CHAPTER I.

JOURNAL

OF AN

EXPEDITION TO EXPLORE THE COURSE AND

TERMINATION OF THE NIGER.

[Illustration: RICHARD LANDER

_London. Published by John Murray, Albemarle Street, 1832._]

JOURNAL

OF

AN EXPEDITION TO EXPLORE THE COURSE

AND TERMINATION

OF

THE NIGER;

WITH A

NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE DOWN THAT RIVER

TO ITS TERMINATION.

BY

RICHARD AND JOHN LANDER.

* * * * *

_IN THREE VOLUMES._

ILLUSTRATED WITH ENGRAVINGS AND MAPS.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.

* * * * *

MDCCCXXXII.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES,

Stamford Street.

TO

THE RIGHT HONORABLE

VISCOUNT GODERICH,

_HIS MAJESTY’S PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF

STATE FOR THE COLONIES_,

&c. &c. &c.,

IN REMEMBRANCE OF THE PATRIOTIC INTEREST WHICH HIS

LORDSHIP HAS TAKEN IN THE

DISCOVERIES THEY RECORD;

AND

IN TOKEN OF GRATITUDE FOR THE PATRONAGE WHICH HIS

BENEVOLENCE HAS CONFERRED ON THE AUTHORS,

THESE VOLUMES

ARE, WITH HIS LORDSHIP’S PERMISSION,

_HUMBLY INSCRIBED,_

BY

HIS MOST OBEDIENT AND FAITHFUL SERVANTS,

RICHARD AND JOHN LANDER.

ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC.

* * * * *

It is with considerable diffidence we presume to lay our imperfect

labours before the world. We are conscious that many defects will be

found in our Narrative, both as regards its style and arrangement; but

we are equally sensible that a British Public are to be our judges, and

on their candour and generosity we confidently rely. Surely when our

countrymen reflect, even for a moment, on the disadvantages against

which we had to struggle, and the difficulties under which we laboured,

they will not exercise too much severity of criticism.

An old poet imputes the faults of some of his poetry to his misfortunes,

and says that good verses never flow but from a serene and composed

spirit. Perhaps the same apology may with propriety be offered for our

unpretending labours. Though we have adverted to the fact but seldom,

nevertheless throughout nearly the whole of our painful journey, we were

both indisposed in a greater or less degree. In short, a very few days

only had elapsed after our landing at Badágry, when we began to feel the

debilitating effects of the African climate, and to experience a degree

of languor which not even the warmest enthusiasm could wholly overcome.

It is almost unnecessary to add, that our spirits often sank under the

depressing influence of this powerful adversary, whose inroads on our

constitutions we had no means of resisting.

We therefore humbly submit the following narrative to the public,

without further apology for any deficiency of style or expression which

may be discovered in it. It has at least the merit of a faithful

account, for our journals were invariably written on the spot at the

close of each day, and in all our observations, to the best of our

belief, we adhered religiously to the truth.

We have only to add, that since returning to our native country, we have

made no alterations, nor introduced a single sentence in the original

manuscript of our travels; simply because it was intimated to us, that

the Public would prefer it in that state, however faulty in style,

rather than a more elaborate narrative, which might gain less in

elegance than it would lose in accuracy and vividness of description.

We think it necessary, however, to say, that the task of blending our

journals into one, as well as constructing the map of our route through

the country, has been performed by Lieutenant Becher, of the Royal Navy,

to whom we offer our sincere thanks, not only for the performance of

these laborious services, but also for his friendly aid and valuable

suggestions in many other points connected with the production of these

volumes.

RICHARD AND JOHN LANDER.

_London, Feb._ 1832.

* * * * *

CONTENTS

OF

THE FIRST VOLUME.

* * * * *

Page

INTRODUCTION xv

CHAPTER I.

Departure from England — Arrival at Cape Coast — Anamabóo — 1

Accra — Badágry.

CHAPTER II.

Departure from Badágry — Pass through Wow — Sagbú — Básha — 55

Soató — Bídjie — Lāatoo — Lárro to Jenna.

CHAPTER III.

Tornado — Departure from Jenna — The Journey into the 99

interior continued through various Towns and Villages —

Illness of the Travellers — Bohoo, the former Capital of

Yarriba — Arrival at Katunga.

CHAPTER IV.

Katunga — Mansolah, King of Katunga — Precautions to avoid 171

detention by the King — Apathy of the natives — Markets of

Katunga — Delayed by neighbouring war — Custom relating to

presents — Reserve of the people concerning their country —

Their general character — Progress of the Falàtahs —

Preparations for departure by a new route — Farewell visit

to the King.

CHAPTER V.

Departure from Katunga — Difficulties with the Carriers — 198

Musicians of Atoopa — Town of Keeshee — Curiosity of the

Natives — Falàtah town of Acba — Character of its

Inhabitants — The Governor of Keeshee and his wife — Their

Superstition — Leave Keeshee — Robbers — Cross the Moussa —

Change in the country — Escort from the King of Kiáma —

Arrival in that City.

CHAPTER VI.

Kiáma — Visit to the King — Wooden Figures — Yarro’s Hut — 225

His objection to the former route to Wowow being adopted by

the Travellers — Instance of Native Friendship — Mohamedan

Priests — their Character — Tradition of the Falàtahs —

Ceremonies of the Bebun Sálah — Celebration of the Festival

— Native Horse-Racing — The King’s Sons — Poisonous Lizard —

Superstition of the Natives — Comparison between the natives

of Borgoo and Yarriba — Traits of Character — Falàtahs — Law

relating to them.

CHAPTER VII.

Departure from Kiáma — Native Gratitude — Village of 253

Kakafungi — Native Dance — John Lander taken ill — Deserted

Route — Cross the River Oly — Story of the Falàtahs —

Encampment — Tornado — Illness of John Lander — Messengers

from Coobly with assistance — Arrival in that Town —

Reception — Presents from Boossa — Mount Cornwall — Recovery

of John Lander — Leave Coobly — Ruins — Town of Zalee —

Arrival at Boossa — Reception.

DIRECTIONS FOR PLACING THE PLATES.

* * * * *

VOL. I.

_to face Page_

Portrait of Richard Lander the Title

The small Map of the Quorra, &c. (Introduction) li

Large Map of the Course of the Quorra, the Joliba, 1

&c. (Narrative)

VOL. II.

Portrait of John Lander the Title

The Fetísh at Patashie 239

The Nouffie Canoe 261

Mount Kesa 270

VOL. III.

The Eboe Canoe the Title

Banks of the Quorra 69

—‘We pass o’er Africk’s sultry clime,

To where the Niger rolls his mighty stream

With doubtful current, whether bent his course

Or to the rising or the setting sun:

Till one advent’rous man, thro’ perils great

And toil immense, hunger, and thirst, and pain,

The question solved, and saw him eastward flow

Majestic through his woods.’

MILLIKIN’S _River-side_, Book III.

INTRODUCTION.

* * * * *

Of the numerous acquisitions that geography has made since the revival

of letters and the extension of commerce, there are but few which have

resulted from design, however well conceived, or from the direct

attempts of travellers, however perseveringly pursued. The discovery of

America was indeed a splendid example of both enlightened conception and

heroic effort, crowned with success; and the unabated ardour with which

this country has persisted in seeking for the river Niger, and in

tracing its course, may well be adduced as another illustrious instance.

Among the difficulties inseparable from the lot of travellers, those

arising from climate may be considered as the most formidable. The

immediate presence of some imminent danger of a transient nature, cannot

be compared with the secret and incessant operations of an unhealthy

climate, and no climate more than that of Africa is noted for its fatal

effects on Europeans. The slow progress of discovery in Africa has

hitherto arisen, principally, from this cause. While other countries,

further removed from civilized Europe, have welcomed the researches of

the scientific traveller, and amply rewarded him with their riches,

Africa has spurned him from her soil by the destructive tendency of her

climate, or the treachery of her people.

As long as any fact is excluded from the knowledge of man, he who is in

search of it will supply the deficiency by his own conclusions, which

will be more or less distant from it, according to his favourite

opinions. There can be no better illustration of this, than in the

instance afforded by the Joliba, Quorra, or Niger. The termination of

this river was entirely unknown until the completion of the recent

expedition; and certainly no geographical problem, excepting perhaps

that of the celebrated North-West Passage, had given rise to so many

opposite theories, or had employed the conjectures of so many learned

men. ‘Since Park’s first discovery of the Joliba, every point of the

compass has been assumed for the ulterior course and termination of that

river,’ says an able writer in the _Quarterly Review_, justly considered

as the enlightened advocate and sincere friend of geographical

discovery. And however wrong, as the same writer agrees, subsequent

discovery has proved this ‘speculative geography’ to have been, it is

not to be regarded as useless. Theories may be far short of the truth;

but while they display the ingenuity and reasoning powers of their

authors, they tend to keep alive that spirit of inquiry and thirst for

knowledge, which terminates in discovery; probably but for this cause,

the present might yet have been delayed many years.

