slaves at the Canary Islands, as we seek them at present on the Coast of
Guinea. Every individual made prisoner before he received the rite of
baptism was a slave. At this period no attempt had yet been made to
prove that the blacks were an intermediary race between men and animals.
The swarthy Guanche and the African negro were sold simultaneously in
the market of Seville, without a question whether slavery ought to weigh
only on men with a black skin and frizzled hair. The archipelago of the
Canaries was divided into several small states hostile to each other.
The trading nations kept up intestine warfare; one Guanche then became
the property of another, who sold him to the Europeans; several, who
preferred death to slavery, killed themselves and their children. What
remained of the Guanches perished mostly in 1494, in the terrible
pestilence called the _modorra_, which was attributed to the quantity of
dead bodies left exposed to the air by the Spaniards after the battle of
La Laguna. The nation of the Guanches was therefore extinct at the
beginning of the seventeenth century. It is very certain that no native
of pure race exists in the whole island; and some travelers, who may
otherwise be relied upon, are mistaken when they assert that their
guides to the Peak were some of those slender and nimble-footed
Guanches. (It is asserted that they could seize the rabbit or wild goat
in its course.) It is true that a few Canarian families boast of their
relationship to the last shepherd king of Guimar; but these pretensions
do not rest on very solid foundations, and are renewed from time to
time, when some Canarian of a more dusky hue than his countrymen is
prompted to solicit a commission in the service of the King of Spain.
"The Guanches, famed for their tall stature, were the Patagonians of the
Old World. I never saw Guanche mummies but in the cabinets of Europe. A
considerable number, however, might be found, if miners were employed to
open the sepulchral caverns which are cut in the rock on the eastern
slope of the Peak. These mummies are in a state of desiccation so
singular, that whole bodies with their integuments, frequently do not
weigh above six or seven pounds, or a third less than the skeleton of an
individual of the same size recently stripped of the muscular flesh. The
conformation of the skull has some slight resemblance to that of the
white race of the ancient Egyptians.... The only monument that can throw
some light on the origin of the Guanches is their language; but,
unhappily, there are not above 150 words remaining. It has long been
imagined that the language of the Guanches had no analogy with the
living tongues; but since the travels of Hornemann, and the ingenious
researches of Marsden and Venturi, have drawn the attention of the
learned to the Berbers, who, like the Sarmatic tribes, occupy an immense
extent of country in the north of Africa, we find that several Guanche
words have common roots with words of the Chilha and Gebali dialects.
This is at least an indication of the ancient connection between the
Guanches and Berbers, a tribe of mountaineers, in which the Numidians,
the Getuli, and the Garamanti are confounded, and who extend themselves
from the eastern extremity of Atlas by Harutsch and Fezzan, as far as
the Oasis of Siwah and Angela. The description which Scylax gives in his
'Periplus' of the inhabitants of Cerne, a shepherd people of a tall
stature and long hair, reminds us of the features which characterize the
Canary Guanches.... The people who succeeded the Guanches descended from
the Spaniards, and in a less degree from the Normans. Though these two
races have been exposed during three centuries past to the same climate,
the latter is distinguished by a whiter skin. The descendants of the
Normans inhabit the Valley of the Teganana. The names of Grandville and
Dampierre are still pretty common in this district. The whole
archipelago does not contain 160,000 inhabitants, and the Islennos are
perhaps more numerous in the Spanish settlements of America than in
their own country."--Humboldt's _Personal Narrative_, vol. i., p. 280.
No. IX.
"Pomponius Mela, qui vivoit a une epoque assez rapprochee du temps de
Cornelius Nepos, raconte, et Pline repete que Metellus Celer, tandis
qu'il etoit proconsul dans les Gaules, avoit recu en cadeau, d'un roi
des Boii (Pline le nomme roi des Sueves) quelques Indiens qui, chasses
des mers de l'Inde par des tempetes, avoient aborde sur les cotes de la
Germanie...... Il ne peut rester aucun doute que Pomponius Mela n'ait
cru que les Indiens etoient arrives sur les cotes nord-est de
l'Allemagne par la circumnavigation de l'Asie orientale et boreale. Il
dit, 'Vi tempestatum ex Indieis aequoribus abrepti.'..... Comme il est
reconnu que malgre le grand perfectionnement de la navigation moderne,
l'accumulation des glaces s'oppose a toute navigation par le detroit de
Behring le long des iles de la Nouvelle Zemble on a souleve la question
de savoir de quelle race peuvent avoir ete les hommes de couleur que le
proconsul Metellus Celer a pris pour des Indiens. Gomara dit que, 'Les
Indiens de Quintus Metellus Celer etoient peut-etre de la Terre du
Laboureur, et l'on se trompe (sur leur vraie origine) a cause de leur
couleur.'...... Il paraissoit peu probable que des Eskimaux fussent
venus aux cotes d'Allemagne; et tandis que Vossius, le savant
commentateur de Mela, ne voyait dans les Indiens de Cornelius Nepos que
des Bretons, dont le corps etoit farde de pastel, d'autres commentateurs
adoptant l'explication de Gomara et de Wytfleet, substituoient au
Suevorum Rex, un prince Scandinave qui avoit recueille des naufrages sur
les cotes de Norwege. L'analogie du fait non conteste de l'arrivee
d'Eskimaux aux iles Orcades, semble jeter une vive lumiere sur le fait
que nous examinons ici; et quand on considere les nombreux exemples
d'individus tombes entre les mains des barbares et traines comme captifs
de nation a nation loin du lieu du naufrage, on trouve moins surprenant
que des etrangers aient ete conduits dans les Gaules, en passant des
iles Britanniques en Batavie et on Germanie: mais ce qui est bien
etrange, c'est que dans des evenemens semblables et egalement
enigmatiques, du moyen-age, il ne soit toujours questions que de cotes
Germaniques. Ces evenemens sont rapportes aux regnes des Othons et de
Frederic Barberousse; ils sont, par consequent, du dixieme et du
douzieme siecle. 'Nos apud Othonem legimus,' dit le pape AEneas Sylvius,
'sub imperatoribus teutonicis indicam navem et negotiatores Indos in
_Germanico littore_ fuisse deprehensos.' Et dans Gomara, on lit, 'On
assure aussi que, du temps de l'empereur Frederic Barberousse on amena a
Lubec certains Indiens dans un canot.' Sir Humphrey Gilbert apres avoir
discuti prolixement en trois chapitres le passage de Cornelius Nepos,
ajoute 'L'an 1160, quelques Indiens arriverent, sous le regne de
Frederic Barberousse, _upon the coast of Germanie_.' J'ai perdu beaucoup
de temps dans de vaines recherches sur la premiere source de ces faits
curieux. D'ou Gomara, historien generalement tres exact, a-t-il su que,
'Les Indiens ont ete amenes a Lubec?' Comment les continuateurs des
Annales d'Othon de Freising, et le Franciscain Ditmar, auteur de
l'excellente Chronique de Lubec, n'ont ils rien sur de ces pretendus
Indiens?... a la maison ou se reunit la corporation des marins de Lubec
on conserve un canot groenlandois dans lequel se trouve une figure
d'Eskimau en bois. Le canot a ete repare plusieurs fois; la premiere
inscription ne porte que l'annee 1607; mais d'apres une tradition tres
vague, un navire de Lubec doit avoir capture ce pecheur Eskimau, il y a
trois cent ans, dans les mers de l'ouest. On agrandit la pensee, en
renaissant, sous un pointe de vue general, les preuves de ces
communications lointaines, favorisees par le hazard; on voit comment les
mouvemens de l'ocean et de l'atmosphere ont pu, des les epoques les plus
reculees, contribuer a repandre les differentes races d'hommes sur la
surface du globe; on comprend avec Colomb (sida del Almirante, cap.
viii.) comme un continent a pu ses reveler a l'autre."--Humboldt's
_Examen Critique du Geographie du Nouveau Continent_, vol. ii., p. 278.
No. X.
Herodotus relates that a Phoenician fleet, fitted out by Necho, king of
Egypt, took its departure about six hundred and four years before the
Christian era, from a port in the Red Sea, doubled the southern
promontory of Africa, and, after a voyage of three years, returned by
the Straits of Gades to the mouth of the Nile. Eudoxus of Cyzicus is
said to have held the same course, and to have accomplished the same
arduous undertaking.--Herod., lib. iv., cap. xlii.; Plin., _Nat. Hist._,
lib. ii., cap. lxvii.
These voyages, if performed in the manner narrated, may justly be
reckoned the greatest efforts of navigation in the ancient world; and if
we attend to the imperfect state of the art at that time, it is
difficult to determine whether we should most admire the courage and
sagacity with which the design was formed, or the conduct and good
fortune with which it was executed. But, unfortunately, all the original
and authentic accounts of the Phoenician and Carthaginian voyages,
whether undertaken by public authority or in prosecution of their
private, have perished. Whatever acquaintance with the remote regions of
the earth the Carthaginians or Phoenicians may have acquired, was
concealed from the rest of mankind with a mercantile jealousy. Every
thing relating to the course of their navigation was not only a mystery
of trade, but a secret of state. Extraordinary facts are recorded
concerning their solicitude to prevent other nations from penetrating
into what they wished should remain undivulged (_Strab., Geogr._, lib.
iii., p. 265; lib. xviii., p. 1154). Many of their discoveries seem
accordingly to have been scarcely known beyond the precincts of their
own states. The navigation round Africa, in particular, is recorded by
the Greek and Roman writers rather as a strange, amusing tale, which
they either did not comprehend or did not believe, than as a real
transaction which enlarged their knowledge and influenced their
opinion. As neither the progress of the Phoenician and Carthaginian
discoveries, nor the extent of their navigation, were communicated to
the rest of mankind, all memorials of their extraordinary skill in naval
affairs seem, in a great measure, to have perished when the maritime
power of the former was annihilated by Alexander's conquest of Tyre, and
the empire of the latter was overturned by the Roman arms. The Periplus
Hannonis is the only authentic monument of the Carthaginian skill in
naval affairs, and one of the most curious fragments transmitted to us
by antiquity. Montesquieu and De Bougainville have established its
authenticity by arguments that appear to me unanswerable. Hanno sailed
from Gades to the island of Cerne in twelve days. This is probably what
is known to the moderns by the name of the island of Arguim. His
furthest advance was to a promontory, which he named the South Horn,
manifestly Cape de Tres Puntas, about five degrees north of the
line.--Robertson's _America_, vol. i., p. 9-250.
No. XI.
The importance of this discovery, and of the European settlements
consequent upon it, is chiefly interesting with regard to the
intellectual and moral effects produced by the sudden increase in the
stock of ideas upon the improvement and the social condition of mankind.
Since that grand era, a new and active state of the intellect and
feelings, bold wishes and hopes scarcely to be restrained, have
gradually penetrated into the whole of civil society; the scanty
population of a hemisphere, especially the coasts opposite Europe,
favored the settlement of colonies, which, in rendering themselves
extensive and independent in position, have overturned unlimited states
by their choice of a free form of government; and, lastly, the
Reformation, a forerunner of vast political revolutions, had to pass
through different phases of its development in one country which had
become the place of refuge for all religious opinions, and for the most
varied ideas of divinity. The boldness of the Genoese mariner is the
first link in the immeasurable chain of these pregnant events.... We
might be induced to suppose that the value of these great discoveries,
and of the double victory in the physical and intellectual world, was
first acknowledged in our times, since the history of the civilization
of the human race has been treated in a philosophical way. Such a
supposition is refuted by Columbus's cotemporaries. The most talented of
them anticipated the influence which the events of the latter years of
the fifteenth century would exercise upon mankind. "Each day," says
Peter Martyr, in his letters of the years 1493 and 1494, "bring us new
wonders from a new world, from the Western antipodes, which a certain
Genoese traveler has discovered.... Our friend Pomponius Laetus could
scarcely restrain his tears of joy when I communicated to him the first
accounts of so unexpected an event.... What aliment more delicious than
such tidings can be set before an ingenious mind.... It is like an
accession of wealth to a miser. Our minds, soiled with vices, become
meliorated by contemplating such glorious events."
"Sebastian Cabot mentioned that he was in London when news was brought
there of the discovery, and that it caused great talk and admiration in
the court of Henry VII., being affirmed to be a thing more divine than
human."--Hakluyt, p. 7.
"The mind of men became sharpened in order to comprehend the boundless
store of new phenomena, to work them out, and by comparison to employ
them for the attainment of general and higher views of the creation. If
we carefully examine the original works of the earliest historians of
the _Conquista_, we are astonished at finding, in a Spanish author of
the sixteenth century, the germs of so many important physical truths.
