

transit rate in various rocky and incoherent formations; and having

proposed this in my first "Report upon the Facts of Earthquake" to the

British Association, I was enabled by its liberality to commence those

experiments, in which I was ably assisted by my eldest son, then quite a

lad--Dr. Jno. William Mallet, now Professor of Chemistry at the

University of Virginia, U.S.; and to give account of the results, in my

second Report ("Report, British Association for 1851") to that body.

Those experiments were made by producing an impulse at one end of an

accurately measured base line, by the explosion of gunpowder in the

formation experimented upon, and noting the time the elastic wave

generated required to pass over that distance, upon a nearly level

surface. Special instruments were devised and employed, by which the

powder was fired and the time registered, by touching a lever which

completed certain galvanic contacts. The media or formations in which

these experiments were conducted were, damp sand--as likely to give the

minimum rate--and crystalline rock (granite), as likely to give the

maximum. The results were received, not with doubt, but with much

surprise, for it at once appeared that the actual velocity of transit

was vastly below what theory had indicated as derivable from the density

and modulus of elasticity of the material, taken as homogeneous, etc.

The actual velocities in feet per second found were:

In sand 824·915 feet per second.

In discontinuous and

much shattered granite 1,306·425 " "

In more solid granite 1,664·574 " "

This I at once attributed, and as it has since been proved correctly, to

the loss of _vis viva_, and consequently of speed, by the _discontinuity

of the materials_.

And some indication of the general truth of the fact was derivable from

comparing the rude previous approximations to the transit rate of some

great Earthquakes. In the case of that of Lisbon, estimated by Mitchell

at 1,760 feet per second. It was still desirable to extend similar

experiments to the harder classes of stratified and of contorted rocks.

This I was enabled to carry into effect, at the great Quarries at

Holyhead (whence the slate and quartz rocks have been obtained for the

construction of the Asylum Harbour there), taking advantage of the

impulses generated at that period by the great mines of powder exploded

in these rocks.

The results have been published in the "Philosophical Transactions for

1861 and 1862 (Appendix)." They show that the mean lowest rate of wave

transit in those rocks, through measured ranges of from 5,038 to 6,582

feet, was 1,089 feet per second; and the mean highest, 1,352 feet per

second; and the general mean 1,320 feet per second.

By a separate train of experiments on the compressibility of solid cubes

of these rocks, I obtained the mean modulus of elasticity of the

material when perfectly continuous and unshattered, with this

remarkable result--that in these rocks, as they exist at Holyhead,

_nearly seven-eighths of the full velocity of wave transmission due to

the material, if solid and continuous, is lost by reason of the

heterogeneity and discontinuity_ of the rocky masses as they are found

piled together in Nature.

I also proved that the wave-transit period of the unshattered material

of these rocks was greatest in a direction _transverse_ to the bedding,

and least in line parallel with that; but the effect of this in the

rocky mass itself may be _more_ than counterbalanced by the

discontinuity and imperfect contact of the adjacent beds.

These results indicate, therefore, that the superficial rate of

translation of the solitary sea-wave of earthquakes may, when over very

deep water, equal or even exceed the transit rate (in some cases) of the

elastic wave of shock itself.

These results have since received general confirmation by the careful

determinations of the transit rates of actual earthquake waves, in the

rocks of the Rhine Country and in Hungary, by Nöggerath and Schmidt

respectively, and by those made since by myself in those of Southern

Italy, to which I shall again refer. In an elastic wave propagated from

a centre of impulse in an infinitely extended volume of a perfect gas,

normal vibrations are alone propagated--as is the case with sound in

air.

In the case of like movements propagated in elastic and perfectly

homogeneous and isotropic solids, the wave possesses both normal and

transversal vibrations, and is, in so far, analogous to the case of

light. Mr. Hopkins, in his Report above referred to, has based certain

speculations upon the assumed necessary co-existence of both orders of

vibration in actual earthquake shocks in the materials of which our

earthy crust is actually composed.

The existence of transversal vibration in those materials has not been

yet proved experimentally, though there is sufficient ground to preclude

our denying their probable existence.

That if they do exist they play but a very subordinate part in the

observable phenomena of actual Earthquake is highly probable. This is

the view, supported not only by observations of the effects of such

shocks in Nature, but by the theoretic consideration of the effects of

discontinuity of formations in planes or beds more or less transverse to

the wave path (or line joining the centre of impulse with the mean

centre of wave disturbance at any point of its transit). If we suppose,

for illustration sake, such an elastic wave transmitted perpendicularly

through a mass of glass plates, each indefinitely thin, and all in

absolute contact with each other, but without adhesion or friction, more

or less of the transversal vibration of the wave would be cut off and

lost at each transit from plate to plate, as the elastic compression

can, by the conditions, be transmitted only normally or by direct push

perpendicularly from plate to plate. This must take place in Nature, and

to a very great extent, and the consideration, with others, enabled me

generally to apply the normal wave motion of shock alone to my

investigation as to the depth of the centre of impulse of the great

Neapolitan Earthquake of 1857, an account of which was published in

1862, and to be presently further referred to.

Hitherto the multitudinous facts, or supposed facts, recorded in

numberless accounts of Earthquakes had remained almost wholly

unclassified, and so far as they had been discussed--in a very partial

manner, as incidental portions of geological treatises--with little

attempt to sift the fabulous from the real, or to connect the phenomena

admitted by reference to any general mechanical or physical causes. In

1850 my first "Report upon the Facts of Earthquakes," called for by the

British Association in 1847, was read and published in the Reports of

that body for that year. In this, for the first time, the many recorded

phenomena of Earthquakes are classified, and the important division of

the phenomena into primary and secondary effects of the shock was

established. Several facts or phenomena, previously held as marvellous

or inexplicable, were either, on sufficient grounds, rejected, or were,

for the first time, shown susceptible of explanation. Amongst the more

noticeable results were the pointing out that fissures and fractures of

rock or of incoherent formations were but secondary effects, and, in the

latter, were, in fact, generally of the nature of inceptive landslips.

This last was not accepted, I believe, by geologists at the time; but

the correctness of the views then propounded as to earth fissures--the

nature of the spouting from them of water or mud--the appearances taken

for smoke issuing from them, etc.--have since been fully confirmed,

first, by my own observations upon the effects of the Great Neapolitan

Earthquake of 1857, and more lately by those of Dr. Oldham upon the

Earthquake of Cachar (India), where he was enabled to observe fissures

of immense magnitude, the nature of the production of which he has well

described and explained in the "Proceedings, Geological Society, London,

1872."

The relations between meteorological phenomena proper and Earthquakes

have always been a subject of popular belief and superstition.

This was here carefully discussed, and with the result of disproving any

connection, or, if any, but of an indirect nature. I also, to some

extent, towards the end of this Report, discussed the question of the

possible nature of the _impulse itself_ which originates the shock; I

showed that it must be of the nature of a blow, and ventured to offer

_conjecturally_ five possible causes of the impulse:

1. Sudden fractures of rock, resulting from the steady and slow

increase of elevatory pressure.

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