Much difference of opinion prevails among well informed and experienced

geographers, as to the early notices in history of this questionable

river. Herodotus, emphatically styled the ‘Father of Historians,’ states

in his ‘Geography of Africa,’ that some young Nasamonians, a people who

dwelt in the north of Africa, on the borders of the Mediterranean,

travelled in a westerly direction from a part of Egypt, until they came

to a large river full of crocodiles, and flowing towards the rising sun,

and that they were conducted by the natives to a considerable city,

situated on its banks. The difficulty has been to identify the track of

these travellers, and their account of what they saw, with what is now

known of the river lately discovered, and the part of Africa in which it

is situated. It is contended by the writer before alluded to, whose

opinion is entitled to much deference, from his especial acquaintance

with African geography, that these young men, by travelling _due_ west

from Bilma, the part of Egypt from whence they are supposed to have set

out, could never have reached the Quorra, which they are supposed by

some to have done, and to have called the Niger. The difficulty of even

determining one point to be _due_ west of another, at that early period,

affords grounds for doubting that such a course in its literal sense

could have been meant, and it would have been next to impossible for

them to have avoided going either to the north or south of that

direction. The subject has been ably treated by Lieutenant-Colonel

Leake, in a voluminous paper read to the Geographical Society at the

first meeting of the present season. Colonel Leake states, that by

travelling in a direction not further to the south than west-south-west,

or half way between west and south-west from Bilma, the travellers might

have arrived at the river; and he considers the city to which they were

conducted, to have been no other than Timbuctoo.

At this early period, which was nearly five hundred years before the

Christian era, when the Nile, from its vast magnitude, chiefly occupied

the attention of ancient writers, it was natural for them to conclude,

as the river discovered by these travellers was stated to flow from the

west, that its waters reached the higher branches of this river. The

fact of the Nile, in an early part of its course, flowing also from the

west, favoured the conclusion; and hence the first error concerning it

was promulgated by Herodotus, in having considered it to be a distant

source of the Nile. Discovery has proved that Herodotus, allowing for

the period in which he wrote, possessed considerable knowledge of the

geography of Africa, however he might have fallen into error here, and

this circumstance gave additional weight to his opinions.

Little notice is taken of the Niger by Strabo, but Pliny treats largely

upon this river. After conducting it in an easterly direction from its

source in lower Mauritania, through sandy deserts, sometimes flowing

over them, and at others disappearing beneath them, he brings it to the

Nile of Egypt, and coincides in the original opinion of Herodotus, that

the Niger and the Nile are one and the same river. But the most

reasonable geographer of his time is Mela, who, while he nearly

coincided in the general opinion as to the source of the Niger, after

making it flow from west to east, acknowledges with becoming candour,

that when it reaches the centre of the continent, no one knew what

became of it. He justly deprecates as fabulous the idea of its flowing

beneath sands, and attributes such an opinion to the want of knowledge,

respecting it in different parts of its course.

Ptolemy, who was the first to break through the imaginary bond which

united the Niger and the Nile, unhappily had no other support to his

pretensions of any knowledge respecting the former. His account of the

Niger is so vague, as to make it difficult even to determine the course

which he supposed it to take. He adhered to the former opinion

respecting its general direction, and considered as one river the

streams of several.

Such were the confused accounts of the earlier writers on geography

respecting this mysterious river, when the dissolution of the Roman

empire produced a total change in the opinions concerning it, and made

them still more incomprehensible. The Arabians had now spread themselves

over northern Africa, and by their wandering habits were calculated to

acquire more information concerning it than their predecessors. They

have accordingly given fuller accounts of the geography of the country;

but in those of the Niger are not more fortunate than their

predecessors. The opinions of Abulfeda and Edrisi, their most celebrated

geographers, were totally different from those of the former writers.

Instead of allowing the Niger an easterly course, they considered its

source as identical with that of the Nile, and bestowed on each the same

name. The Nile of Egypt they supposed to run northerly into the

Mediterranean, while for the Niger they assumed a westerly course across

the whole continent, until it reached the Atlantic ocean, or ‘Sea of

Darkness;’ and, to distinguish it from the former, they named it the

‘Nile of the Negroes.’ It is difficult to imagine how such an hypothesis

as this could have been received. The idea of the river flowing to the

east might be easily admitted, in comparison with it, as a considerable

part of its course is actually in that direction, and as much of it as

was likely to be known to the ancient geographers. As no part of it,

except that near the Delta, flows to the westward, some other river than

the Niger must have been meant.

The state of Europe at this period was ill calculated to throw any light

on this interesting question, and, therefore, it lay neglected and

concealed in obscurity. Maritime discovery at length promised to achieve

what was not to be expected by other means; and the Portuguese, in

pursuit of commerce, under the favourable auspices of their enlightened

sovereigns of the fifteenth century, enlarged the knowledge of African

geography. Intent on carrying on their conquests in India, the

Portuguese were compelled to pass the coasts of this continent, and in

their progress they founded many settlements, from which discovery was

extended into the interior.

Leo Africanus, a native of Granada, in Spain, was well acquainted with

Arabian literature, and assigned a westerly course to the Niger. He

differs from the Arabians only in its source, which he places to the

west of that of the Nile. He considered the Niger to take its rise in a

lake situated to the south of Bornou, from whence he believed that it

flowed to the westward, until it reached the Atlantic ocean. The

Portuguese, in their discoveries on the western coast of Africa, found

successively the mouths of the Senegal, the Gambia, and the Rio Grande.

The situation of these rivers favoured the supposition of the westerly

course of the Niger, and they were accordingly considered as the

channels by which it entered the Atlantic ocean.

The intercourse of the Portuguese with the natives of the Senegal and

Gambia, as well as their communications with Timbuctoo, did not suffice

to point out to them this error, and it has been perpetuated in all

their maps. A remarkable circumstance, however, may here be observed

concerning the position of Timbuctoo. This city is placed so near the

sea, as to excite suspicion of its being the same as that on the Niger,

and another place named Tamboucanee, on the Senegal, is mentioned as

answering their Timbuctoo. On the whole, therefore, although it cannot

be doubted that the Portuguese obtained a considerable store of

information respecting the Niger, they appear to have turned it to

little account.

Of all those who have devoted their attention to Africa, the French

geographers, De Lisle and D’Anville, have evinced more care and thought

than any other. De Lisle adopts the course assigned to the Niger by the

Arabians in his map of the world in the year 1700, and in his map of

Soudan, or Nigritia, published in 1745, preserves the same; while, in

another map of the world, published in 1714, he gives the sources both

of the Niger and Senegal. The latter he makes to run westward, and the

former eastward; and it is rather extraordinary that, so late as 1745,

he should have persevered in the old error. Whether the second

separation of the Niger in the west from the Senegal, as the first had

been in the east from the Nile, is due to De Lisle or not, D’Anville, in

1749, follows it up in his map of Africa, published at that time. In

this map, D’Anville places the source of the Senegal in the same

position as De Lisle, and the source of the Niger he places a little to

the eastward of it. They each assume their proper course,—the former to

the west, and the latter to the east, as far as Wangara, where it is met

by another stream, coming in the opposite direction. The Niger, or Nile

of the Negroes, is stated in the same map, according to Edrisi, as

taking its rise close to the source of the Nile, and running in a north-

west direction, till it terminates in the Lake of Bornou. D’Anville, in

the mean time, entered deeply into the question of the rivers in the

interior of Africa, and, in 1755, communicated the result of his labours

to the French Academy.

Thus the source of the Niger, as well as its course, remained in

obscurity until English geographers and travellers took the field. An

entirely new era in the progress of African geography now commenced;

and, to the honour of Great Britain, a number of wealthy and

philanthropic individuals formed themselves, in the year 1788, into a

society, for the express purpose of promoting discovery in that country.

The necessary funds for the assistance of travellers were provided by

this body, and intelligent individuals were only required to carry their

designs into execution. The first and principal object which occupied

their attention, was the solution of the grand problem respecting the

course and termination of the Niger, and a reward was promised to the

person who should succeed in determining them.

The first person who was dispatched on this mission, under the auspices

of the African Association, was Mr. John Ledyard, an American by birth,

and one who was gifted with an extraordinary desire for travelling. He

had already been round the world with Captain Cook, and had undergone

hardships and privations in a journey that he performed in Russia,

which, as the exploits of a single traveller, stand unrivalled. Ledyard

met the proposals of the association with promptness and decision, and

departed for Africa in June 1788. Some idea may be formed of this

extraordinary man, from his communication to a friend on the morning of

his departure—‘I am accustomed,’ said he, ‘to hardships; I have known

both hunger and nakedness to the utmost extremity of human suffering. I

have known what it is to have food given me as charity to a madman; and

I have at times been obliged to shelter myself under the miseries of

that character, to avoid a greater calamity.’ Such were the words of

Ledyard, and his performances had been no less remarkable. His

instructions were to penetrate into Africa by the way of Egypt, and to

traverse the continent in the latitude of the Niger. In pursuit of this,

Ledyard reached Cairo in the month of August following,—where, becoming

impatient and vexed by the delay of the caravan with which he was to

have travelled, his anxious mind sunk under disappointment, and an

illness quickly terminated his career. Ledyard possessed, in an eminent

degree, the daring spirit so requisite for such an undertaking; but was

deficient in patience, a virtue which is peculiarly required in an

African traveller.