Upon the occasion of the discovery of a continent, which appeared to be
separated from all the other regions of the creation, in the distant
solitude of the ocean, a great number of the same questions with which
we are employed at the present day occurred to the excited curiosity of
the travelers, and to those who were collected together by their
narratives; these questions were, Of the unity of the human race, and
the derivation of its varieties from a common original form; of the
migration of nations, and the affinities of language; of the possibility
of varieties in the species of plants and animals; of the causes of the
trade winds, and of the constant currents in the ocean; of the regular
decrease of temperature at the declivities of the Cordilleras, and in
the various strata of water at different depths of the ocean; and of the
respective effects of chains of volcanic mountains, and their influence
upon the frequency of earthquakes, and the extension of the range of the
volcanic forces. The foundation of what is at the present day called
physical geography is, exclusive of mathematical considerations, found
in the works of the Jesuit, Joseph Acosta, and in the work of Oviedo,
which appeared scarcely twenty years after the death of Columbus. In no
other period of time since the existence of man in a social condition
has the range of ideas in respect to the external world, and the
relations of different places, been so suddenly and so wonderfully
extended, or the necessity of observing natural phenomena in different
latitudes and at different elevations above the level of the sea, or of
multiplying the means of examining them, so deeply felt."--Humboldt's
_Cosmos_, vol. ii., p. 295-337.
No. XII.
More than ten places have disputed the glory of having given birth to
Columbus: Genoa, Cogoleto (Cucchereto, Cugureo, Cogoreo, Cucurco
d'Herrera, et Cugurco de Puffendorf), Bugiasco, Finale, Quinto et Nervi,
dans la Riviera di Genova, Savone, Palestrella, et Arbizoli, Cosseria,
la vallee d'Oneglia, Castello di Cuccaro, la ville de Plaisance, et
Pradello. "Le nombre de ces lieux s'est accru progressivement avec
l'illustration du heros, car ses contemporains, Pierre Martyr, le cura
de los Palacios, Geraldine, Pietro Coppo da Isola, l'eveque Giustiniani,
le chancelier Antonio Gallo et Senerega l'ont unanimement appelle
Genois.... Un voyageur moderne, dit en parlant de Cogoleto: Ce lieu n'a
pas renonce a l'honneur d'avoir vu naitre Colomb, malgre la multitude de
recherches et de dissertations d'apres lesquelles le grand homme paroit
tout simplement Genois. On pretend meme a Cogoleto indiquer sa maison,
espece de cabanne, sur le bord de la mer, que je trouvai assex
convenablement occupee par un gardecote, et sur laquelle on lit, a la
suite d'autres inscriptions pitoyables, ce beau vers _improvise_ par M.
Gagliuffi.
"Unus erat Mundus; Duo sint, nit iste: fuere."
_Voyages Hist. et Litter. en Italie de M. Valery_, tom. v., p. 73.
No. XIII.
"Christophe Colomb, Cortez et Raleigh ont eprouve que le genie ne regne
que sur l'avenir et que son pouvoir est tardive. Ils ont pendant
quelques tems, excite au plus haut degre l'admiration de leurs
contemporains; mais la bienveillance publique a abandonne leur
viellesse, on ne s'est souvenu d'eux que pour les affliger dans leur
isolement.[216] Le siecle qui les a vus naitre n'a pas compris ce que
leur action successive a produit et prepare de changements dans l'etat
des peuples de l'occident. L'influence que ces peuples exercent sur tous
les points du globe ou leur presence se fait sentir simultanement, la
preponderance universelle qui en est la suite, ne datent que de la
decouverte de l'Amerique et du voyage de Gama. Les evenemens qui
appartiennent a un petit group de six annees (1492-1498) ont determine
pour ainsi dire le partage du pouvoir sur la terre. Des-lors le pouvoir
de l'intelligence, geographiquement limite, restreint dans des bornes
etroites a pu prendre un libre essor; il a trouve un moyen rapide
d'etendre, d'entretenir, de perpetuer son action. Les migrations des
peuples, les expeditions guerrieres dans l'interieur d'un continent, les
communications par caravanes sur des routes invariablement suivies
depuis des siecles, n'ont produit que des effets partiels et
generalement moins durables. Les expeditions les plus lontaines ont ete
devastatrice, et l'impulsion a ete donnee par ceux qui n'avoient rien a
ajouter aux tresors de l'intelligence deja accumules. Au contraire, les
evenemens de la fin du quinzieme siecle, qui ne sont separes que par un
intervalle de six ans, ont ete longuement prepares dans le moyen-age,
qui a son tour avoit ete feconde par les idees des siecles anterieures,
excite par les dogmes et les reveries de la geographie systematique des
Hellenes. C'est seulement depuis l'epoque que nous venons de signaler
que l'unite homerique de l'ocean s'est fait sentir tous son heureuse
influence sur la civilisation du genre humain. L'element mobile qui
baigne toutes les cotes en est devenu le lien moral et politique, et les
peuples de l'occident, dont l'intelligence active a cree ce lien et qui
ont compris son importance, se sont eleves a une universalite d'action
qui determine la preponderance du pouvoir sur le globe."--Humboldt's
_Geographie du Nouveau Continent_, vol. iv., p. 23.
[Footnote 216: _Ces Nouvelles Indes_ que Colomb nomma sa propriete (cosa
que era suya) etoient inabordables pour celui qui les avoient refusees a
la France, a l'Angleterre et au Portugal. Les lettres que l'amiral
adresse a sa famille et ses amis depuis l'annee 1502, ne respirent que
la douleur.
The following is an extract from one of Columbus's mournful appeals to
Ferdinand and Isabella:
"Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service through which I have
passed with so much toil and danger have profited me nothing, and at
this very day I do not possess a roof in Spain that I can call my own:
if I wish to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to the inn or
tavern, and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill.... I was
twenty-eight years old when I came into your highnesses' service, and
now I have not a hair upon me that is not gray; my body is infirm, and
all that was left to me, as well as to my brothers, has been taken away
and sold, even to the frock that I wore, to my great dishonor.... The
honest devotedness I have always shown to your majesties' service, and
the so unmerited outrage with which it has been repaid, will not allow
my soul to keep silence, however much I may wish it. I implore your
highnesses to forgive my complaints. I am, indeed, in as ruined a
condition as I have related. Hitherto I have wept over others: may
Heaven now have mercy upon me, and may the earth weep for me. Weep for
me, whoever has charity, truth, and justice!"--_Select Letters of
Columbus_, published by the Hakluyt Society.]
No. XIV.
"Per necessita d'acque mandammo il battello a terra con venticinque
huomini: dove per le grandissime e frequente onde che gettava il mare al
lito per esser la spiaggia aperta, non fu possibile che alcuno potesse
smontare in terra senza pericolo di perder il battello: vedemmo quivi
molte genti che venivano al lito, facendo varij segni d'amicizia e
dimostrando contentezza che andassimo a terra, e per pruova li
conoscemmo molto umani e cortesi come per il successo caso V.M.
intendera. Per mandarli delle cose nostre, e da Indiani communimente
molto desiderate, e apprezzate come sono fogli di charta, specchi,
sonagli e altri simile cose, mandammo a terra un giovane de nostri
marinari, quale ponendosi a nuoto, nell' approssimarsi (ritrovandosi in
acqua da tre, o quattro braccia di terra lontano) di lor non
confidandosi gliele getto nel lito, poi nel voler ritornar a dietro,
dall onde con tanta furea fu traportato alla riva, che vi si trovo di
modo straccho, e sbattuto, che vi resto quasi morto. Il che veduto da
gli Indiani corsero a pigliarlo, e tiratolo fuora lo portarono alquanto
dal mare lontano. Risentito il giovane e vedendosi da lor portato, alla
disgrazia prima vi s'aggiunse il spavento, per il quale metteva
grandissimi gridi, e il simile facevano gl' Indiani che
l'accompagnavano, nel volerlo assicurare e li davano cuore di non
temere: di poi avendolo posto in terra al pie d'un picciolo colle in
faccia del sole, con atti d'admirazione lo riguardavano, maravigliandosi
della bianchezza della sua carne, e ignudo spogliatolo lo fecero ad un
grandissimo fuoco restaurare, non senza timore di noi altri, che eramo
nel battello restati, che a quel fuoco arrostendolo, lo volessero
divorare. Riavute le forze il giovane, e con loro avendo alquanto
dimorato, con segni li dimostro voler alla nave far ritorno: da quali
con grandissimo amore, tenendolo sempre stretto, con varij
abbracciamenti, fu accompagnato sino al mare, e per piu assicurarlo,
allargandosi andarono sopra un colle eminente, e quivi fermatislo
stellero a riguardare sino che nel battello fu entrato."--_Verazzano in
Ramusio_, tom, iii., p. 420.
No. XV.
"Commission de Francois I. a Jacques Quartier, pour l'etablissement du
Canada, du 17e Octobre, 1540.[217]
"Francois, par la grace de Dieu, Roi de France: a tous ceux que ces
presentes lettres verront, salut. Comme pour le desir d'entendre et
avoir connoissance de plusieurs pays qu'on dit inhabites, et autres etre
possedes par gens sauvages, vivant sans connoissance de Dieu et sans
usage de raison, eussions des pie-ca, a grands frais et mises envoye
decouvrir les dits pays par plusieurs bons pilotes, et autres nos sujets
de bons entendement, savoir et experience, qui d'iceux pays nous avoient
amene divers hommes que nous avons par long-tems tenus en notre royaume,
les faisant instruire en l'amour et crainte de Dieu et de sa sainte loix
et doctrine Chretienne en intention de les faire ramener es dits pays en
compagnie de bon nombre de nos sujets de bonne volonte, afin de plus
facilement induire les autres peuples d'iceux pays a croire en notre
sainte foi; et entr'autres y eussions envoye notre cher et bien aime
Jacques Quartier, lequel auroit decouvert grands pays des terres de
Canada et Hochelaga faissant un bout de l'Asie du cote de l'Occident;
lesquels pays il trouve (comme il nous a rapporte), garnis de plusieurs
bonnes commodites, et les peuples d'iceux bien fournis de corps et de
membres; et bien dispose d'esprit et d'entendement; desquels il nous a
semblablement amene aucun nombre, que nous avons par long-tems fait voir
et instruire en notre dite sainte foi avec nos dits sujets: en
consideration de quoi, et de leur bonne inclination, nous avons avise et
delibere de renvoyer le dit Quartier es dits pays de Canada et
Hochelaga, et jusques en la terre de Saguenai (s'il peut y aborder) avec
bonne nombre de navires, et de toutes qualites, arts et industrie pour
plus avant entrer es dits pays, converser avec les peuples d'iceux, et
avec eux habiter (si besoin est) afin de mieux parvenir a notre dite
intention et a faire chose agreable a Dieu notre Createur et Redempteur,
et que soit a l'augmentation de son saint et sacre nom, et de Notre Mere
Sainte Eglise Catholique, de laquelle nous sommes dits et nommes premier
fils; par quoi soit besoin pour meilleur ordre et expedition de la dite
entreprise, deputer et etablir un Capitaine General et Maitre pilote des
dits navires, qui ait regard a la conduite d'iceux, et sur les gens,
officiers et soldats y ordonnes et etablis; savoir faisons, que nous a
plein confians de la personne du dit Jacques Quartier et de ses sens,
suffisance, loyaute, prud'hommie hardiesse, grande diligence et bonne
experience, icelui pour ces causes et autres a ce nous, mouvans, avons
faits constitue et ordonne, faisons, constituons, ordonnons et
etablissons par ces presentes, Capitaine Generale et Maitre pilote de
tous les navires et autres vaisseaux de mer, par nous ordonnes etre
menes pour la dite entreprise et expedition, pour le dit etat et charge
de Capitaine Generale et Maitre Pilote d'iceux navires et vaisseaux,
avoir tenir, et exercer par le dit Jacques Quartier aux honneurs,
prerogatives, pre-eminences, franchises, libertes, gages et bienfaits
tels que par nous lui seront pour ce ordonnes, tant qu'il nous plaira.