The next person who went to Africa, to explore the Niger, was Mr. Lucas.

The journey of this traveller, which took place in the following year,

is remarkable for the additions which he contributed to African

geography, according to information which he obtained from the Arabs,

although he did not penetrate farther to the south than Mesurata, a

place five days’ journey from Tripoli. In his account of the Fezzan

merchants, who crossed the Niger at a ferry two miles south of Cassena,

by allowing for the geographical inaccuracies of the time, may probably

be discerned the ferry of Comie, below Boossa, or that of Rabba,

mentioned in the following journal. The account, however, which Mr.

Lucas gave of the course of the Niger, is not confirmed by discovery;

but that the merchants after crossing it, pursued their journey to

Ashantee, and met with the goora-nuts, renders it extremely probable,

that these two ferries, which form the highway across this river, were

alluded to by his informers.

The western coast now became the quarter to which the attention of the

African Association was directed as likely to afford greater advantages

for penetrating to the Niger, than from Tripoli. In 1791, Major

Houghton, who had become acquainted with the character of the Arabs

while British Consul at Marocco, undertook to explore the Niger. He

ascended the Gambia, and having reached the upper part of this river,

took a northerly direction into Ludama, on the borders of the great

desert. Having agreed with some Moorish merchants to convey him to

Tisheet, he set out with them from Jarra, and at the expiration of two

days, he determined on not accompanying them farther, from a suspicion

of their intentions. The consequence was, that he was plundered and

deserted by the Moors, and died at Jarra, after travelling alone several

days.

The course of the Niger still lay concealed in vague and unsatisfactory

statements, no modern traveller having yet succeeded in reaching its

banks. The honour of first accomplishing this hazardous enterprize was

reserved for one no less unfortunate than his predecessors. In 1795, the

celebrated Mr. Mungo Park, a native of Scotland, offered his services to

the African Association. A knowledge of medicine, besides other useful

attainments, added to a natural taste for geographical discovery,

peculiarly qualified him for such a purpose; and his offer being

accepted, he set out for the Niger. Adopting the route of Major

Houghton, he penetrated up the Gambia, and quickly reached Medina.

Leaving the Gambia at this place, he kept a more northerly direction,

and crossed the Falemé, a tributary to the Senegal, near Fatteconda.

Having crossed the Senegal, and passed Kemmoo, he arrived at Jarra,

where he found the remains of Major Houghton. On leaving Jarra, he

adopted a course to the southward of east, and after having experienced

great difficulties and privations in consequence of wars, he at length

arrived at the long-sought Niger, and beheld it flowing from west to

east. From Sego, he continued his journey along the bank of the Niger to

Silla; where, finding himself exhausted by weakness, and destitute of

the means of proceeding further, he determined on returning to England.

He reached the Gambia by a more direct route than that by which he had

travelled to the Niger, and arrived in England in December 1797. At

Silla, which he stated as being two hundred miles from Timbuctoo, he

collected much information; and thus was the commencement of the Niger

first traced on the map from the actual observation of a modern

traveller. In this journey, Park explored the Niger between Bammakoo and

Silla, the former being, according to his account, about ten days’

journey distant from its source.

During the absence of Mr. Park in Western Africa, under the direction of

the Association, Mr. W. G. Browne, at his own expense, passed through

Egypt, and travelled to the west into Darfur, where he was detained

three years. His information chiefly concerns Egypt, and nothing was

gained from him respecting the Niger.

A new theory respecting the course and termination of this river now

started into notice. After his return, Mr. Park happening to meet with a

Mr. Maxwell, who was as much interested about the river Congo, as Mr.

Park was with the Niger, these two travellers communicated their

sentiments to each other respecting them, and came to the conclusion

that they were one and the same river. There was much to favour this

decision. The Niger had been found by Park flowing from west to east,

and from the accounts of the ancients, it was supposed to flow still

farther in that direction, perhaps as far as a thousand miles from

Silla, the extent of his discovery. Beyond this, all was conjecture

respecting it, and there was nothing unreasonable in the supposition

that it might take a south-east direction from Wangara, and become the

Congo, the course of which river was then unequally known. Such was

Park’s opinion, and upon which he soon after acted.

The course of the river, after the return of Park, was investigated

minutely by Major Rennell, whose name will ever be revered by

geographers. Besides laying it down from Park’s discoveries, he entered

fully into the various statements concerning it by the ancient writers;

and, after considerable pains, he arrived at the conclusion that the

river, having passed Timbuctoo, flowed a thousand miles in an easterly

direction, and terminated in a lake or swamp, called Wangara, into which

also another river fell from the eastward. This opinion, pronounced by

such a man as Major Rennell, was received with confidence, and prevailed

generally among geographers. Still it was unsatisfactory. Doubts were

justly entertained on the possibility of its disappearing in such a

manner, but the accounts of the ancients afforded no other means of

disposing of it.

M. Reichard, a German, entertained a different opinion from that of

Major Rennell, although he agreed with him in believing that it flowed

to Wangara. From this place, M. Reichard supposed that it assumed a

south-west course, and terminated in the Gulf of Guinea. It was observed

at the time that there was neither evidence on which such an opinion

could be supported, nor any by which it could be refuted. As far as

Wangara, it was acknowledged on the authority of the ancients, but

beyond this no one knew anything of it, and M. Reichard’s theory stood

alone. Discovery has proved him to be right in respect of its ultimate

disposal, but at the same time he participated in the general error

regarding its course to Wangara.

The next traveller sent out by the African Association was a German,

named Hornemann. At Fezzan, the farthest extent of his travels, he

collected much information respecting the geography of Africa; but

concerning the course of the Niger he contributed little or nothing. In

April, 1800, he wrote to England, saying that he was on the point of

starting for Bornou, since which time no account of him has been

received.

Another German, named Roentgen, was the next traveller sent out by the

African Association. His instructions were to penetrate to Timbuctoo,

from Mogadore. It was his intention to have accompanied the caravan to

that place from Marocco, but he is supposed to have been murdered by his

servant, a person bearing a suspicious character, whom he had taken into

his service against the advice of all to whom he was known.

The travels of Buckhardt, also sent out by the Association, threw no

additional light on the course of the Niger.

Another era in the history of African geography may now be observed—one

which, although marked by misfortune in its very commencement, and

followed up by the loss of many very valuable lives, has ultimately

produced the long sought for and desired result. The formation of the

African Association had already been followed by an important discovery,

and the persons composing it had secured to themselves the honour of

having given to the world the first authentic account of the Niger from

personal observation. By their aid Park had successfully explored three

hundred miles of this river, when the attention of the British

government, among other pursuits of a similar nature, was turned towards

it. The voyages of Cook had already enlarged the bounds of geographical

knowledge in nearly every part of the world by sea, and an expedition

for the discovery of the course and termination of the Niger was now

ordered.

This intelligence was communicated to Park, who, in his usual sanguine

manner, eagerly set to work in preparing for the journey. He had drawn

up a plan of proceeding, for the accomplishment of which he required the

assistance of thirty-six Europeans; six of whom were to be seamen, and

the rest soldiers. His plan was adopted, and a sum of five thousand

pounds was placed at his disposal by government, for equipping the

expedition. The intention of Park was to follow his former track to the

Niger, and having reached its banks, there to build two vessels for his

party, and to follow with them the course of the river. If it should

fall into the Congo, after passing Wangara, he entertained no doubt of

reaching the sea; but if it should terminate in this lake or morass, as

was supposed, he then expected that he should have to encounter much

difficulty. Hitherto the discovery of the Niger had been attempted by

single travellers, who had endeavoured to reach their destination by

accompanying the caravans, but this second journey of Park assumed an

entirely new character, and sanguine hopes were justly entertained of

his success.

The second journey of Park terminated fatally, and the great question of

the course of the Niger, which had seemed to be on the dawn of

discovery, was again obscured. Much information had been collected

concerning the fate of Park and his party, previous to the expedition of

the present travellers, by whom it has been confirmed. After

experiencing difficulties and dangers, of nearly every description, with

only seven men remaining of his whole party, and these in such a state,

from the effects of the climate, as to be scarcely able to proceed, he

at length reached a mountain ridge near Bammagoo, from whence he once

more beheld the Niger. Here he considered that all his difficulties were

at an end, and proceeded on to Sansanding, on the bank of the river, a

few miles below Sego, where he accomplished the building of his vessel.

By the time that he was ready to depart, which was on the 17th of

November, 1805, when he despatched one of his men, named Isaaco, to

England with his journals and letters, five of his party only were left.