Et lui avons donne, et donnons puissance et autorite de mettre, etablir,
et instituer aux dits navires tels lieutenants, patrons, pilotes et
autres ministres necessaires pour le fait et conduite d'iceux, en tel
nombre qu'il verra et connoitra etre besoin et necessaire pour le bien
de la dite expedition. Si donnons en mandement par ces dites presentes,
a notre Admiral au Vice Admiral que prins et recue du dit Jacques
Quartier le serment pour ce on est accoutume, icelui mettent et
instituent on fassent mettre et instituer de par nous en possession et
saisine du dit etat de Capitaine Generale et Maitre Pilote; et d'icelui,
ensemble des honneurs, prerogatives, pre-eminences, franchises,
libertes, gages et bienfaits, tels que par nous lui seront pour ce
ordonnes, le fassent, souffrent et laissent, jour et user pleinement et
paisiblement et a lui obeir et entendre de tous ceux, et ainsi qu'il
appartiendra es choses touchant et concernant le dit etat et charge: et
outre lui fasse, souffre et permette prendre le petit galion, appelle
l'Emerillon que de present il a de nous, lequel est ja vieil et caduc,
pour servir a l'adoub de ceux des navires qui en auront besoin, et
lequel nous voulons etre prins et applique par le dit Quartier pour
l'effet dessus dit, sans qu'il soit tenus en rendre aucun autre compte
et reliquat; et duquel compte et reliquat nous l'avons decharge et
dechargeons par icelles presentes: par lesquels nous mandons aussi a nos
Prevots de Paris; Bailliffs de Rouen, de Caen, d'Orleans, de Blois, et
de Tours; Senechaux du Maine, d'Anjou, et Guienne, et a tous nos autres
Bailliffs, Senechaux, Prevots, Alloues, et autres nos Justiciers et
officiers, tant de notre royaume que de notre pays de Bretagne uni a
icelui pardevers lesquels sont aucuns prisonniers, accuses, ou prevenus
d'aucuns crimes quels qu'ils soient, fors de crimes de leze-Majeste
divine et humaine envers nous, et de faux monnoyeurs qu'ils aient
incontinent a delivrer, rendre et bailler es mains du dit Quartier, ou
ces commis ou deputes partans ces presentes, on le duplicate d'icelles
pour notre service en la dite entreprise et expedition, ceux des dits
prisonniers qu'il connoitra etre propres, suffisans, et capables pour
servir en icelle expedition jusqu'au nombre de cinquante personnes, et
selon le choix que le dit Quartier en fera, iceux premierement juges et
condamnes selon leur demerites et la gravite de leurs mefaits, si juges
et condamnes ne sont; et satisfaction aussi prealablement ordonnee aux
parties civiles et interesses, si fait n'avoit ete: Pour laquelle
toutefois nous ne voulons la deliverance de leur personne es dites mains
du dit Quartier (s'il les trouve de service) etre retardee ne retenue;
mais se prendra la dite satisfaction sur leurs biens seulement: et
laquelle delivrance des dits prisonniers accuses ou prevenus, nous
voulons etre faite es dites mains du dit Quartier pour l'effet dessus
dits par nos dits justiciers et officiers respectivement, et par chacun
d'eux en leur regard, pouvoir et jurisdiction, nonobstant oppositions ou
appellations quelconque faites ou a faire, relevees, ou a relever, et
sans que par le moyen d'icelles, icelle delivrance en la maniere dessus
dite, soit aucunement differee; et afin que le plus grand nombre n'en
soit tire, outre les dits cinquante, nous voulons que la delivrance que
chacun de nos dits officiers en fera au dit Quartier soit ecrite et
certifiee en la marge de ses presentes, et que neanmoins registre en
soit par eux fait et envoyee incontinent pardevers notre ame et fial
Chancellier, pour connoitre le nombre et la qualite de ceux qui auront
ete baille et delivres: Car tel est notre plaisir. En temoin de ce, nous
avons fait mettre notre scel a ces dites presentes. Donne a Saint Pris
le dix septieme jour d'Octobre, l'an de grace, mil cinq cent quarante,
et de notre regne le vingt-septieme.
"Ainsi signe sur le repli, par le Roi, vous Monseigneur le Chancellier
et autres persons.
"DE LA CHESNAIE.
"Et scelle sur le repli a simple queue de cire jaune."
[Footnote 217: _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, par L'Escarbot, p. 397;
et _Memoires sur les l'ossessions en Amerique_, tom. iii., p. 280.]
No. XVI.
The following account of the romantic expedition of De Gourgues is
extracted from the "Picture of Quebec:"
"The French and Spaniards had been long at bitter enmity, and the wars
between them were carried on with all the exasperation of ancient
rivalry and mutual hatred. The encroachments of the former upon the
territories claimed by the Spaniards in Florida raised the liveliest
indignation in the minds of a people not less martial and chivalrous
than the French; and when we add that these encroachments had been
chiefly made by the Huguenots, a race held in sovereign detestation by
the Catholic Spaniard, and persecuted to a degree of intensity by Philip
II., the height of animosity to which they were excited can easily be
conceived. Nor were the French less susceptible of angry and vindictive
feelings, to which may be added the poignant stings of offended national
pride. They had never forgiven the captivity of their popular and
gallant prince, Francis I.; the memory of this supposed disgrace still
rankled in the population; nor was it even wholly eradicated until
adequate reparation was made to the national honor by the accession of a
French prince to the throne of Spain many years afterward.
Notwithstanding a short cessation of the warfare between these two
great powers, the passions we have attempted to describe remained in
full force.
"Laudonniere passed the winter of 1564 in the fort which he had built
near the mouth of St. Mary's River, and which he called _La Caroline_.
In August, 1565, having experienced the mutinous disposition of part of
his force, superadded to the horrors of famine, he was preparing to
abandon the enterprise and to return to France, when he was joined by
Ribaut with seasonable supplies. On the 4th of September, they were
surprised by the appearance in the road of six large vessels, which
proved to be a Spanish fleet, under the command of Don Pedro Menendez.
Hostilities were immediately commenced; and the French, having an
inferior force of four vessels, were obliged to put to sea, chased by
the Spaniard. The former, however, being the better sailors, after
distancing their opponents, returned to the coast, and relanded their
troops about eight leagues from the fort of La Caroline. Three of the
Spanish vessels kept the open sea, while the others lay in the road
watching an opportunity to attack the French fort. Ribaut, who was a
brave but obstinate man, persisted in his resolution to put to sea
again, for the purpose of meeting and fighting with the Spanish vessels.
The season was extremely tempestuous, and Laudonniere, having first
vainly endeavored to dissuade his colleague from the rash attempt,
fortified himself, and made every preparation to resist the attack which
he anticipated. At length, notwithstanding the very heavy and
long-continued rains, the Spaniards were descried by the French
sentinels advancing to the assault on the 29th of September. The
ramparts, maintained with spirit by a small force, were soon surmounted
and carried--the gallant defenders slain in the breaches. Laudonniere,
fighting his way bravely, was the last to leave the fort, and succeeded
in escaping to the woods, where he rallied a few of his straggling
countrymen, and whence he ultimately returned to France. The remainder,
with the fort, fell into the hands of the Spaniards. Nor did the
disasters of the French end here. The vessels commanded by Ribaut were
driven on shore by the storms then prevalent--many of the people
lost--the survivors and their commander became prisoners to the
Spaniards. The French were cruelly, and with bitter taunts, put to
death. Several were hung from neighboring trees with this insulting
legend: '_Ceux-ci n'ont pas ete traite de la sorte en qualite de
Francois, mais comme heretiques et ennemis de Dieu._'
"Ample chastisement was, however, about to be inflicted. Champlain, who
writes of this transaction with the blunt and honest indignation of a
soldier, in his own familiar and quaint style, observes, 'Ceux-ci furent
payes de la meme monnaye, qu'ils avoient payes les Francois' ('they were
repaid in the same coin with which they had paid the French').
"So Shakspeare truly says,
'In these cases,
We still have judgment here: that we but track
Bloody instructions, which, being taught, return
To plague the inventor. This even-handed justice
Commends the ingredients of our poison'd chalice
To our own lips.'
"This outrage excited the deepest indignation in France, but the avowed
hatred of the court toward Coligny and the Huguenots prevented public
satisfaction being demanded from Philip II. The instrument of a just
retribution was not wanting to the emergency, but it was reserved for a
private individual to redeem the honor of the French name. 'En l'an
1567,' says Champlain, 'se presenta le brave Chevalier de Gourgues, qui
plein de valeur et de courage, pour venger cet affront fait a la nation
Francois, et recognoissant qu'aucun d'entre la noblesse, dont la France
foisonne, ne l'offroit pour tirer raison d'une telle injure, entreprint
de le faire.' ('In the year 1567, there presented himself the brave
Chevalier de Gourgues, who, full of valor and courage, to avenge the
insult on the French nation, and observing that none among the nobility,
with whom France abounded, offered to obtain satisfaction for such an
injury, undertook himself to do so.') He was a gentleman of Gascony, and
there were at that period few inferior officers in France, or perhaps in
all Europe, who had acquired a more brilliant reputation in war, or had
undergone greater vicissitudes. When very young he had served in Italy
with honor; and on one occasion, having the command of a small band of
thirty men, near Sienna in Tuscany, he was able for a considerable time
to withstand and repulse the assault of a part of the Spanish army,
until, all his men being slain, he yielded himself prisoner. Contrary to
the usage of war among generous foes, he was sent to the galleys in
chains as a robber-slave. The galley to which the indignant De Gourgues
was condemned was afterward captured by the Turks on the Sicilian coast,
and sent into Rhodes. Again putting to sea with a Turkish crew, it was
encountered and taken by the galleys of the Knights of Malta, and De
Gourgues recovered his liberty and his sword. He afterward made several
passages to Brazil and the coast of Africa, still treasuring up
vengeance on the Spaniards; and he had just returned to France from one
of his voyages, with the reputation of the bravest and most able among
her navigators, when he heard of the disastrous tale of La Caroline, and
the disgraceful manner in which his countrymen had been put to death by
the Spaniards. Like a patriot, he felt keenly for the honor of his
country; and as a man, he burned for an opportunity of satiating his
long-dormant revenge on the perfidious Spaniards for their unworthy
treatment of himself. At this time, too, there was circulated in France
a narrative, entitled the 'Supplication of the Widows and Children of
those who had been massacred in Florida,' calculated to rouse the
national feeling to the highest pitch. These united motives urged De
Gourgues to a chivalrous undertaking--no less than to chase the
murderous invaders from the coasts of Florida, at the sword's point, or
to die in the attempt. He accordingly proceeded to make his
preparations, which, however, were concealed with great skill and
address. He raised a considerable sum by selling his property, and by
loans obtained from his friends; and, disguising his real purpose, gave
out that he was bound, as before, to the African coast. The squadron
consisted of three vessels, with crews amounting to 250 souls, amply
provided for twelve months. Thus equipped, he sailed, on the 23d of
August, 1567, from Bordeaux, and after some time began to unfold his
real design, expatiating in glowing language on the glory of the attempt
and the righteousness of the quarrel.
"_Speech of De Gourgues, from Champlain_: 'Mes compagnons et fideles
amis de ma fortune, vous n'estes pas ignorans combien je cheris les
braves courages comme vous, et l'avez assez tesmoigne par la belle
resolution que vous avez prise de me suivre et assister en tous les
perils et hazards honorables que nous aurons a souffrir et essuyer,
lorsqu'ils se presenteront devant nos yeux, et l'estat que je fais de la
conservation de vos vies; ne desirant point vous embarquer au risque
d'un _enterprise_ que je ne scaurois reussir, a une ruine sans honneur:
ce seroit a moy une trop grand et blamable temerite, de hazarder vos
personnes a un dessein d'un accez si difficile; ce que je ne croy pas
estre, bien que j'aye employe une bonne partie de mon bien et de mes
amis, pour equipper ces vaisseaux et les mettre en mer, estant le seul
entrepreneur de tout le voyage. Mais tout cela ne me donne pas tant de
sujet de m'affliger, comme j'en ay de me resjouir, de vous voir tous
resolus a une autre entreprise, que retournera a votre gloire, scavoir
d'aller venger l'injure que nostre nation a receuee des Espagnols, qui
ont fait une telle playe a la France, qu'elle saignera a jamais, par les
supplices et traictemens infames qu'ils ont fait souffrir a nos
Francois, et excerce des cruautez barbares et inouis en leur endroit.
Les ressentimens que j'en ay quelquefois, m'en font jetter des larmes de
compassion, et me relevent le courage de telle sort, que je suis resolu
avec l'assistance de Dieu, et la vostre, de prendre une juste vengeance
d'une telle felonnie et cruaute Espagnolle, de ces coeurs laches et
poltrons, qui ont surpris mal-heureusement nos compatriots, qu'ils
n'eussent ose regarder sur la defense de leurs armes. Ils sont assez mal
logez, et les surprendrons aisement. J'ay des hommes en mes vaisseaux
qui cognaissent tres-bien le pais, et pouvous y allez en seurete. Voicy,
chers compagnons, un _subject_ de relever nos courages, faites paroietre
que vous avez autant de bonne volonte a executer ce bon dessein, que
vous avez d'affection a me suivre: ne serez vous pas contents de
remporter les lauriers triomphans de la despouille de vos ennemis?'
"'Companions, and faithful friends of my fortunes, you are not ignorant
how highly I value brave men like yourselves. Your courage you have
sufficiently proved by your noble resolution to accompany me in all the
dangers which we shall have to encounter, as they successively present
themselves: my regard for you I have shown by the care I have taken for
the safety of your lives. I desire not to embark you in any enterprise
which may result in dishonorable failure: it would be in me a far too
great and blamable temerity to hazard your safety in any design so
difficult of accomplishment, which, however, I do not consider this one
to be, seeing that I have employed in it a good part of my own fortune,
and that of my friends, in equipping these vessels, and putting to sea,
myself being the sole undertaker of the voyage. But all this does not
give me so much cause for regret, as I have reason to rejoice, seeing
you all resolved upon another enterprise, which will redound to your
glory, namely, to avenge the insult suffered by our nation from the
Spaniards, who have inflicted an incurable wound upon France by their
infamous treatment, and the barbarous and unheard-of cruelties they have
exercised upon our countrymen. The description of these wrongs has
caused me to shed tears of pity, and inspires me now with such
determination, that I am resolved, with the assistance of God and your
aid, to take a just revenge for this felonious outrage on the part of
the Spaniards--those base and cowardly men, who unhappily destroyed our
friends by surprise, whom, with arms in their hands, they dared not to
have looked in the face. The enemy is poorly lodged, and may be easily
surprised. I have on board persons who know the country well, and we can
reach it in safety. Here, my dear companions, here is a subject to rouse
our courage! Let me see that you have as good will to perform this noble
design, as you had affection to follow my person! Will you not rejoice
to bear away triumphant laurels, bought by the spoil and ruin of our
enemies?'