Among those whom he had lost a few days before was Mr. Anderson, his

brother-in-law, to whom allusion is made in the following journal.

The strong determination of Park to persevere in his design of tracing

the course of the river to its termination, is thus expressed in one of

his letters from this place. ‘Though all the Europeans who are with me

should die, and though I were myself half dead, I would still persevere,

and if I could not succeed in the object of my journey, I would at least

die in the Niger.’ How truly were his words verified! and yet not by the

effect of the climate, which he had wonderfully escaped, but by mere

accident, produced by unfortunate circumstances. How often is the cup of

hope dashed from our lips, when we consider ourselves most certain of

its contents! Intelligence was afterwards obtained that Park had reached

Boossà, where, being attacked by the natives, as he previously had been

in many places after leaving Sansanding, he was supposed to have been

driven from his vessel, and to have perished in the river, which

intelligence is confirmed by the present account. Richard Lander was

informed at Boossà, that his party, consisting of many black people who

had been hired by him, were mistaken by the natives of this place for

Falàtahs, with whom they were then at war; and that the nature of the

river there is such, that there was but one part through which his

vessel could pass, and where he could not avoid the attacks of the

natives. This statement, as well as that obtained by Richard Lander at

Yàoori, so amply confirm the account contained in an Arab document, the

translation of which appears in Denham’s Work, that it deserves being

inserted here.

“Hence be it known, that some Christians came to the town of Youri, in

the kingdom of Yaoor, and landed and purchased provisions, as onions and

other things; and they sent a present to the King of Yaoor. The said

king desired them to wait until he should send them a messenger; but

they were frightened, and went away by the sea (river). They arrived at

the town called Bossa, or Boossa, and their ship then rubbed (struck)

upon a rock, and all of them perished in the river.”

“This fact is within our knowledge, and peace be the end.”

(‘_Note by the Translator_.—In addition to the above, there is a kind of

postscript appended to the document by a different hand, which being

both ungrammatical and scarcely legible, I had some difficulty in

translating and giving it a proper meaning. The words, however, are I

think as follows, though most of them have been made out by conjecture.)

“And they agreed or arranged among themselves, and swam in the sea

(river), while the men who were with (pursuing) them appeared on the

coast of the sea (bank of the river), and fell upon them till they went

down (sunk) in it.”

By the following extract from a document in the late Captain

Clapperton’s Journal in Africa, p. 334, it appears that Park and his

party visited Timbuctoo. After briefly noticing the progress of the

forty Christians as far as Sansanding, from which place they set out

with only five men, it states that they arrived at Masena, and that

“They sojourned there with the prince, who was one of the sons of the

Sultan of Timbuctoo, and whose name was Babal Kydiali. He entertained

them, and gave them leave to proceed to Timbuctoo. They continued their

voyage till they arrived in safety, five as they were, at the city of

Timbuctoo, where they resided as long as God was pleased. Thence they

went on towards the country of S’oghy, till they came to one of its

towns, called Gharwal-gaoo. There the Tuaricks met and fought them

severely till three were killed, and two only of them escaped with the

vessel.”

“They proceeded towards the east till they arrived at Boossà; but the

inhabitants fought and killed them, and their ship is to this moment

there. This is the substance and truth of the case.” Thus terminated the

first attempt made by the British government to discover the course of

the Niger.

The next person who is supposed to have visited Timbuctoo, was an

American seaman, named Adams, but his narrative throws no additional

light on the course of the Niger.

Amidst the extraordinary political events which agitated the whole of

Europe, further attempts at discovery were suspended till the

commencement of the present peace. Accordingly, in the year 1816, in

conformity with the favourite hypothesis of Park, an expedition was sent

to penetrate into Africa by the river Congo, with the view of arriving

at the Niger, under the direction of Captain Tuckey, of the Royal Navy.

The fate of this expedition was the counterpart of the preceding. Two

hundred and eighty miles from the coast was the extent of its progress;

and the question was as far as ever from being decided. At the same

time, another party, consisting of a hundred men, were placed under the

direction of Major Peddie, to reach the Niger by Park’s route from the

Gambia, and sent out to meet that under Captain Tuckey. This party

ascended the river Nunez, and were equally unfortunate with that which

had gone to the Congo.

The first intelligence obtained respecting the course of the Niger,

since its discovery by Park, was by the late Captain Clapperton of the

Navy, when he was at Sockatoo in 1824. He had reached this place from

Bornou, whither he had accompanied Major Denham and Dr. Oudney from

Tripoli. Here he first gained the intelligence that the river ran to the

south, and that it flowed into the sea at Funda. With this information,

and a vast deal more relating to other parts of Africa through which he

had passed, Clapperton returned to England. His favourable reception by

Bello, the Falàtah Sultan, induced the British government to send him

out again, accompanied by Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison of the Royal

Navy. These officers landed at Badágry, and the only one belonging to

their party, who returned safely to England, was Richard Lander, the

attendant of Clapperton. Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison died a few days

after leaving Badágry; and Clapperton, accompanied by Lander, soon after

arrived at Wowow, from which place they visited Boossà, the place of

Park’s death. Clapperton had imbibed a strong aversion to descending the

Niger, and made no secret of it to Lander. His firm conviction was, that

whoever attempted to go down this river, would fall by the attacks of

the natives; and would never live to reach its termination. Clapperton

crossed the river at Comie, below Boossà, and died soon after reaching

Sockatoo. Lander, having performed the last duties to the remains of his

friend and master, commenced his return to England with his papers.

Having traversed a considerable part of the country as far as Dunrora,

he would in all probability have found his way down the Niger, had he

not been interrupted by the natives, and compelled to turn back. This

circumstance alone obliged him to return by his former route to Badágry,

at which place he narrowly escaped with his life. In this expedition,

the position of Boossà, on the banks of the Niger, was obtained, and an

approximate position of Yaoorie, besides the course of the river between

these places.

During Clapperton’s absence on his second journey, Major Laing

penetrated from Tripoli to Timbuctoo. He had already escaped from an

attack by a band of Tuaricks, (a roving people who inhabit the desert,)

and had departed from Timbuctoo on his way to Sego, when he was

inhumanly murdered by a Moorish merchant, named Bambooshi, whom he had

engaged as a guide. Major Laing’s papers have not reached England, but

it may still be hoped that his observations at Timbuctoo will not be

finally lost.

A Frenchman named Caillié has visited Timbuctoo since Major Laing, but

his visit has produced no addition to our knowledge of the Niger.

The natives near Boossà seem to have but a vague notion of the course of

the river below that place. At Tabra, in Nouffie, Clapperton was told

that ‘the Quorra ran into the sea behind Benin, at Funda; that the Nyffe

people and those of Benin were the same people; that Benin paid tribute

to Nyffe. There is something remarkable in this; but Clapperton

attributes it to the desire of the natives to impress a stranger with an

exalted opinion of their country. The Sultan Bello himself believed that

the river, after passing Boossà and Wowow, entered the sea at Funda. The

extent of their knowledge of the river, and how little their information

was calculated to assist the geographer, may be seen by the following

amusing extract from the explanation to Bello’s map, given in the

Appendix, p. 333, of Clapperton’s book. ‘Now the great river Cowára

comes, and here is its representation. This great river is the largest

in all the territories of Haussà; we know not of its source, nor of any

one who has seen it. It rushes and precipitates itself through the

country from left to right, and contains many islands, inhabited by

fishermen, herdsmen, husbandmen, and settlers. As to the variety of its

animals, birds, and fish, it is only known to the Lord Creator; it has

rocks and mountains which break and shatter to pieces all vessels that

are driven against them; and its great roaring and noise, with the

agitation of its waves, astonish the hearer, and terrify the beholder;

and at the same time exhibit the wonderful power of the Omnipotent

Creator.’ Such was the idea of Bello’s mallam or learned priest; and

again at p. 340, in ‘a traditional account of different nations of

Africa,’ it is stated, that, ‘the river Kowára runs through mountains,

and a great many woods and forests; and has mountains on the north and

east. This great river issues from the Mountain of the Moon; and what we

know of it is, that it comes from Sookan to Kiga, to Kabi, to Yaoori, to

Boossà, to Wawa, and to Noofee,’—‘but in that place there is another

river, which springs from Zirma to Ghoober, to Zeffra, to Korg, or

Korra, and then enters Noofee; its name is Kaduna,’ or the Koodoonia,

the extent to which the Niger seems to have been known by the natives,

although they had heard of Funda.