"This enthusiastic speech produced its full effect. Each soldier shouted
assent to the generous proposal, and was ready to reply with Euryalus,
'Est hic, est animus lucis contemptor, et istum
Qui vita bene credat emi, quo tendes, honorem!'
'Like thine, this bosom glows with martial flame,
Burns with a scorn of life, and love of fame;
And thinks, if endless glory can be sought
On such low terms, the prize is cheaply bought.'
"Having thus obtained the full co-operation of his gallant band, De
Gourgues steered for the coast of Florida, and passed some time in
reconnoitering the position of the Spaniards, and in acquiring from the
Indians full particulars of their strength and resources. These were,
indeed, sufficiently formidable, amounting to 400 fighting men, provided
with every munition of war. No way discouraged by this superiority of
numbers and of position, De Gourgues made a furious attack upon the two
forts, on the day before the Sunday called the Quasimodo, in April,
1658, intending to capture them by escalade. The Spaniards offered a
very gallant resistance; but the fury and impetuosity of the French,
stimulated by national antipathy, by the particular nature of the
revenge which they contemplated, and fired by the valor and personal
example of their heroic chief, soon surmounted all opposition. 'Nostre
genereux Chevalier De Gourgues,' says Champlain, exultingly, 'le
coutelas a la main, leur enflamme le courage, et comme un lion a la
teste des siens, gaigne le dessus du rampart, repousse les Espagnols, se
fait voye parmi eux.' 'Our brave Chevalier De Gourgues, sword in hand,
inflames their courage, and, like a lion at the head of his troop,
mounts the rampart, overthrows the Spaniards, and cuts his way through
them.' The fate of the Spaniards was sealed; many were killed in the
forts, the rest taken, or put to death by the Indians. De Gourgues, thus
crowned with victory, and having fully succeeded in an enterprise which
to him seemed so truly glorious, brought all the prisoners to the spot
where the French had been massacred, and where the inscription of
Menendez yet remained. Alter reproaching his fallen enemies with their
cruelty and perfidy, he caused them to be hung from the same trees,
affixing this writing in the place of the former: 'Je n'ay pas fait
pendre ceux-ci comme Espagnols, mais comme traitres, voleurs, et
meurtriers.' 'I hang these persons, not as being Spaniards, but as
traitors, robbers, and murderers.'
"De Gourgues, on developing his real design and destination to Florida,
which he did in the first instance to his chosen friends, had
pathetically complained that ever since he had heard of the Spanish
outrage at La Caroline, he had been unable, however wearied with toil,
to obtain his usual rest by night; that his imagination was ever
occupied by the semblance of his countrymen hanging from the trees of
Florida; that his ears were startled with piercing cries for vengeance;
and that sleep, 'Nature's soft nurse,' would never visit him again--
'No more would weigh his eyelids down,
And steep his senses in forgetfulness'--
until he had won her offices by a full and exquisite revenge on the
Spaniards. The accomplishment of his cherished purpose must have been a
high and vivifying relief to an ardent spirit like De Gourgues. He now
declared with exulting delight, that sleep, that 'balm of hurt minds,'
had once more deigned to visit his couch, and that his rest was now
sweet, like that of a man delivered from a burden of misery too great to
bear!
"Having accomplished this remarkable expedition, and inflicted, in a
spirit accordant with that of the times, a terrible retribution on the
Spaniards, De Gourgues sailed from the coast of Florida on the 3d of
May, and arrived in France on the 6th of June, where he was received by
the people with every token of joy and approbation. In consequence,
however, of the demand of the King of Spain for redress, he was
compelled to absent himself for some time, until the anger of the court
permitted him to reappear. The narrative of this expedition was long
preserved in the family of De Gourgues.
"Champlain, in whose _Voyages_ this romantic story is to be found, seems
to have been a passionate admirer of the conduct of De Gourgues, and
thus enthusiastically concludes his account of the expedition:
"'Ainsi ce genereux chevalier repara l'honneur de la nation Francoise,
que les Espagnols avoient offensee; ce q'autrement eust ete un regret a
jamais pour la France, s'il n'eust venge l'affront receu de la nation
Espagnolle. Entreprise genereuse d'un gentilhomme qui l'executa a ses
propres cousts et despens, seulement pour l'honneur, sans autre
esperance: ce qui lui a reussi glorieusement, et ceste gloire est plus a
priser que tous les tresors du monde.' 'Thus did this brave knight
repair the honor of the French nation, insulted by the Spaniards, which
otherwise had been an everlasting subject of regret to France, if he had
not avenged the affront received from the Spanish people. A generous
enterprise, undertaken by a gentleman, and executed at his own cost, for
honor's sake alone, without any other expectation, and one which
resulted in obtaining for him a glory far more valuable than all the
treasures of the world.'"
No. XVII.
"Un ancien missionnaire, le Pere Paul le Jeune, a fait une description
de la maniere de vie des missionnaires parmi les sauvages du Canada. Il
parle ici des Montagnais qu'il a suivi dans une chasse pendant l'hiver,
je vais transcrire sa relation presque mot pour mot:
"'Ces sauvages habitent un pays extremement rude et inculte, mais il ne
l'est pas encore autant que celui, qu'ils choisissent pour leurs
chasses. Il faut marcher long-tems pour y arriver, et porter sur son dos
tout ce dont ou peut avoir besoin pendant cinq ou six mois, par des
chemins quelquefois si affreux, que l'on ne comprend pas comment les
Betes Fauves peuvent y passer; si on n'avoit pas la precaution de se
fournir d'ecorces d'Arbres, ou ne trouveroit pas de quoi se mettre a
couvert de la pluye et de la neige pendant le chemin. Des qu'on est
parvenu au terme on s'accommode un peu mieux, mais ce mieux ne consiste,
qu'en ce qu'on n'y est pas sans cesse expose a toutes les injures de
l'air.
"'Tout le monde y travaille, et les missionnaires, qui dans ces
commencemens n'avoient personne pour les servir, et pour qui les
sauvages n'avoient aucune consideration, n'etoient pas plus epargnes que
les autres, on ne leur donnait pas meme de cabanne separee, et il
falloit qu'ils se logeassent dans la premiere, ou l'on vouloit bien les
recevoir. Ces cabannes, parmi la plupart des Nations Algonquines, sont a
peu pres de la figure de nos Glacieres, rondes, et terminees en cone;
elles n'ont point d'autres soutiens, que de perches plantes dans la
neige, attachees ensemble par les extremites, et couvertes d'ecorces
assez mal jointes, et mal attachees aussi le vent y entre-t-il de toutes
parts.
"'Leur fabrique est l'ouvrage d'une demie heure au plus, des branches de
Sapin y tiennent lieu de nattes, et on n'y a point d'autres lits. Ce
qu'il y a de commode, c'est qu'on peut les changer tous les jours; les
neiges ramassees tout autour forment une espece de parapet, qui a son
utilite, les vents n'y penetrent point. C'est le long et a l'abri de ce
parapet qu'on dort aussi tranquillement sur ces branchages, couverts
d'une mechante peau que dans le meilleur lit; il en coute a la verite au
missionnaires pour s'y accoetumer, mais la fatigue et la necessite les y
reduisent bientot. Il n'en est pas tout-a-fait de meme de la fumee, que
presque toujours remplit tellement le haut de la cabanne, qu'on ne peut
y etre de bout, sans avoir la tete dans une espece de tourbillon. Cela
ne fait aucune peine aux sauvages, habitues des l'enfance a etre assis
a terre, ou couches tout le tems, qu'ils sont dans leurs cabannes, mais
c'est un grand supplice pour les Francois, a qui cette inaction ne
convient pas.
"'D'ailleurs le vent, qui entre comme je l'ai remarque, par tous les
cotes, y souffle un froid, qui transit d'une part, tandis qu'on etouffe,
et qu'on est grille de l'autre. Souvent on ne se voit point a deux ou
trois pieds, on perd les yeux a force de pleurer, et il y a des tems,
ou, pour respirer un peu, il faut se tenir couche sur le ventre, et
avoir la bouche presque collee contre la terre; le plus court seroit de
sortir dehors, mais la plupart du tems on ne le peut pas; tantot a cause
d'une neige si epaisse, qu'elle obscurcit le jour, et tantot par ce
qu'il souffle un vent sec, qui coupe le visage, et fait eclater les
arbres dans les forets. Cependant un missionnaire est oblige de dire son
office, de celebrer la messe, et de s'acquitter de toutes les autres
fonctions de son ministere.
"'A toutes ces incommodites il en faut ajouter une autre, qui d'abord
vous paroitra peu de chose, mais qui est reellement tres-considerable;
c'est la persecution des chiens. Les sauvages en ont toujours un fort
grand nombre, qui les suivent par tout, et leur sont tres-attaches; peu
caressans, par ce qu'on ne les caresse jamais, mais hardis et habiles
chasseurs: j'ai deja dit qu'on les dresse de bonne heure pour les
differentes chasses, ausquelles on veut les appliquer; j'ajoute qu'il
faut en avoir beaucoup pour chacune, parce-qu'il en perit un grand
nombre par les dents et par les cornes des Betes fauves, qu'ils
attaquent avec un courage, que rien ne rebute. Le soin de les nourrir
occupe tres-peu leurs maitres, ils vivent de ce qu'ils peuvent attraper,
et cela ne va pas bien loin, aussi sont ils toujours fort maigres;
d'ailleurs ils ont peu de poil, ce qui les rend fort sensibles au
froid.'
"Pour s'en garantir, s'ils ne peuvent approcher du feu, ou il est
difficile qu'ils puissent tenir tous, quand meme il n'y auroit personne
dans la cabanne, ils vont se coucher sur les premiers, qu'ils
rencontrent, et souvent on se reveille la nuit en sursaut, presque
etouffe par deux ou trois chiens. S'ils etoient un peu plus discrets, et
se placoient mieux, leur compagnie ne seroit pas trop facheuse, on s'en
accommoderoit meme assez, mais ils se placent ou ils peuvent; on a beau
les chasser, ils reviennent d'abord. C'est bien pis encore le jour; des
qu'il paroit quelque chose a manger, il faut voir les mouvemens qu'ils
se donnent pour en avoir leur part. Un pauvre missionnaire est a demi
couche aupres du feu pour dire son breviaire, ou pour lire un livre, en
luttant de son mieux contre la fumee, et il faut qu'il essuye encore
l'importunite d'une douzaine de chiens, qui ne font que passer et
repasser sur lui, en courant apres un morceau de viande, qu'ils ont
appercu. S'il a besoin d'un peu de repos, a peine trouvera-t'il un petit
recoin, ou il soit a l'abri de cette vexation. Si on lui apporte a
manger, les chiens ont plutot mis le museau dans son plat, qu'il n'y a
porte la main; et souvent tandis qu'il est occupe a defendre sa portion
contre ceux, qui l'attaquent de front, il en vieut un par derriere, qui
lui enleve la moitie, ou qui en le heurtant, lui fait tomber le plat des
mains, et repandre sa sagamite dans les cendres.
"Assez souvent les maux, dont je viens de parler, sont effaces par un
plus grand, et au prix duquel tous les autres ne sont rien; c'est la
faim. Les provisions, qu'on a apportees, ne durent pas lontems, on a
compte sur la chasse, et elle ne donne pas toujours. Il est vrai que les
sauvages scavent endurer la faim avec autant de patience, qu'ils
apportent peu de precautions pour s'en garantir; mais ils se trouvent
quelquefois reduits a une si grande extremite, qu'ils y succombent. Le
missionnaire, de qui j'ai tire ce detail, fut oblige dans son premier
hyvernement, de manger les peaux d'aguilles et d'elans, dont il avoit
rapetasse sa soutanne; apres quoi il lui fallut se nourrir des jeunes
branches, et des plus tendres ecorces des arbres. Il soutint neanmoins
cette epreuve, sans que sa sante en fut alteree, mais tous n'en ont pas
eu la force.
"La seule malproprete des cabannes, et l'infection, qui en est une suite
necessaire, sont pour tout autre qu'un sauvage, un vrai supplice; il est
aise de juger jusqu'ou l'une et l'autre doivent aller parmi des gens,
qui ne changent de hardes, que quand les leurs tombent par lambeaux, et
qui n'ont nul soin de les nettoyer. L'ete ils se baignent tous les
jours, mais ils se frottent aussitot d'huile ou de graisse d'une odeur
forte. L'hyver ils demeurent dans leur crasse, et dans tous les tems on
ne peut entrer dans leurs cabannes, qu'on ne soit empeste.
"Non seulement tout ce qu'ils mangent est sans appret, et ordinairement
fort insipide, mais il regne dans leurs repas une malproprete, qui passe
tout ce qu'on en peut dire: ce que j'en ai vu, et ce qu'on m'en raconte
vous feroit horreur. Il y a bien peu d'animaux, qui ne mangent plus
proprement.