Various accounts of the river had now been gradually collected from

different sources, which afforded grounds for fresh theories respecting

its termination. That of Reichard was the favourite, although Wangara

was dispensed with; and that the river fell into the Gulf of Guinea was

pretty generally agreed. These different opinions appeared in several

publications, in which, as might be expected, much error was mixed up

with the general correctness. That the river flowed into the sea at

Funda was the grand point obtained, and where Funda might be was of no

importance. The only exception to these, was the theory of Major Denham,

supported by Sultan Bello’s information, who continued its easterly

course below Boossà, and ended it in Lake Tshad. This he doubtless

considered the more probable, as he says that he found a river Shary

running into that Lake. Major Laing ended it in the river Volta, near

Accra; Clapperton brought it to the sea near the mouth of the Lagos,

about half way between Badágry and the mouth of the river Benin; while

Reichard concluded rightly that the river Benin was the outlet of the

Niger. Others believed that the mouths of the numerous rivers between

the Formosa and the old Calebar were the outlets of this river; among

whom were Captain W. F. W. Owen, Captain A. T. E. Vidal, and Captain B.

M. Kelly, besides several other naval officers who had been stationed on

the coast. The accounts of Liverpool palm-oil traders favoured the same

conclusion; nevertheless, no one had yet explored the river below

Boossà,—all was uncertainty, and founded only on report and supposition.

A solitary attempt to reach it from the old Calebar river was made in

1805, by a Mr. Nicholls, who died shortly after leaving Duke Town; and

this is remarkable from having been the only one made from that quarter.

[Illustration: _THE_ QUORRA, SENEGAL, and GAMBIA, _RIVERS_.

_J. & C. Walker, Sculpt._

_Published by John Murray, Albemarle Street, London, Jany. 1832._]

The annexed map serves to show the extent of our knowledge of the river

at this period. Park had laid down its course between Bammakoo and Silla

in his first journey, and had found that its source was in the same

mountainous range that gave rise to the Senegal. The part below Silla,

as far as Timbuctoo, was the result of intelligence obtained by him in

his second journey. Beyond Timbuctoo, the only place known to be

situated on its banks, was Boossà, the position of which had been

determined by Clapperton, but the actual course of the river between

those places remained entirely unknown. The part included within the

dotted square is the result of the Landers’ expedition; and therefore,

that part between Yàoori, the extent of their journey, and Timbuctoo, is

all that remains to be explored of the Niger. There is no doubt of its

continuity between those places, from the reports of Park, as the vessel

he built at Sansanding was lost at Boossà, and they have been connected

by the broken line merely to show the probable course of the river.

Considering the relative position of the Senegal and Niger, it is no

matter of surprise, that they should have been confounded with each

other in the early stages of history, although they run in opposite

directions, for, even at the present time, the ignorance of every one

who had been applied to concerning the river, was the subject of remark

by the last travellers.

Such was the uncertain condition in which the course of the Niger

remained, when the happy idea occurred of sending the Messrs. Lander to

follow its course below Boossà. By this step, the British government

completed what it had begun, and accomplished, in a few months, the work

of ages. Richard Lander, well acquainted with the nature of such an

undertaking, volunteered his services to perform it. His instructions,

of which the following is a copy, were given to him, and having been

supplied with the articles, a list of which will be found in the

Appendix, accompanied by his brother John, he set out on this

interesting expedition.

‘_Downing Street, 31st December_, 1829.

‘Sir,

‘I am directed by Secretary Sir George Murray to acquaint you, that

he has deemed it expedient to accept the offer which you have made, to

proceed to Africa, accompanied by your brother[1], for the purpose of

ascertaining the course of the Great River which was crossed by the late

Captain Clapperton, on his journey to Soccatoo; and a passage having

been accordingly engaged for you and your brother on board of the Alert,

merchant vessel, which is proceeding to Cape-Coast Castle, on the

western coast of Africa, I am to desire that you will embark directly on

board of that vessel.

‘In the event of your falling in with any of his Majesty’s ships of war

on the coast of Africa, previously to your arrival at Cape-Coast Castle,

you will prevail on the master to use every endeavour to speak with such

ship of war, and to deliver to the officer commanding her, the letter of

which you are the bearer, and which is to require him to convey yourself

and your brother to Badágry, to present you to the king, and to give you

such assistance as may be required to enable you to set out on your

journey.

‘You should incur as little delay as possible at Badágry, in order that,

by reaching the hilly country, you may be more secure from those fevers

which are known to be prevalent on the low lands of the sea-coast. You

are to proceed by the same road as on a previous occasion, as far as

Katunga, unless you shall be able to find, on the northern side of the

mountains, a road which will lead you to Funda, on the Quorra or Niger,

in which case you are to proceed direct to Funda. If, however, it should

be necessary to go as far as Katunga, you are to use your endeavours to

prevail on the chief of that country to assist you on your way to the

Quorra, and with the means of tracing down, either by land or water, the

course of that river as far as Funda.

‘On your arrival at this place, you are to be very particular in your

observations, so as to enable you to give a correct statement—

‘1st. Whether any, and what rivers fall into the Quorra at or near that

place, or whether the whole or any part of the Quorra turns to the

eastward.

‘2nd. Whether there is at Funda, or in the neighbourhood, any lake or

collection of waters, or large swamp; in which case you are to go round

such lake or swamp, and be very particular in examining whether any

river flows _into_ or _out_ of it, and in what direction it takes its

course.

‘3rd. If you should find that at Funda the Quorra continues to flow to

the southward, you are to follow it to the sea, where, in this case, it

may be presumed to empty its waters; but if it should be found to turn

off to the eastward, in which case it will most probably fall into the

Lake Tshad, you are to follow its course in that direction, as far as

you conceive you can venture to do, with due regard to your personal

safety, even to Bornou, in which case it will be for you to determine

whether it may not be advisable to return home by the way of Fezzan and

Tripoli: if, however, after proceeding in an easterly course for some

distance, the river should be found to turn off towards the south, you

are to follow it, as before, down to the sea. In short, after having

once gained the banks of the Quorra, either from Katunga, or lower down,

you are to follow its course, if possible, to its termination, wherever

that may be.

‘Should you be of opinion that the Sultan of Youri can safely be

communicated with, you are at liberty to send your brother with a

present to that chief, to ask, in the king’s name, for certain books or

papers which he is supposed to have, that belonged to the late Mr. Park;

but you are not necessarily yourself to wait for your brother’s return,

but to proceed in the execution of the main object of your mission, to

ascertain the course and termination of the Niger.

‘You are to take every opportunity of sending down by the coast a brief

abstract of your proceedings and observations, furnishing the bearer

with a note, setting forth the reward he is to have for his trouble, and

requesting any English person, to whom it is presented, to pay that

reward, on the faith that it will be repaid him by the British

Government.

‘For the performance of this service, you are furnished with all the

articles which you have required for your personal convenience, during

your journey, together with a sum of two hundred dollars in coin, and in

case, upon your arrival at Badágry, you should find it absolutely

necessary to provide yourself with a further supply of dollars, you will

be at liberty to draw upon this department for any sum not exceeding

three hundred dollars.

‘During the ensuing year, the sum of one hundred pounds will be paid to

your wife, in quarterly payments, and upon your return a gratuity of one

hundred pounds will be paid to yourself.

‘All the papers and observations which you shall bring back with you,

are to be delivered by you at this office, and you will be entitled to

receive any pecuniary consideration which may be obtained from the

publication of the account of your journey.

‘I am, Sir, &c. &c.

‘(Signed) R. W. HAY.’

‘_To Mr. Richard Lander_.’

[Copy of the letter alluded to in the foregoing instructions.]

_Admiralty Office, 23rd December_, 1829.

‘Sir,

‘I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, to

transmit to you a copy of a letter from Mr. Hay, relative to an

expedition into Africa, undertaken by Mr. Richard Lander and his

brother; and I am to signify their Lordships’ directions to you, to take

measures for conveying Messrs. Lander from Cape-Coast Castle to Badágry,

to be there presented, as desired in Mr. Hay’s letter, to the

authorities of the place, as persons in whose welfare the British

Government takes much interest, and also to provide these travellers

with any assistance of which they may stand in need, for the prosecution

of their undertaking.

‘I am, Sir, &c. &c.

‘J. BARROW.’

‘_To Commodore_ COLLIER, C. B.,

_or the Commanding Officer of any of His

Majesty’s Ships which Messrs._ LANDER

_may fall in with on the Coast of Africa_.’

The travellers have succeeded; their discovery is already known to the

world, and the following pages contain the particulars of their journey.

There are two features which distinguish this expedition from all those

that have preceded it, namely, the magnitude and importance of the

discovery, and the small means by which it has been accomplished.

Science here was out of the question, and all depended on that homely

quality of the mind, ‘determination of purpose,’ a leading feature in

the character of our countrymen, without which science itself is of

little avail.

The elder brother, Richard Lander, is already known to the world as the

faithful attendant of the late Captain Clapperton. The manner in which

he had acquitted himself of his trust, amidst the difficulties he had to

contend with, after that officer’s death, bespoke him as worthy of being

sent on such a mission, when scientific observations were not expected;

and the result has proved the justness of the opinion that had been

formed of him. Descended from Cornish parents, and gifted with no

extraordinary talent, it was not his fortune to boast either the honours

of high birth, or even to possess the advantages of a commonplace

education. His leading quality has been a share of perseverance,

rivalling that of any former traveller. This perseverance, under the

protection of Divine Providence, has enabled him to surmount every

difficulty, to unlock the portals of western Africa, and he has now the

proud gratification of knowing, that he has well earned that reward from

his King, which has placed him in honourable competency.