"Comme les villages sont toujours situes, ou aupres des bois, ou sur le
bord des eaux, des que l'air commence a s'echauffer, les Maringonins et
une quantite prodigieuse d'autres moucherons, excitent une persecution
bien plus vive encore que celle de la fumee, qu'on est meme souvent
oblige d'appeller a son secours car il n'y a presque point d'autre
remede contre la piques de ces petites insectes, qui vous mettent tout
le corps en feu, et ne vous permettent point de dormir en repos. Ajoutez
a cela les marches souvent forcees, et toujours tres rudes, qu'il faut
faire a la suite de ces barbares, tantot dans l'eau jusqu'a la ceinture,
tantot dans la fange jusqu'aux genoux; dans les bois aux travers des
ronces et des epines, avec danger d'en etre aveugle; dans les campagnes,
ou rien ne garantit d'un soleil aussi ardent en ete que le vent est
piquant pendant l'hiver. Si l'on voyage en canot, la posture genante, ou
il faut s'y tenir, l'inaction ou l'on y est, le peu de societe qu'on
peut avoir avec des gens qui ne scavent rien, qui ne parlent jamais
quand ils sont occupes, qui vous infectant par leur mauvaise odeur, et
qui vous remplissent de saletes et de vermine, les caprices et les
manieres brusques qu'il en faut essuyer, les avarices, aux quelles on
est expose de la part d'un ivrogne, ou d'un homme que quelque accident
inopine, un songe, un souvenir facheux, font entrer en mauvaise humeur,
la cupidite qui nait aisement dans le coeur de ces barbares, et qui a
coute la vie a plus d'un missionnaire, et si la guerre est declaree
entre les nations parmi lesquelles on se trouve, le danger qu'on court
sans cesse, ou de se voir tout a coup reduit a la plus dure servitude,
ou de perir dans les plus affreux tourmens. Voila la vie qu'ont mene
surtout les premiers missionnaires."--Charlevoix, vol. vi., p. 59.
The lives of hardship here described were in many cases terminated by
horrible deaths. The following is one relation, out of many of the same
nature:
"Ils avoient avec eux les PP. Jean de Breboeuf et Gabriel Lallemant,
neveu des PP. Charles et Jerome Lallemant, dont nous avons parle; et ils
n'avoient pu engager ni l'un ni l'autre a se mettre en lieu de surete.
Il eut pourtant ete mieux qu'ils se fussent partages et que le P. de
Breboeuf eut use de son autorite pour obliger son compagnon de suiver
ceux, qui avoient pris la fuite; mais l'exemple tout recent du P.
Daniel, et le danger, ou etoient un grand nombre de catechumenes de
mourir sans Bapteme, leur firent croire a tous les deux qu'ils ne
devoient pas desemparer. Ils prirent donc leur poste chacun a une des
extremites de l'attaque, et ils furent toujours aux endroits les plus
exposes, uniquement occupes a baptiser des mourans, et a encourager les
combattans a n'avoir que Dieu en vue.
"Enfin tous les Hurons furent tues ou pris, et les deux missionnaires
furent du nombre des derniers. Les vainqueurs mirent ensuite le feu aux
cabannes, et reprirent avec les prisonniers et tout le butin, le chemin
de S. Ignace.
"De St. Ignace, ou j'ai dit qu'on les avoit conduits d'abord, ils
avoient ete ramenes a St. Louis, et ils y furent recus, comme on a
coutume de recevoir les prisonniers de guerre; on les epargna meme
d'autant moins, que leur proces etoit fait, et qu'on avoit resolu de ne
les pas mener plus loin. Le P. de Breboeuf, que vingt annees de travaux
les plus capables de faire mourir tous les sentimens naturels, un
caractere d'esprit d'une fermete a l'epreuve de tout; une vertu nourrie
dans la vue toujours prochaine d'une mort cruelle, et portee jusqu'a en
faire l'objet de ses voeux les plus ardens; prevenu d'ailleurs par plus
d'un avertissement celeste que ses voeux seroient exauces, se rioit
egalement et des menaces et des tortures memes; mais la vue de ses chers
neophytes cruellement traites a ses yeux, repandoit une grande amertume
sur la joye, qu'il ressentoit de voir ses esperances accomplies.
"Son compagnon, Gabriel Lallemant, qui ne faisoit que d'entrer dans la
carriere apostolique, ou il avoit apporte plus de courage que de force,
et qui etoit d'une complexion sensible et delicate, fut surtout pour lui
jusqu'au dernier soupir un grand sujet de douleur et d'inquietude. Les
Iroquois connurent bien d'abord qu'ils auroient a faire a un homme, a
qu'ils n'auroient pas le plaisir de voir echaper la moindre foiblesse,
et comme s'ils eussent apprehende qu'il ne communiquat aux autres son
intrepidite, ils le separerent apres quelque tems de la troupe des
prisonniers, le firent monter seul sur un echafant, et s'acharnerent de
telle sorte sur lui, qu'ils paroissoient hors d'eux-memes de rage et de
desespoir.
"Tout cela n'empechoit point le serviteur de Dieu de parler d'une voix
forte, tantot aux Hurons, qui ne le voyoient plus, mais qui pouvoient
encore l'entendre; tantot a ses bourreaux, qu'il exhortait a craindre la
colere du ciel, s'ils continuoient a persecuter les adorateurs du vrai
Dieu. Cette liberte etonna les barbares, et ils en furent choques,
quoiqu' accoutumes a essuyer les bravades de leurs prisonniers en
semblables occasions. Ils voulurent lui imposer silence, et n'en pouvant
venir a bout, ils lui couperent la levre inferieure, et l'extremite du
nez, lui appliquerent par tout le corps des torches allumees, lui
brulerent les gencives, et enfin lui enforcerent dans le gosier un fer
rougi dans le feu.
"L'invincible missionnaire se voyant par ce dernier coup la parole
interdite, parut avec un visage assure, et un regard si ferme qu'il
sembloit donner encore la loy a ses ennemis. Un moment apres on lui
amena son compagnon dans un equipage bien capable de toucher un coeur
comme le sien, aussi tendre et aussi compatissant sur les maux d'autrui,
qu'il etoit insensible aux siens propres. On avoit mis d'abord le jeune
religieux tout nud et apres l'avoir tourmente quelque tems, on l'avoit
enveloppe depuis les pieds jusqu'a la tete d'ecorce de sapin, et on se
preparoit a y mettre le feu.
"Des qu'il appercut le P. de Breboeuf dans l'affreux etat, ou on l'avoit
mis, il fremit d'abord, ensuite lui dit ces paroles de l'Apotre, _Nous
avons ete mis spectacle au monde, aux anges, et aux hommes_.[218] Le
pere lui repondit par une douce inclination de tete, et dans ce moment
le P. Lallemant se trouvant libre, courut se jetter a ses pieds, baisa
respectueusement ses playes, et le conjura de redoubler aupres du
seigneur ses prieres, pour lui obtenir la patience, et la foy, qu'il
voyoit, ajouta-t-il avec beaucoup de confusion, sur le point de lui
echapper a tout moment. On le reprit aussitot, et on mit le feu aux
ecorces, dont il etoit couvert.
"Les bourreaux s'arreterent quelque tems pour gouter le plaisir de le
voir bruler lentement, et d'entendre ses soupirs et les gemissemens,
qu'il ne pouvoit s'empecher de pousser. Ils le laisserent ensuite
quelque tems, pour faire rougir des haches de fer, dont ils firent un
collier, qu'ils mirent au cou du P. de Breboeuf; mais ce nouveau
supplice n'ebranla pas plus le saint martyr, qui n'avoient fait les
autres, et comme les barbares cherchoient quelque nouveau tourment, pour
tacher de vaincre un courage qui les irritoit, un Huron apostat se mit a
crier qu'il falloit jetter aux deux missionnaires de l'eau boueillante
sur la tete, en punition de ce qu'ils en avoient jette tant de froide
sur celle des autres, et cause par-la tous les malheurs de sa nation, et
on la repandit lentement sur la tete des deux confesseurs de Jesus
Christ.
"Cependant la fumee epaisse qui sortoit des ecorces, dont le P.
Lallemant etoit revetu lui remplissoit la bouche, et il fut assez
lontems sans pouvoir articuler une seule parole. Ses liens etant brules,
il leva les mains au ciel, pour implorer le secours de celui qui est la
force des foibles, mais on les lui fit baisser, en le frappant a grands
coups de cordes. Enfin les deux corps n'etant plus qu'une playe, ce
spectacle bien loin de faire horreur aux Iroquois, les mit de bonne
humeur; ils se disoient les uns aux autres que la chair des Francois
devoit etre bonne, et ils en couperent sur l'un et sur l'autre de grands
lambeaux, qu'ils mangerent. Puis ajoutant la raillerie a la cruaute, ils
dirent au P. de Breboeuf, 'Tu nous assurois tout a l'heure que plus on
souffre sur la terre, plus on est heureux dans le ciel; c'est par amitie
pour toi que nous nous etudions a augmenter tes souffrances, et tu nous
en auras obligation.'
"Quelques momens apres ils lui enleverent toute la peau de la tete, et
comme il respiroit encore, un chef lui ouvrit le cote, d'ou le sang
sortant en abondance, tous les barbares accoururent pour en boire; apres
quoi le meme, qui avoit fait la playe, decouvrit le coeur, l'arracha, et
le devora. Le P. de Breboeuf etoit du diocese de Bayeux, et oncle du
traducteur du Pharsale. Il etoit d'une taille avantageuse, et mangre son
abstinence extreme, et vingt annees du plus penible apostolat, il avoit
assez d'embonpoint. Sa vie fut un heroisme continuel, et sa mort fut
l'etonnement des bourreaux memes.
"Des qu'il eut expire, le P. Lallemant fut reconduit dans la cabanne, ou
son martyre avoit commence; il n'est pas meme certain qu'il soit demeure
aupres du Pere de Breboeuf jusqu'a ce que celui-ci eut rendu les
derniers soupirs; on ne l'avoit amene la, que pour attendrir son
compagnon, et amollir, s'il etoit possible, le courage de ce heros. Il
est au moins constant par le temoignage de plusieurs Iroquois, qui
furent acteurs dans ce tragedie, que ce dernier mourut le seize, et
qu'il ne fut que trois heures dans le feu, au lieu que le supplice du P.
Lallemant dura dix-sept heures, et qu'il ne mourut que le dix-sept.
"Quoiqu'il en soit, sitot qu'il fut rentre dans sa cabanne il recut
au-dessus de l'oreille gauche, un coup de hache, qui lui ouvrit le
crane, et lui en fit sortir de la cervelle. On lui arracha ensuite un
oeil, a la place duquel on mit un charbon ardent; c'est tout ce qu'on a
pu scavoir de ce qui se passa alors jusqu'a ce qu'il eut expire; tous
ceux, qui assisterent a sa mort s'etant contentes de dire que les
bourreaux s'etoient surpasses en cruaute. Ils ajouterent que de tems en
tems il jettoit des cris capables de percer les coeurs les plus durs, et
qu'il paroissoit quelquefois hors de lui-meme; mais qu'aussitot on le
voyoit s'elever au-dessus de la douleur, et offrir a Dieu ses
souffrances avec une ferveur admirable. Ainsi la chair etoit souvent
foible, et prete a succomber; mais l'esprit fut toujours prompt a la
relever, et la soutint jusqu'au bout. Le P. Lallemant etoit de Paris,
fils et petit fils de lieutenans-criminels. Il etoit extremement maigre,
et il n'y avoit guere que six mois, qu'il etoit arrive dans la Nouvelle
France. Il mourut dans sa trente-neuvieme annee."--Charlevoix, vol. ii.,
p. 12.
[Footnote 218: 1 Corinth., iv., 9.]
No. XVIII.
"The Jesuits are commonly very learned, studious, and are very civil and
agreeable in company. In their whole deportment there is something
pleasing; it is no wonder, therefore, that they captivate the minds of
the people. They seldom speak of religious matters, and if it happens,
they generally avoid disputes. They are very ready to do any one a
service, and when they see that their assistance is wanted, they hardly
give one time to speak of it, falling to work immediately to bring about
what is required of them. Their conversation is very entertaining and
learned, so that one can not be tired of their company. Among all the
Jesuits I have conversed with in Canada, I have not found one who was
not possessed of these qualities in a very eminent degree. They do not
care to become preachers to a congregation in the town or country, but
leave these places, together with the emoluments arising from them, to
the priests. All their business here is to convert the heathen; and with
that view their missionaries are scattered over every part of the
country. Near every town and village peopled by converted Indians are
one or two Jesuits, who take great care that they may not return to
paganism, but live as Christians ought to do. Thus there are Jesuits
with the converted Indians in Tadoussac, Lorette, Becancourt, St.