The younger brother, John Lander, influenced by a laudable desire of

assisting his brother and of visiting Africa, accompanied him on the

journey without pecuniary expectancy; and it is due to him to state,

that the narrative is largely indebted to his observation. Naturally of

a warm imagination, his descriptions are not without their faults; but

while this is acknowledged, it must be admitted that he has enriched the

Journal with much interesting and valuable information. In point of

education and literary attainments, John Lander has the advantage of his

brother, and has already produced several essays, in prose and verse,

besides having written the accounts of his brother’s former journey.

Having shared the dangers of his last expedition, he has been promised

an employment under Government, suitable to his abilities; and the

friends of knowledge and science will rejoice in seeing these

travellers, the only two left of those who have gone out on this

dangerous mission, become objects of their country’s care.

The first annual premium of fifty guineas, which has been placed at the

disposal of the President and Council of the Royal Geographical Society,

by his Most Gracious Majesty, was awarded to Richard Lander, as having

been charged with the expedition. On the 14th of November, it was

presented to him by the President, Lord Goderich, accompanied by a few

observations, most gratifying to his feelings; and it is a remarkable

fact, that the incorporation of the African Association with the

Geographical Society was announced by his Lordship immediately

afterwards,—that Association whose first and chief solicitude had been

the grand discovery for which the reward had been just bestowed.

The unfortunate disaster that befell the travellers at Kirree nearly

deprived the world of the fruits of their observations; but fortunately,

although those of each in different parts of the journey were lost in

the river, the thread of the narrative has been preserved entire by what

remained. The first portion of the Journal is from the observations of

John Lander—those of Richard, between their departure from England and

Rabba, having been lost. The remainder of it, to the conclusion, is from

the journal of Richard Lander, assisted by that of his brother, part of

the journal of the latter, between Rabba and Kirree, being also lost.

And there is little doubt, that the parts which have thus perished would

have added materially to the value of the whole. In preparing the

journals for publication, for the sake of clearness, as well as in

pursuance of custom, Richard Lander, the elder brother, being charged

with the expedition, has been considered as the principal, and the

journal of John Lander, while they were separate from each other, is

preserved in his own name. This plan having been determined on, after

about half of the first volume had been printed, a few alterations

became necessary, and these have been made without departing from the

sense intended to be conveyed.

In conclusion, a word or two may be said respecting the map which has

been constructed from the journals. The accomplished surveyor will look

in vain along the list of the articles, with which the travellers were

supplied, for the instruments of his calling; and the man of science, to

form his opinion of it, need only be told, that a common compass was all

they possessed to benefit geography, beyond the observation of their

senses. Even this trifling though important assistance was lost at

Kirree, below which place the sun became their only guide. Too much

faith must not therefore be reposed in the various serpentine courses of

the river on the map, as it is neither warranted by the resources, nor

the ability of the travellers. The map, in its most favourable point of

view, can be considered only as a sketch of the river authenticated by

personal observation, which will serve to assist future travellers, from

whose superior attainments something nearer approaching to geographical

precision may be expected. Even under these circumstances, the present

travellers will always derive ample satisfaction in reflecting that they

have served as pioneers of African discovery.

A. B. B.

* * * * *

[Illustration: _THE COURSE OF THE_ QUORRA, (The JOLIBA or NIGER of Park)

from the Journals of Messrs. Richard and John Lander, _with their Route

from_ BADAGRY to the NORTHWARD, in 1830.

_A. B. Becher, del._

_J. & C. Walker, Sculpt._

_Published by John Murray, Albemarle Street, London, Sepr. 1831._]

JOURNAL.

* * * * *

CHAPTER I.

Departure from England — Arrival at Cape Coast — Anamabóo — Accra —

Badágry.

We embarked from Portsmouth on the 9th January, 1830, in the brig Alert,

Tyson master, for Cape Coast Castle, where we arrived on the 22d of the

following month, having had a quick, but boisterous and unpleasant

passage of forty-two days. We should be sadly wanting in gratitude and

every proper feeling, if we were to omit acknowledging, in this place,

the truly handsome and gentlemanly treatment we experienced from Mr.

George Maclean, President of the Council at Cape Coast, who had been our

fellow passenger in the Alert, as well as the merchants resident there,

who welcomed us on our arrival. In fact they _all_ vied with each other

in making themselves agreeable, and in showing us the most marked

attention; and they entertained us with a generous hospitality, which

would have done honour to the boasted olden time. Here we were fortunate

enough to engage old Pascoe and his wife, with Jowdie, who had been

employed on the last mission, together with Ibrahim and Mina, two Bornou

men, who were well acquainted with English manners, and could converse

in the Hàussa language. These individuals promised to be very useful in

the expedition, more especially old Pascoe, whose merits as an

interpreter are unquestionable.

After remaining at Cape Coast Castle eight days, we accompanied Mr.

Maclean on a visit to Mr. Hutchinson, Commandant of Anamabóo, which is

about nine miles distance from the former place. This gentleman received

us in a manner that does equal honour to his heart and feelings. Would

that we could repay him in any way for his generous abandonment and

forgetfulness of all his private concerns solely to please and amuse his

guests; would that we could command language forcible and glowing enough

to express the gratitude we feel for the disinterested kindness he

showed us at Anamabóo. Mr. Hutchinson lives in his castle like an

English baron in the feudal times, untinctured, however, by barbarism or

ignorance, for the polished refinements of life have insinuated

themselves into his dwelling, though it is entirely surrounded by

savages, and though the charming sound of a lady’s voice is seldom or

never heard in his lonely hall. His silken banners, his turreted castle,

his devoted vassals, his hospitality, and even his very solitariness,

all conspire to recall to the mind the manners and way of life of an old

English baron in one of the most interesting periods of our history,

whilst the highly chivalrous and romantic spirit of the gentleman

alluded to is strictly in unison with the impression. Mr. Hutchinson has

resided very many years on the coast, and is one of the few individuals

that have visited the capital of Ashantee, wherein he resided eight

months, and obtained a better acquaintance with the manners, customs,

and pursuits of that warlike, enterprising, and original nation than any

other European whatever. In the Ashantee war he took a very active part,

and rendered important and valuable services to the cause he so warmly

espoused.

We abode at the fort till the 4th March, when we bade adieu to our kind

host, and our much-respected friend Mr. George Maclean, and embraced the

opportunity of sailing in the Alert for Accra, where we expected to find

a vessel to take us to Badágry, in the Bight of Benin, agreeably to our

instructions.

For the last time we beg leave to express our gratitude to the worthy

president and the council at Cape Coast, for their noble and feeling

treatment of us, strangers, and to assure them that we shall cherish the

remembrance of it as long as we live. It is conduct such as this, so

flattering to one’s self-love, that makes the deepest and most lasting

impression on the heart, and that clings to it when the memory of other,

and perhaps more important things, has long passed away.

In two days we arrived opposite the British fort at Accra, and landed on

the 7th. Here we abode with Mr. Fry, the commandant, a whole week, which

afforded us ample leisure to stroll about the neighbourhood, and admire

the surpassing beauty of the country. Accra is, without exception, the

pleasantest and most healthy British settlement on the western coast of

Africa. Its trade has perhaps suffered by the late unfortunate Ashantee

war, in common with Cape Coast Castle and other places, but it is

beginning to revive again. His Majesty’s brig Clinker arrived the day

before us, and two days after she was joined by the Medina sloop of war,

and the Black Joke.

On the 15th we embarked on board the Clinker, Lieutenant Matson

commander, and having sailed direct for Badágry, we dropped anchor in

the roadstead in front of that town on the 19th. My brother landed and

was introduced to the chief by Mr. Brown, master of the brig, on the

following day, and every thing having been arranged to our satisfaction,

the luggage was safely landed on the 21st.

From Lieutenant Matson, an officer to whom we are under infinite

obligations for the many courtesies and acts of kindness he showed us,

we received a young man of colour named Antonio, son to the chief of

Bonny, who eagerly embraced the opportunity of proceeding with us into

the interior, being impressed with the notion that he should be enabled

to reach his home and country by means of the Great River, or Niger.

_March 22d._—Cheered by six hearty huzzas, good-naturedly given us by

the crew of the Clinker, at the desire of her gallant commander, we

sailed towards the beach in one of the brig’s boats in the earlier part

of the afternoon, and having been taken into a canoe that was waiting at

the edge of the breakers to receive us, we were plyed over a tremendous

surf, and flung with violence on the burning sands.

Wet and uncomfortable as this accident had rendered us, we had no change

of linen at hand, and we walked to a small creek about the distance of a

quarter of a mile from the sea-shore, where we were taken into a native

canoe, and conveyed safely through an extremely narrow channel, overhung

with luxuriant vegetation, into the Badágry river, which is a branch of

the Lagos. It is a beautiful body of water, resembling a lake in

miniature; its surface is smooth and transparent as glass, and its

picturesque banks are shaded by trees of a lively verdure. We were soon

landed on the opposite side, when our road lay over a magnificent plain,

on which deer, antelopes, and buffaloes are often observed to feed.

Numbers of men, women, and children followed us to the town of Badágry,

and they made the most terrific noises at our heels, but whether these

were symptoms of satisfaction or displeasure, admiration or ridicule, we

could not at first understand. We were soon, however, satisfied that the

latter feeling was predominant; and indeed our clothing was exceedingly

grotesque, consisting of a straw hat, larger than an umbrella, a scarlet

Mohammedan tobe or tunic and belt, with boots and full Turkish trowsers.

So unusual a dress might well cause the people to laugh heartily; they

were all evidently highly amused, but the more modest of the females,

unwilling to give us any uneasiness, turned aside to conceal the titter,

from which they were utterly unable to refrain.

On our way we observed various groups of people seated under the

spreading branches of superb trees, vending provisions and country

cloth; and on our approach many of these arose and bowed, whilst others

fell on their knees before us in token of respect. We reached the

dwelling which had been prepared for us about three o’clock in the

afternoon, but as the day was too far advanced to visit the chief or

king, we sent a messenger to inform him of our intention of paying him

our respects to-morrow morning.

_March 23d._—At nine o’clock this morning, agreeably to yesterday’s

promise, we visited the chief at his residence, which is somewhat more

than half a mile from our own. On our entrance he was sitting on a

couple of boxes, in a small bamboo apartment, from whose sides were

suspended a great quantity of muskets and swords, with a few paltry

umbrellas, and a couple of horses’ tails, which are used for the purpose

of brushing away flies and other insects. King Adooley looked up in our

faces without making any observation, and did not rise from his seat to

congratulate us on our arrival. He appeared in deep reflection, and

thoughtfully rested his elbow on an old wooden table, pillowing his head

on his hand. One of the most venerable and ancient of his subjects was

squatted at the feet of his master, smoking from a pipe of extraordinary

length; whilst Lantern, his eldest son and heir apparent, was kneeling

at his side, etiquette not allowing the youth to sit in presence of his

father. Everything bore an air of gloom and sadness totally different

from what we had been led to expect. We shook hands, but the pressure of

the chief was so very faint that it was scarcely perceptible; yet,

notwithstanding this apparent coldness, we seated ourselves, one on each

side, without ceremony or embarrassment. The conversation was commenced

on our part by inquiring after the chief’s health, which was answered

only by a languid smile, and he again relapsed into his former

thoughtfulness. We then displayed to the greatest advantage the presents

we had brought for him from England; they were accepted, it is true, but

without the slightest demonstration of pleasure or satisfaction; they

were scarcely looked at, and were carried away by his attendants with

real or seeming indifference. This was very mortifying, but we said not

a word, though it was the easiest thing imaginable to perceive that all

was not right. A reserve, the cause whereof we could not define, and a

coldness towards us for which we could in no wise account, marked the

conduct of the once spirited and good-natured chief of Badágry, and

prepared us to anticipate various difficulties in the prosecution of our

plans, which we are persuaded will require much art and influence to

surmount. Adooley left us abruptly in the midst of the conversation, and

did not return for some time.

Wearied at length with his long delay, we despatched a messenger to

acquaint him that we were becoming impatient, and would feel obliged by

his immediate return, in order to put an end to our conference, or

_palàver_ as it is emphatically styled, as speedily as possible. On

receiving this message the chief hastened back, and entered the

apartment with a melancholy countenance, which was partially concealed

behind large volumes of smoke from a tobacco-pipe which he was using. He

seated himself between us as before, and gave us to understand in a very

low tone of voice, that he was but just recovering from a severe

illness, and from the effects of a variety of misfortunes, which had

rendered him almost broken-hearted. His generals, Bombanee and Poser

(mentioned in Clapperton’s Journal), and all his most able warriors, had

either been slain in battle, or fallen by other violent means. The

former in particular, whose loss he more particularly lamented, had been

captured by the Lagos people, who were his most inveterate enemies. When

this unfortunate man was taken prisoner, his right hand was immediately

nailed to his head, and the other lopped off like a twig. In this manner

he was paraded through the town, and exposed to the view of the people,

whose curiosity being satiated, Bombanee’s head was at length severed

from his shoulders, and being dried in the sun and beat to dust, was

sent in triumph to the Chief of Badágry. To add to his calamities,

Adooley’s house, which contained an immense quantity of gunpowder, had

been blown up by accident, and destroyed all his property, consisting of

a variety of presents, most of them very valuable, that had been made

him by Captain Clapperton, and by European merchants and traders in

slaves. The chief and his women escaped with difficulty from the

conflagration; but as it was the custom to keep the muskets and other

fire-arms constantly loaded, their contents were discharged into the

bodies and legs of those individuals that had flocked to the spot on the

first alarm. The flames spread with astonishing rapidity,

notwithstanding every exertion, and ended in the destruction of a great

part of the town. This accounted in some measure for the sad and

grievous expression so strongly depicted on the chief’s countenance, but

still another and more powerful reason had doubtless influenced him on

this occasion.

On returning to our residence, a number of ‘principal men,’ as they

style themselves, were introduced, to compliment us on coming to their

country, although their true and only motive for visiting our quarters

was the expectation of obtaining rum, which is the great object of

attraction to all of them. We have been annoyed during the better part

of this day by a tribe of ragged beggars, whose importunity is really

disgusting; and the number of old fat-headed and pot-bellied men, and

skinny, flap-eared women of the last century, has been immense. To these

garrulous ladies and gentlemen have we been obliged to laugh and talk,

and shake hands, and crack fingers, and bend our bodies and bow our

heads, and place our hands with solemnity on our heads and breasts; make

presents, and cringe, fawn, and flatter up to the present moment, which

is past bed-time. We have not indeed had a moment’s relaxation from this

excessive fatigue; and the consideration that we have been waited on by

the chief’s eldest son has been forgotten in the mortifying

inconveniences to which we have been subjected.

Had Job, amongst his other trials, been exposed to the horrors of an

interminable African _palàver_, his patience must have forsaken him. For

my own part, I am of opinion that I shall never be a general favourite

with this ever-grinning and loquacious people. If I laugh, and laugh I

most certainly must, it is done against my inclination, and consequently

with a very bad grace. For the first five years of my life, I have been

told that I was never even seen to smile, and since that period, Heaven

knows, my merriment has been confined to particular and extraordinary

occasions only. How then is it possible that I can be grinning and

playing the fool from morning to night, positively without any just

incentive to do so, and sweltering at the same time under a sun that

causes my body to burn with intense heat, giving it the appearance of

shrivelled parchment? Fortunately, these savages, for savages they most

certainly are in the fullest extent of the word, cannot distinguish

between real and fictitious joy; and although I was vexed at heart, and

wished them all at the bottom of the Red Sea, or somewhere else, I have

every reason to believe that my forced attempts to please the natives

have so far been successful; and that I have obtained the reputation,

which I certainly do not deserve, of being one of the pleasantest and

best tempered persons in the world.

One of the Fetísh-men has just sent us a present of a duck, fully as

large as an English goose; but as the fellow expects ten times its value

in return, it is no proof, I think, of the benevolence of his

disposition. Last night we were obliged to station armed men around our

house, for the purpose of protecting our goods from the rapacity of a

multitude of thieves that infest this place, and who display the

greatest cunning imaginable, to ingratiate themselves into our favour.

We arose unrefreshed this morning, at day-break, the noise of children

crying, the firing of guns, and the discordant sound of drums and horns,

preventing us from enjoying the sweetness of repose, so infinitely

desirable after a long day spent in a routine of tiresome ceremony and

etiquette.

_March 24th._—One of the chief’s messengers, who is a Hàussa Mallam,[2]

or priest, presented himself at the door of our house this morning,

followed by a large and handsome spotted sheep from his native country,

whose neck was adorned with little bells, which made a pretty jingling

noise. We were much prepossessed in this man’s favour by the calmness

and serenity of his countenance, and the modesty, or rather timidity of

his manners. He was dressed in the Hàussa costume, viz., cap, tobe,

trousers, and sandals. He wore four large silver rings on his thumb, and

his left wrist was ornamented with a solid silver bracelet. This is the

only individual that has yet visited us purely with disinterested

motives, as all the others make it a practice to beg whenever they

favour us with their company. But the Mallam, it is to be understood, is

a Mussulman, and it is the fast of the Rhamadan, so that he is forbidden

by his creed either to eat or drink from the rising to the setting of

the sun.

A Falatah residing in the town has agreed to supply us with cow’s

milk every morning, as long as we may have occasion to remain; he is

likewise a Mohammedan; and imitating the example of the Mallam, he

scrupulously adheres to the rigorous precepts of his religion.

The chief’s eldest son has been with us the greatest part of to-day. The

manners of this young man are reserved, but respectful; he is a great

admirer of the English, and has obtained a smattering of their language.