Francois, Sault St. Louis, and all over Canada. There are likewise
Jesuit missionaries with those who are not converted, so that there is
commonly a Jesuit in every village belonging to the Indians, whom he
endeavors on all occasions to convert. In winter he goes on their great
hunts, where he is frequently obliged to suffer all imaginable
inconveniences, such as walking in the snow all day, lying in the open
air all winter, lying out both in good and bad weather, lying in the
Indian huts, which swarm with fleas and other vermin, &c. The Jesuits
undergo all these hardships for the sake of converting the Indians, and
likewise for political reasons. The Jesuits are of great use to their
king; for they are frequently able to persuade the Indians to break
their treaty with the English, to make war upon them, to bring their
furs to the French, and not to permit the English to come among them.
There is much danger attending these exertions; for, when the Indians
are in liquor, they sometimes kill the missionaries who live with them,
calling them spies, or excusing themselves by saying that the brandy had
killed them. These are the chief occupations of the Jesuits in Canada.
They do not go to visit the sick in the town; they do not hear the
confessions, and attend to no funerals. I have never seen them go in
procession in honor of the Virgin Mary or other saints. Every body sees
that they are, as it were, selected from other people on account of
their superior genius and abilities. They are here reckoned a most
cunning set of people, who generally succeed in their undertakings, and
surpass all others in acuteness of understanding. I have therefore
several times observed that they have enemies in Canada. They never
receive any others into their society but persons of very promising
parts, so that there are no blockheads among them. The Jesuits who live
here are all come from France, and many of them return thither again
after a stay of a few years here. Some who were born in Canada went over
to France, and were received among the Jesuits there, but none of them
ever came back to Canada. I know not what political reason hindered
them. During my stay in Quebec, one of the priests, with the bishop's
leave, gave up his priesthood and became a Jesuit. The other priests
were very ill pleased with this, because it seemed as if he looked upon
their condition as too mean for himself."--Kalm, in Pinkerton, vol.
xiii., p. 648.
"The Recollets are a third class of clergymen in Canada. They have a
fine large dwelling-house here, and a fine church, where they officiate.
Near it is a large and fine garden, which they cultivate with great
application.
"In Montreal and Trois Rivieres they are lodged in almost the same
manner as here. They do not endeavor to choose cunning fellows among
them, but take all they can get. They do not torment their brains with
much learning; and I have been assured that, after they have put on
their monastic habit, they do not study to increase their knowledge, but
forget even what little they knew before. At night they generally lie on
mats, or some other hard mattresses. However, I have sometimes seen good
beds in the cells of some of them. They have no possessions here, having
made vows of poverty, and live chiefly on the alms which people give
them. To this purpose the young monks, or brothers, go into the houses
with a bag, and beg what they want. They have no congregations in the
country, but sometimes they go among the Indians as missionaries.
"In each fort, which contains forty men, the king keeps one of these
monks instead of a priest, who officiates there. The king gives him
lodging, provisions, servants, and all he wants, besides two hundred
livres a year. Half of it he sends to the community he belongs to; the
other half he reserves for his own use. On board the king's ships are
generally no other priests than these friars, who are therefore looked
upon as people belonging to the king. When one of the chief priests[219]
in the country dies, and his place can not immediately be filled up,
they send one of these friars there, to officiate while the place is
vacant. Part of these monks come over from France, and part are natives
of Canada.
"There are no other monks in Canada besides these, except, now and then,
one of the order of St. Austin, or some other who comes with one of the
king's ships, but goes off with it again.
"The priests are the second and most numerous class of the clergy in
this country; for most of the churches, both in towns and villages (the
Indian converts excepted), are served by priests. A few of them are
likewise missionaries. In Canada are two seminaries: one in Quebec, the
other in Montreal. The priests of the seminary of Montreal are of the
order of St. Sulpitius, and supply only the congregation on the isle of
Montreal, and the town of the same name. At all the other churches in
Canada the priests belonging to the Quebec seminary officiate. The
former, or those of the order of St. Sulpitius, all come from France;
and I was assured that they never suffer a native of Canada to come
among them.
"In the seminary at Quebec, the natives of Canada make the greater part.
"In order to fit the children of this country for orders, there are
schools at Quebec and St. Joachim, where the youths are taught Latin,
and instructed in the knowledge of those things and sciences which have
a more immediate connection with the business they are intended for.
"However, they are not very nice in their choice, and people of a
middling capacity are often received among them.
"They do not seem to have made great progress in Latin; for,
notwithstanding the service is read in that language, and they read
their Latin breviary and other books every day, yet most of them find it
very difficult to speak it.
"All the priests in the Quebec seminary are consecrated by the bishop.
Both the seminaries have got great revenues from the king; that in
Quebec has above thirty thousand livres. All the country on the west
side of the River St. Lawrence, from the town of Quebec to Bay St. Paul,
belongs to this seminary, besides their other possessions in the
country. They lease the land to the settlers for a certain rent, which,
if it be annually paid, according to their agreement, the children or
heirs of the settlers may remain in an undisturbed possession of the
lands.
"A piece of land three arpents[220] broad, and thirty, forty, or fifty
arpents long, pays annually an ecu,[221] and a couple of chickens, or
some other additional trifle. In such places as have convenient
water-falls, they have built water-mills or saw-mills, from which they
annually get considerable sums. The seminary of Montreal possesses the
whole ground on which that town stands, together with the whole isle of
Montreal. I have been assured that the ground rent of the town and isle
is computed at seventy thousand livres, besides what they get for saying
masses, baptizing, holding confessions, attending at marriages and
funerals, &c. All the revenues of ground rent belong to the seminaries
alone, and the priests in the country have no share in them. But the
seminary in Montreal, consisting only of sixteen priests, has greater
revenues than it can expend; a large sum of money is annually sent over
to France, to the chief seminary there. The land rents belonging to the
Quebec seminary are employed for the use of the priests in it, and for
the maintenance of a number of young people, who are brought up to take
orders. The priests who live in the country parishes get the tithe from
their congregation, together with the perquisites on visiting the sick,
&c. In small congregations the king gives the priests an additional sum.
When a priest in the country grows old, and has done good service, he is
sometimes allowed to come into the seminary in town. The seminaries are
allowed to place the priests on their own estates, but the other places
are in the gift of the bishop."--_Ibid._
"After the conquest of Quebec, the British government prohibited the
religious male orders from augmenting their numbers, excepting the
priests. The orders were allowed to enjoy the whole of their revenues as
long as a single individual of the body existed; then they reverted to
the crown. The revenue of the Jesuit Society was upward of L12,000 per
annum when it fell into the possession of the government. It had been
for several years enjoyed solely by an old father, who had survived all
the rest. He was a native of Switzerland; his name, Jean Joseph Casot.
In his youth he was no more than porter to the convent, but, having
considerable merit, he was promoted, and in course of time received into
the order. He died at a very advanced age, in 1800, with a high
character for kindness and generosity: his large income was entirely
employed in charitable purposes. The lands belonging to the Jesuits, as
well as to the other religious orders, are by far the best in the
country, and produce the greatest revenues."--Lambert's _Travels in
Canada_, vol. i., p. 59.
"The Jesuits, who in the early settlement of the country were merely
missionaries, obtained a patent (_Petits Droits des Colonies
Francaises_, vol. ii., p. 441), by which they acquired a license to
purchase lands, and hold property as in France. The property the Jesuits
possessed in this country in after times was acquired by grants from the
kings of France; by grants from the Company of New France; by gifts from
individuals, and by purchase."--Smith's _History of Canada_, vol. i., p.
27; Weld, p. 249. Smith estimates the revenues of the society, when,
after P. Casot's death, they reverted to the crown, at only L1600 per
annum. Weld comes nearer to the statement of Lambert. He visited Quebec
in 1796, four years before P. Casot's death, and states that the great
possessions of the Jesuits had centered in him, and amounted to L10,000
per annum. It is to be remembered that in 1764 the order of Jesuits was
abolished by the King of France, and the members of the society became
private individuals.
"The college of the Jesuits at Quebec was long considered as the first
institution on the continent of North America for the instruction of
young men. The advantages derived from it were not limited to the better
class of Canadians, but were extended to all whose inclination it was to
participate in them, and many students came thither from the West
Indies. From the period of the expulsion of the Jesuits from the states
of Europe, and the consequent abolition of their order on that
continent, this establishment, although protected by the British
government, began rapidly to decline.
"When, by the death of the last Canadian Jesuit, the landed property
devolved to the crown, it was designed by the sovereign as a recompense
for the services of the late Lord Amherst, who commanded the troops in
North America at the time of the conquest of Canada, and Who completed
the reduction of that province under the British government. The claim
of these estates has been relinquished by his successor for a pension.
The revenue arising from them has been appropriated by the Legislature
of Lower Canada for the purpose of establishing in the different
parishes schools for the education of children. The Jesuits' college is
now converted into a commodious barrack for the troops."--Heriot's
_Canada_, p. 30.
[Footnote 219: Pasteur.]
[Footnote 220: A French acre.]
[Footnote 221: French coin, value about a crown English.]
No. XIX.
The Mississippi is the only river in North America, which, for grandeur
and commodiousness of navigation, comes in competition with the St.
Lawrence, or with that river which runs from Lake Ontario to the ocean.
If, however, we consider that immense body of water that flows from Lake
Winnipeg through the Lake of the Woods, Lake Superior, &c., down to the
sea, as one entire stream, and, of course, as a continuation of the St.
Lawrence, it must be allowed to be a very superior river to the
Mississippi in every point of view; and we may certainly consider it as
one stream with as much reason as we look upon that as one river which
flows from Lake Ontario to the sea; for, before it meets the ocean, it
passes through four large lakes, not, indeed, to be compared with those
of Erie or Superior in size, but they are independent lakes,
notwithstanding, as much as any of the others. The Mississippi is
principally to be admired for the evenness of its current, and the
prodigious length of way it is navigable without any interruption for
bateaux of a very large burden, but in many respects it is a very
inferior river to the St. Lawrence, properly so called. The Mississippi,
at its mouth, is not twenty miles broad, and the navigation is there so
obstructed by banks or bars that a vessel drawing more than twelve feet
water can not ascend it without very imminent danger. Fresh bars are
formed or the old bars are enlarged every year, and it is said that
unless some steps are taken to prevent the lodgments of the trees
annually brought down at the time of the inundation, the navigation may
in a few years be still more obstructed than it is at present. The River
St. Lawrence, however, on the contrary, is no less than ninety miles
wide at its mouth, and it is navigable for ships of the line as far as
Quebec, a distance of 400 miles from the sea. The channel, also, instead
of having been impaired by time, is found to be considerably better now
than when the river was first discovered, and there is reason to imagine
that it will improve still more in process of time, as the clear water
that flows from Lake Ontario comes down with such impetuosity during the
floods in the spring of the year as frequently to remove banks of gravel
and loose stones in the river, and thus to deepen its bed. The channel
on the north side of the island of Orleans, immediately below Quebec,
which, according to the account of Charlevoix, was not sufficiently deep
in the year 1720 to admit a shallop of a small size, except at the time
of high tides, is at present found to be deep enough for the largest
vessels, and is the channel most generally used.--Weld, p. 336.
No. XX.
"Upper Canada, down to the period when it was conquered by England, was
in a very wild and unreclaimed condition. With the exception of the
small location on the banks of the Detroit, it contained only detached
posts at great distances, formed for military defense and the
prosecution of the fur trade. The real settlement of Upper Canada took
place in 1783, at the close of the first American war; at that time, not
only a large body of troops were disbanded, but many inhabitants of the
United States, who had adhered to Britain during this unfortunate
contest, sought refuge within her colonies; and as these last were
generally in a state of great destitution, the government felt disposed
to treat them liberally, and afford the utmost possible compensation for
their losses and sufferings. With this view, the whole land along the
St. Lawrence above the French settlements, and also on Lake Ontario, to
and around the Bay of Quiete, for the space of 150 miles, was formed
into townships, originally entitled First, Second, Third, but to which
regular names were afterward attached. These settlements were termed the
United Empire Loyalists, and not only received an ample supply of land,
but farming utensils, building materials, and subsistence for two years.
A further engagement was made that every member of their families, on
attaining the age of twenty-one, should have a fresh donation of 200
acres, which engagement has been strictly fulfilled. Military grants
were at the same time bestowed at rates varying from 5000 for a field
officer, to 200 for a private soldier.
"In 1791, Upper Canada had attained to such importance, that when Mr.
Pitt determined to bestow a constitution on the colony, he formed this
part into a separate government, giving to it the name of Upper, and to
the early-settled districts that of Lower Canada. The former was not
supposed, after all, to contain at that time above 10,000 inhabitants.
General Simcoe, however, in 1794, founded the town of York,[222] which
was fixed on as the seat of government, and made the most strenuous
efforts to encourage colonists to settle in the neighborhood. They came
in considerable numbers, though chiefly from the United States. It was
not till 1803 that, through the exertions of Colonel Talbot, emigration
from Britain was commenced on any large scale. The result of these
measures was, that in 1811 the country was found to contain about 9623
persons paying taxes.
"Lower Canada is comprised within the parallels of 45 deg. and 52 deg. north
latitude, and the meridians of 59.50 deg. to 80.6 deg. west of Greenwich; the
entire province, as far as its boundaries will admit of estimation,
contains about a quarter of a million square miles, or 160,000,000 of
acres. Upper Canada is comprised within the parallels of 41 deg. to 49 deg.
north, and the meridians of 74 deg. to 117 deg. west of Greenwich, embracing an
area of about 100,000 square miles, or 64,000,000 acres. The following
are the words of the order in council by which Canada was in 1791
divided into two provinces. "To commence at a stone boundary on the
north bank of the Lake St. Francis, at the cove west of Point au Baudet,
in the limit between the township of Lancaster and the seigniory of New
Longueuil, running along the said limit in the direction of N. 34 W. to
the westernmost angle of the said seigniory of New Longueuil; then along
the N.W. boundary of the seigniory of Vaudreuil, running N. 25 E. until
it strikes the Ottawa River; to ascend the said river into the Lake
Temiscaming, and from the head of the said lake by a line drawn due N.
until it strikes the boundary of Hudson's Bay, including all the
territory to the westward and southward of the said line to the utmost
extent of the country commonly called or known by the name of Canada."
The want of clearness in the above delineation, added to the
imperfections of the map on which it was drawn, particularly as regarded
the westwardly angle of the seigniory of New Longueuil, and the S.W.
angle of Vaudreuil, which are represented as coincident, when, according
to Colonel Bouchette, they are nine miles distant from each other, has
naturally caused disputes as to the boundaries between Upper and Lower
Canada."--Montgomery Martin's _Hist. of Canada_, p. 62; Murray's _British
America_, vol. i., p. 287.
[Footnote 222: It has now assumed the Indian name of Toronto.]
No. XXI.
"On the 5th of February, 1663, about half past five o'clock in the
evening, a great rushing noise was heard throughout the whole extent of
Canada. This noise caused the people to run out of their houses into the
streets, as if their habitations had been on fire; but, instead of
flames or smoke, they were surprised to see the walls reeling backward
and forward, and the stones moving as if they were detached from each
other. The bells sounded by the repeated shocks. The roofs of the
buildings bent down, first on one side, and then on the other. The
timbers, rafters, and planks cracked. The earth trembled violently, and
caused the stakes of the palisades and palings to dance, in a manner
that would have been incredible had we not actually seen it in many
places. It was at this moment every one ran out of doors. Then were to
be seen animals flying in every direction; children crying and screaming
in the streets; men and women, seized with affright, stood horror-struck
with the dreadful scene before them, unable to move, and ignorant where
to fly for refuge from the tottering walls and trembling earth, which
threatened every instant to crush them to death, or sink them into a
profound and immeasurable abyss. Some threw themselves on their knees in
the snow, crossing their breasts, and calling on their saints to relieve
them from the dangers with which they were surrounded. Others passed the
rest of this dreadful night in prayer; for the earthquake ceased not,
but continued at short intervals with a certain undulating impulse,
resembling the waves of the ocean; and the same qualmish sensations, or
sickness at the stomach, was felt during the shocks as is experienced in
a vessel at sea.
"The violence of the earthquake was greatest in the forest, where it
appeared as if there was a battle raging between the trees; for not only
their branches were destroyed, but even their trunks are said to have
been detached from their places, and dashed against each other with
inconceivable violence and confusion--so much so, that the Indians, in
their figurative manner of speaking, declared that all the forests were
drunk. The war also seemed to be carried on between the mountains, some
of which were torn from their beds and thrown upon others, leaving
immense chasms in the places from whence they had issued, and the very
trees with which they were covered sunk down, leaving only their tops
above the surface of the earth; others were completely overturned, their
branches buried in the earth, and the roots only remained above ground.
During this general wreck of nature, the ice, upward of six feet thick,
was rent and thrown up in large pieces, and from the openings in many
parts there issued thick clouds of smoke, or fountains of dirt and sand,
which spouted up to a very considerable height. The springs were either
choked up, or impregnated with sulphur; many rivers were totally lost;
others were diverted from their course, and their waters entirely
corrupted. Some of them became yellow, others red, and the great river
of the St. Lawrence appeared entirely white, as far down as Tadoussac.
This extraordinary phenomenon must astonish those who know the size of
the river, and the immense body of waters in various parts, which must
have required such an abundance of matter to whiten it. They write from
Montreal that, during the earthquake, they plainly saw the stakes of the
picketing or palisades jump up as if they had been dancing; and that of
two doors in the same room, one opened and the other shut of their own
accord; that the chimneys and tops of the houses bent like branches of
the trees agitated with the wind; that when they went to walk they felt
the earth following them, and rising at every step they took, something
sticking against the soles of their feet, and other things in a very
forcible and surprising manner.
"From Three Rivers they write that the first shock was the most violent,
and commenced with a noise resembling thunder. The houses were agitated
in the same manner as the tops of trees during a tempest, with a noise
as if fire was crackling in the garrets. The shock lasted half an hour,
or rather better, though its greatest force was properly not more than a
quarter of an hour, and we believe there was not a single shock which
did not cause the earth to open either more or less.
"As for the rest, we have remarked that, though this earthquake
continued almost without intermission, yet it was not always of an equal
violence. Sometimes it was like the pitching of a large vessel which
dragged heavily at her anchors, and it was this motion which occasioned
many to have a giddiness in their heads and a qualmishness in their
stomachs. At other times the motion was hurried and irregular, creating
sudden jerks, some of which were extremely violent; but the most common
was a slight tremulous motion, which occurred frequently with little
noise. Many of the French inhabitants and Indians, who were
eye-witnesses to the scene, state that, a great way up the river of
Trois Rivieres, about eighteen miles below Quebec, the hills which
bordered the river on either side, and which were of a prodigious
height, were torn from their foundations, and plunged into the river,
causing it to change its course, and spread itself over a large tract of
land recently cleared; the broken earth mixed with the waters, and for
several months changed the color of the great River St. Lawrence, into
which that of Trois Rivieres disembogues itself. In the course of this
violent convulsion of nature, lakes appeared where none ever existed
before; mountains were overthrown, swallowed up by the gaping, or
precipitated into adjacent rivers, leaving in their places frightful
chasms or level plains; falls and rapids were changed into gentle
streams, and gentle streams into falls and rapids. Rivers in many parts
of the country sought other beds, or totally disappeared. The earth and
the mountains were entirely split and rent in innumerable places,
creating chasms and precipices, whose depths have never yet been
ascertained. Such devastation was also occasioned in the woods, that
more than a thousand acres in our neighborhood were completely
overturned; and where, but a short time before, nothing met the eye but
one immense forest of trees, now were to be seen extensive cleared
lands, apparently cut up by the plow.
"At Tadoussac (about 150 miles below Quebec, on the north side) the
effect of the earthquake was not less violent than in other places; and
such a heavy shower of volcanic ashes fell in that neighborhood,
particularly in the River St. Lawrence, that the waters were as
violently agitated as during a tempest. The Indians say that a vast
volcano exists in Labrador. Near St. Paul's Bay (about fifty miles below
Quebec, on the north side), a mountain, about a quarter of a league in
circumference, situated on the shore of the St. Lawrence, was
precipitated into the river, but, as if it had only made a plunge, it
rose from the bottom, and became a small island, forming with the shore
a convenient harbor, well sheltered from all winds. Lower down the
river, toward Point Alouettes, an entire forest of considerable extent
was loosened from the main bank, and slid into the River St. Lawrence,
where the trees took fresh root. There are three circumstances, however,
which have rendered this extraordinary earthquake particularly
remarkable: the first is its duration, it having continued from February
to August, that is to say, more than six months almost without
intermission! It is true, the shocks were not always equally violent. In
several places, as toward the mountains behind Quebec, the thundering
noise and trembling motion continued successively for a considerable
time. In others, as toward Tadoussac, the shock continued generally for
two or three days at a time with much violence.
"The second circumstance relates to the extent of this earthquake,
which, we believe, was universal throughout the whole of New France,
for we learn that it was felt from L'Isle Perce and Gaspe, which are
situated at the mouth of the St. Lawrence, to beyond Montreal; as also
in New England, Acadia, and other places more remote. As far as it has
come to our knowledge, this earthquake extended more than 600 miles in
length, and about 300 in breadth. Hence 180,000 square miles of land
were convulsed in the same day and at the same moment.
"The third circumstance, which appears the most remarkable of all,
regards the extraordinary protection of Divine Providence, which has
been extended to us and our habitations; for we have seen near us the
large openings and chasms which the earthquake occasioned, and the
prodigious extent of country which has been either totally lost or
hideously convulsed, without our losing either man, woman, or child, or
even having a hair of their head touched."--_Jesuits' Journal_, Quebec,
1663.
No. XXII.
"The principle in both instances is alike: in the former, the caloric or
vital heat of the body passes so rapidly from the hand into the cold
iron as to destroy the continuous and organic structure of the part; in
the latter, the caloric passes so rapidly from the hot iron into the
hand as to produce the same effect: heat, in both cases, being the same;
its passing into the body from the iron, or into the iron from the body,
being equally injurious to vitality. From a similar cause, the
incautious traveler in Canada is burned in the face by a very cold wind,
with the same sensations as when he is exposed to the blast of an
eastern sirocco. Milton thus alludes to the effects of cold in his
description of the abode of Satan and his compeers. After adverting to
Styx, he says,
'Beyond this flood, a frozen continent
Lies, dark and wild, beat with perpetual storms
Of whirlwind and dire hail, which on firm land
Thaws not, but gathers heap, and ruin seems
Of ancient pile; all else deep snow and ice;
A gulf profound as that Serbonian bog
Betwixt Damiata and Mount Casius old,
Where armies whole have sunk: the parching air
Burns frore (frozen), and cold performs the effect of fire.'
_Paradise Lost_, B. 2.
"We also find in Virgil, Georg., i., 93,
'Borea penetrabile frigus adurat.'"--Gray's _Canada_, p. 290.
No. XXIII.
"This meteor is strongest and most frequent about the arctic circle, or
between that and the parallel of 64 deg. It is now ascertained, we think,
beyond all doubt, that the height of the Aurora, instead of being, as
supposed by Mr. Dalton and others, above the region of the atmosphere,
is, in fact, rarely above six or seven miles. This was satisfactorily
proved by angles taken in the same moment at two distant places, always
exceedingly small at one or both stations; by the extreme rapidity with
which a beam darts from one side of the horizon to the opposite side,
which could not happen if 100 miles high or upward; by its frequently
darting its beams _beneath_ the clouds, and at very short distances from
the earth's surface, and by its being acted upon by the wind. Mr. Hood
was told by one of the partners of the Northwest Company that he once
saw the coruscations of the Aurora Borealis so vivid and low that the
Canadians fell on their faces, and began crying and praying, fearing
lest they should be killed; that he threw away his gun and knife, that
they might not attract the flashes, for they were within two feet from
the earth, flitting along with incredible swiftness, and moving parallel
to the surface; he added that they made a loud rustling noise, like the
waving of a flag in a strong breeze. This rustling noise, which is
universally asserted by the servants of the Northwest Company, was not
heard by any of the officers of Captain Franklin's expedition, but he
says that it would be an absurd degree of skepticism to doubt the fact
any longer, for their observations had rather increased than diminished
the probability of it. It has hitherto been supposed that the magnetic
needle was not affected by the Aurora; but a vast number of experiments
given in the tables prove that, in certain positions of the beams and
arches, the needle was considerably drawn aside, and mostly so when the
flashes were between the clouds and the earth, or when their actions
were quick, their light vivid, and the atmosphere hazy."--Franklin's
_Journey to the Polar Sea_, Nos. II. and III. of the Appendix.
The following is Charlevoix's description of the Aurora Borealis, never
before witnessed by the French colonists:
"Un autre phenomene, qui paroit dans l'air, meriteroit bien qu'on
s'etudiat a en decouvrir la cause. Dans le tems le plus serein, on
appercoit tout a coup au milieu de la nuit de nuages d'une blancheur
extraordinaire, et au travers de ces nuages une lumiere tres-eclatante.
Lors meme qu'on ne sent pas un souffle de vent, ces nuages sont chasses
avec une tres-grande vitesse, et prennent toutes sortes de figures. Plus
la nuit est obscure, plus la lumiere est vive: elle l'est meme
quelquefois a un point, qu'on peut lire a sa lueur beaucoup plus
aisement, qu'a celle de la lune dans son plein.
"On dira peut-etre que ce n'est qu'une refraction des raions du soleil,
qui par cette hauteur ne s'eloigne pas beaucoup de l'horison pendant les
nuits de l'ete, et qu'encore qu'il n'y ait point de vent dans la basse
region de l'air, il peut y en avoir dans la superieure, ce qui est vrai;
mais ce qui me fait juger qu'il y a encore une autre de ce meteore,
c'est que pendant l'hyver meme, la lune paroit souvent environnee
d'arc-en-ciel de couleurs differentes, et toutes tres-vives. Pour moi je
suis persuade que ces effets doivent etre attribues en partie a des
exhalaisons nitreuses, qui pendant le jour ont ete attirees et
enfluencees par le soleil."
No. XXIV.
"Very distant posterity will one day decide whether, as Mr. Leslie has
endeavored to prove by ingenious hypothesis (_An Experimental Inquiry
into the Nature and Propagation of Heat_, 1804), 2400 years are
sufficient to augment the mean temperature of the atmosphere a single
degree. However slow this increment may be, we must admit that an
hypothesis, according to which organic life seems gradually to augment
on the globe, occupies more agreeably our imagination than the old
system of the cooling of our planet and the accumulation of the polar
ice."--Humboldt's _Personal Narrative_, vol. ii., p. 83.
"A point of much interest is the comparison of the actual temperature of
the globe with that of the same regions in former ages. The evidence
which justifies the conclusion that no change has occurred but from
local or superficial causes, is worth studying, were it only for its
variety and singularity. We might begin with Laplace's conclusion, that
the mean heat can not be altered by 1 deg. of Reaumur since the time of
Hipparchus, inasmuch as the dimensions of the globe would be thereby
changed in a small amount, its angular velocity be increased or
diminished, and a sensible difference be made in the length of the day,
which difference does not exist. We might then proceed to the argument
urged by Biot and Champollion, from the identity of the time of
inundation in the Nile, 5000 years ago, the periodical rains producing
which depend upon and indicate the degree and distribution of heat over
a vast equatorial region. Next we might turn to the method of Professor
Schaw, in his work on the comparative temperature of ancient and modern
times, founded on the northern and southern limits of production of
different animals and plants in any given country, as they come recorded
to us by ancient writers, compared with the observations of our own day.
The result of general identity is obtained by this method also; and the
same remark may be extended to the miscellaneous proofs derived from
other passages in ancient writers, numerously collated, respecting the
climate of particular regions and localities. There is no amount of
diversity shown by this evidence which does not admit of explanation
from local and accidental causes, many of them belonging to the agency
of man himself, on the surface of the earth."--_Quarterly Review_,
September, 1848.
"Several planters attribute the failure of the cotton crop this year
(1842) to the unusual size and number of the icebergs, which floated
southward last spring from Hudson's and Baffin's Bays, and may have
cooled the sea and checked the early growth of the cotton plant, so
numerous and remote are the disturbing causes of meteorology! Forty
degrees of latitude intervene between the region where the ice-floes are
generated and that where the crops are raised, whose death-warrant they
are supposed to have carried with them."--Lyell's _America_, vol. i., p.
174.
No. XXV.
The theory by which Dr. Brewster seeks to account for the peculiarities
of the American climate is the following: "He supposes that the poles of
the globe and the isothermal poles are by no means coincident, and that,
on the contrary, there exist two different points, within a few degrees
of the poles, where the cold is greatest in both hemispheres. These
points are believed by Dr. Brewster to be situated about the eightieth
parallel of latitude, and in the meridians of 95 deg. east and 100 deg. west
longitude. The meridians of these isothermal poles[223] he considers as
lying nearly at right angles to the parallels of what might be called
the meteorological latitudes, which, according to his theory, appear to
have an obliquity of direction as regards the equator something like the
zodiac. Thus the cold circle of latitude that passes through Siberia
would be the same that traverses the frigid atmosphere of Canada. This
theory would go some length toward explaining the causes of the gradual
decrease of the severity of cold in the south of Europe, and lead us to
the conclusion that eventually the cold meridian of Canada may work its
way westward, and leave that part of America to an enjoyment of the same
temperature as those European countries situated in corresponding
latitudes. That the temperature of the air has been modified by
agricultural operations can not be denied, but that these operations
should of themselves be capable of producing the changes known to have
taken place in the course of ages in Europe, where formerly the Tiber
used to be often frozen, and snow was by no means uncommon at Rome;[224]
when the Euxine Sea, the Rhone, and the Rhine, were almost every year
covered with ice, of sufficient thickness to bear considerable burdens,
it is scarcely possible rationally to admit; and, indeed, the
meteorological observations, as far as they go in Canada, serve rather
to disprove than to establish the fact."--Bouchette, vol. i., p. 335.
"The earliest record of the climate of Canada is that contained in the
'Fastes Chronologiques,' and refers to the period of Cartier's second
voyage. On the 15th of November, 1535, Old Style, the vessels in the
River St. Charles were surrounded by ice, and the Indians informed
Cartier that the whole river was frozen over as far as Montreal. On the
22d of February, 1536, the River St. Lawrence became navigable for
canoes opposite to Quebec, but the ice remained firm in the St. Croix
harbor. On the 5th of April his vessels were disengaged from the ice. To
obtain the modern dates, it will be necessary to add eleven days to each
period.
"The later meteorological statistics do not prove that the progressive
opening of the country has had so powerful an influence upon the
temperature of the atmosphere as is generally supposed. Its chief
tendency seems to be to lengthen the summer, and thus abridge the
duration of winter. That the gradual removal of the forests to make room
for open fields contributes to augment the summer temperature, is
undoubtedly true, since it is well known that the atmosphere itself is
not heated by the direct rays of the sun, but that its warmth springs
from the earth, and that the degree of this warmth is entirely governed
by the quantum of heat absorbed through the earth's surface. The
progressive settlement of the country may then be expected to benefit
the climate, by its throwing open to the direct action of the sun a more
extended surface of territory; and this benefit will be more sensibly
felt at night, from the earth's having imbibed a sufficient quantity of
caloric to temper the coolness of the air between the setting and rising
of the sun. In an agricultural point of view, such an improvement in the
climate of Canada will be of great moment, as the coldness of the nights
is generally the cause of blight in tender fruits and plants; and from
its equalizing the temperature, probably render the climate capable of
maturing fruits that are indigenous to warm countries.
"Notwithstanding the opposing testimony of meteorological data, we have
the assertion of some of the oldest inhabitants of the country that the
climate of Canada has become perceptibly milder within their
recollection, and are thus left to conciliate this traditional record
with contradictory facts, and the only mode of doing so appears to be
the application of their remarks, more to the duration of the mild
season than the degrees of cold that were indicated by the thermometer
in the course of the year."--Bouchette, vol. i., p. 334, 340, 1831;
Lambert's _Travels through Canada_ in 1808, vol. i., p. 119.
Kalm says in 1748, September 12th, "The weather about this time was like
the beginning of our August, Old Style. Therefore it seems that autumn
commences a whole month later in Canada than in the midst of
Sweden."--P. 682.
[Footnote 223: On the theory of the isothermal lines, see the papers of
Kupfer in Poggend., _Ann._, bd. xv., s., 184, and bd. xxxli., s. 270, in
the _Voyage dans l'Oural_, p. 382-398, and in the _Edinb. Journal of
Science_, new series, vol. iv., p. 355. See, also, Kamtz, _Lehrbuch der
Meteor_, bd. ii., s. 217, and on the ascent of chthon-isothermal lines
in mountainous countries, Bischoff, s. 174-197; Humboldt's _Cosmos_,
vol. i., p. 347.]
[Footnote 224: Quebec lies nearly in the same latitude as Paris, and
from the description which the Emperor Julian has given of the winters
he quartered there during his command in Gaul, there seems to be little
difference between the winters of France in this respect and the present
winters of Canada.--Juliani Imper., _Opera_.
The author of _Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains_ supposes
the difference in heat between the two continents to be equal to 12
degrees; that a place 30 degrees from the equator in the Old Continent
is as warm as one situated 18 degrees from it in America, tom. i., p.
11. Dr. Mitchell, after observations carried on during thirty years,
contends that the difference is equal to 14 or 15 degrees of latitude,
p. 257.--Heriot's _Travels through the Canadas_, p. 117.]
No. XXVI.
The Vitis vinifera is found in America in its wild state; in James's
"Expedition to the Rocky Mountains" it is thus described: "The small
elms along this valley were bending under the weight of innumerable
grape vines, now loaded with ripe fruit, the purple clusters crowded in
such profusion as almost to give a coloring to the landscape. On the
opposite side of the river was a range of low sand-hills, fringed with
vines, rising not more than a foot or eighteen inches from the surface.
On examination, we found these hillocks had been produced exclusively by
the agency of the grape vines, arresting the sand as it was borne along
by the wind until such quantities had been accumulated as to bury every
part of the plant except the end of the branches. Many of these were so
loaded with fruit as to present nothing to the eye but a series of
clusters, so closely arranged as to conceal every part of the stem. The
fruit of these vines is incomparably finer than that of any other native
or exotic which we have met with in the United States. The burying of
the greater part of the trunk with its larger branches produces the
effect of pruning, inasmuch as it prevents the unfolding of leaves and
flowers on the parts below the surface, while the protruded ends of the
branches enjoy an increased degree of light and heat from the reflection
of the sand. It is owing, undoubtedly, to these causes that the grapes
in question are far superior to the fruit of the same vine under
ordinary circumstances. The treatment here employed by nature to bring
to perfection the fruit of the vine may be imitated, but, without the
peculiarities of soil and exposure, can with difficulty be carried to
the same magnificent extent. Here are hundreds of acres, covered with a
movable surface of sand, and abounding in vines, which, left to the
agency of the sun and of the winds, are, by their operation, placed in
more favorable circumstances than it is in the power of man to so great
an extent to afford."--Vol. ii., p. 315, 316.
No. XXVII.
"Fir-trees, Thuja, and Cypress-trees are a northern type, which is very
rare in the tropical regions. The freshness of their evergreen leaves
cheers the desert winter landscape; it proclaims to the inhabitants of
these regions that although snow and ice cover the earth, the internal
life of the plants, like the fire of Prometheus, is never
extinguished."--_Cosmos_, vol. ii., p. 90.
"There are upward of twenty species of Pinus, of which one half are
natives of Canada, Nova Scotia, or Newfoundland.
"_Pinus Balsamea_ (Balm of Gilead Fir, or American Silver Fir) grows to
the height of fifty feet, and is an elegant tree, resembling the silver
fir of Europe. The resin of this species is the common Canada Balsam,
which is often substituted for the Balm of Gilead. It is found in small
blisters on the bark, extracted by incision, and received in a limpid
state into a shell or cup. This tree has long been cultivated for
curiosity in England, but in general, though it grows to a considerable
size and height, scarcely survives above twenty years, which seems to be
the natural period of its existence. Mr. Lambert mentions some older
trees of this species at Woburn and Warwick Castle.
"_Pinus Canadensis_ (Hemlock Spruce) is a beautiful and very large tree,
bearing some resemblance in its foliage to the common yew. Peter
Collinson records his having introduced this tree to the English
collections in 1736, and a fine specimen of it is, or was, in his garden
at Mill Hill.
"_Pinus Nigra_ (Black or Double Spruce) is found from Canada to Nova
Scotia, and terminates in latitude 65 deg. It was introduced into England
about the year 1700, but not much cultivated there.
"_Pinus Alba_ (White Spruce) flourishes from latitude 43 deg. northward. Its
growth is nearly equal to that of the European silver fir, 140 feet in
height. It is one of the most ornamental of the _Abies_ tribe (those
having single, not fasciculated leaves); the branches feather down to
the ground, and the leaves have a beautiful and peculiar glaucous hue.
From the young shoots of this tree (also from Pinus Nigra) is obtained
the resinous extract from which spruce beer is made: good turpentine is
obtained from the bark. This tree was cultivated in England by Bishop
Compton before 1700.
"_Pinus Resinosa_ (Pitch Pine) grows in Canada in close forests, and is
distinguished for its great height and smooth red bark, whence it is
often called Red Pine by the French population. This tree is the glory
of Canada. Its timber, in color, quality, and durability, appears to be
in every respect equal to the best Riga, and in one particular superior,
that of being quite free from knots. It was first raised in England by
the Duke of Northumberland at Zion House, where many of this species are
still to be seen flowering in May.
"_Pinus Banksiana_ (Labrador Scrub, or Gray Pine) inhabits cold, barren,
and rocky situations. The finest trees of this species in England are at
Pain's Hill and Kew.
"_Pinus Strobus_ (White, or Weymouth Pine) is the largest species on the
eastern side of the Rocky Mountains, being sometimes 200 feet high, and
the trunk five feet in diameter. The attention which Lord Weymouth,
afterward Marquis of Bath, gave to the cultivation of this valuable tree
has justly stamped it with his name. It is now generally diffused
through every considerable plantation in England. When growing in open
situations, it is feathered to the ground; but, as generally found in
the Canadian forests, it is little more than an immense stick with a
quantity of brush at its head, in about the same proportion as the hair
on the tail of an elephant. It is of this tree that in general the
forests of all British America are composed, and it is, in fact,
peculiar to America. It is called in commerce White Pine, Yellow Pine,
or American Pine. The timber is very valuable for masts. The age to
which this tree arrives is not known: 1500 annular divisions have been
counted.
"_Pinus Pendula_ (Black Larch, or Hackmatack) is a beautiful and large
tree, generally resembling the larch of Europe. The buds are black, and
yield a fine turpentine. This tree was first raised in England by the
celebrated Peter Collinson, whose original tree, one of the treasures
of the Mill Hill garden, was cut down about the year 1800 to make a
rail! Few exotics are more worthy of general cultivation. The wood is at
least equal to the European larch.