Although his appearance is extremely boyish, he has already three wives,

and is the father of two children. His front teeth are filed to a point

after the manner of the Lagos people, but notwithstanding this

disadvantage, his features bear less marks of ferocity than we have

observed in the countenance of any one of his countrymen, while his

general deportment is infinitely more pleasing and humble than theirs.

When asked, whether if it were in his power to do so, he would injure us

two, or any European that might hereafter visit Badágry, he made no

reply, but silently approached our seat, and falling on his knees at our

feet, he pressed me with eagerness to his soft naked bosom, and

affectionately kissed my hand. I thought that language and expression

would not have been half so eloquent as this.

We have heard to-day that peace has been established between Porto Novo

and Badágry. The messenger that brought this agreeable news has

presented Adooley with three slaves, from his master, the chief of the

former state, as a token that it is to be lasting. This distracted

country is ever at war with her neighbours, and consequently is always

in a state of agitation and poverty. Provisions are from the same cause

extremely scarce and dear.

Since our conference with the chief on Tuesday we have learned with

surprise and sorrow, that a party of the populace have expressed

themselves decidedly hostile to our projects, and that its leaders are

continually with Adooley, using all their influence, and exercising all

their cunning, in order to awaken his slumbering jealousy. They

endeavour to persuade him to demand, ere he grants us leave to pass

through his country, a sum of money, which they are all aware it is not

in our power to pay, and therefore, they imagine we shall be compelled

to abandon the undertaking. The first intimation we received of the

effect of these insinuations on the mind of the chief was brought us

this morning by one who pronounces himself to be on ‘our side.’ This man

assured us with an ominous visage, that Adooley had declared in the

hearing of all the people, that the coat we had given him was intended

for a boy, and not a man; it was therefore unworthy his acceptance as a

king, and he considered that we meant to insult him. The coat alluded to

by Adooley is indeed extremely old-fashioned, and belonged to a surgeon

in the navy about twenty years ago, notwithstanding which it is now

almost as good as new, and was made very showy by the addition of a pair

of tarnished gold epaulets. Nor can anything be clearer than that an

enemy of ours has been striving to render the chief discontented and

mistrustful, since nothing was so gladly received as this very coat two

days ago. To counteract the efforts of the malicious, we have been

unusually busy to-day in sounding the disposition of those, who, we are

inclined to believe, from the fondness they evince for our rum, are

favourable to our intentions and devoted to our interests.

Two mulattoes reside in the town, one of whom, by name Hooper, acts as

interpreter to Adooley, and shares a good deal of his confidence. He was

born at Cape Coast Castle in 1780, and was for many years a soldier in

the African corps. His father was an Englishman, and he boasts of being

a British subject. He is excessively vain of his origin; yet he is the

most confirmed drunkard alive, always getting intoxicated before

breakfast, and remaining in a soaking state all day long. This does not,

however, make him regardless of his personal interests, to which, on the

contrary, he is ever alive, and indeed sacrifices every other feeling.

The other mulatto can read and write English tolerably well, having

received his education at Sierra Leone; he is a slave to Adooley, and is

almost as bad as Hooper as to drinking. These political advisers of the

chief we have had little difficulty in bribing over to our interests: we

have likewise been tampering with several native chiefs, apparently with

equal success. Unfortunately, every one styles himself a great and

powerful man, and old Hooper himself calls a host of ragged scoundrels,

‘noblemen and gentlemen.’ Each of these he advises and conjures us to

conciliate with presents, and especially spirituous liquors, in order to

do away any evil impression they may secretly have received, and obtain

their suffrages, though it should be at the expense of half the goods in

our possession. There is hardly any knowing who is monarch here, or even

what form of government prevails. Besides the king of kings himself, the

redoubtable Adooley, four fellows assume the title of royalty; namely,

the kings of Spanish Town, of Portuguese Town, of English Town, and of

French Town—Badágry being divided into four districts, bearing the names

of the European nations just mentioned. This evening we received an

invitation from the former of these chieftains, who by all accounts was

originally the sole governor of the country, until his authority was

wrested from him by a more powerful hand. He now lives in retirement,

and subsists by purchasing slaves and reselling them to Spanish and

Portuguese traders. In him we found a meek and venerable old man, of

respectable appearance. He was surrounded by a number of men and boys,

his household slaves, who were all armed with pistols, daggers, muskets,

cutlasses, swords, &c., the manufacture of various European countries.

In the first place he assured us, that nothing could give him more

pleasure than to welcome us to Badágry; and he very much wondered that

we had not visited him before. If we had a present to give him, he said,

he would thank us, but if we had not, still he would thank us. A table

was then brought out into the court before the house, whereon decanters,

and glasses, with a burning liquor obtained from the Portuguese, were

placed. In one corner of the yard was a little hut, not more than two

feet in height, wherein had been placed a fetísh figure, to preserve the

chief from any danger or mischief, which our presence might otherwise

have entailed upon him. A portion of the spirit was poured into one of

the glasses, and from it emptied into each of the others, and then drunk

by the attendant that had fetched it from the house. This is an old

custom, introduced, no doubt, to prevent masters from being poisoned by

the treachery of their slaves. As soon as the decanters had been emptied

of their contents, other ardent spirits were produced; but as my brother

imagined that fetísh-water had been mingled with it, we simply took

about a tea-spoonful into our mouths, and privately ejected it on the

ground. The old chief promised to return our visit to-morrow; and

lifting up his hands and eyes to Heaven, like a child in the attitude of

prayer, he invoked the Almighty to preserve and bless us (for this was

the interpretation of his expressions). We then saluted him in the usual

manner, and returned, well pleased, to our own habitation.

If one may be allowed to form an opinion of the population of Badágry,

from the vast number of sellers he meets with, or rather if the number

of buyers bears any proportion to them, the town must be wonderfully

populous, for though the old chief’s residence is above a mile and a

half from ours, people were found vending a variety of articles at every

step of the way.

We are most anxious to proceed on our journey, but the chief Adooley

evades our solicitations to depart under the most frivolous and absurd

pretences. He asserts that his principal reason for detaining us here,

against our inclination, is the apprehension he entertains for our

safety, the road not being considered in a good state. Under this

impression he has despatched a messenger to Jenna, to ascertain if the

affairs of that country warrant his sending us thither. The old king of

Jenna, who it will be recollected behaved so kindly to Captain

Clapperton’s last mission, is dead; and although a successor has been

appointed to fill his place, he is not yet arrived from Katunga. This

being the case, no one will be at Jenna to receive us. Meantime the

rainy season is fast approaching, as is sufficiently announced by

repeated showers and occasional tornadoes; and what makes us still more

desirous to leave this abominable place, is the fact (as we have been

told) that a sacrifice of no less than three hundred human beings, of

both sexes and all ages, is shortly to take place. We often hear the

cries of many of these poor wretches; and the heart sickens with horror

at the bare contemplation of such a scene as awaits us, should we remain

here much longer. We, therefore, can only wish, that if such is to be

the case, we may not be compelled to witness this bloody abomination.

_March 25th._—We were awoke this morning by the warbling of a variety of

small birds, which, perched on the branches of the beautiful trees

surrounding our house, serenade us so charmingly that we can never close

our eyes after day-break; in fact, it would be a shame in us to do so

whilst we can listen to melody so truly enchanting. Shortly after the

sun rises our house is full of visitors; and from that time till evening

we resign ourselves very complacently to a species of punishment which

is, I fancy, less tolerable than purgatory. After cracking fingers a

hundred times, and grinning as often, we were informed this forenoon,

that the chief’s messenger had returned from Jénna; but, for some reason

at present unknown to us, the man was almost immediately sent back; and

we are told, that we cannot quit Badágry until he again makes his

appearance. It is the custom in this place, that when a man cannot pay

his respects in person to another, he sends a servant with a sword or

cane, in the same manner as a gentleman delivers his card in England. We

have received a great number of compliments to-day in this fashion; and

it is almost superfluous to say that a cane or sword is at all times a

more welcome and agreeable visitor than its owner would have been.

We had not finished breakfast this morning before Hooper introduced

himself for his accustomed glass of spirits, to prevent him, according

to his own account, from getting sick. He took the opportunity of

informing us, that it would be absolutely necessary to visit the

‘noblemen’ that had declared themselves ‘on our side.’ As we strove to

court popularity and conciliate these vagabonds by every means in our

power, we approved of Hooper’s counsel, and went in the first place to

the house of the late _General_ Poser, which is at present under the

superintendence of his head man. Him we found squatting indolently on a

mat, and several old people were holding a conversation with him. As the

death of Poser is not generally known to the people, it being concealed

from them for fear of exciting a commotion in the town, for he was

universally loved and respected, we were not permitted even to mention

his name, and the steward set us the example by prudently confining his

conversation to the necessity of making him a present proportionable to

his expectations and the dignity of his situation. Muskets and other

warlike instruments were suspended from the sides of the apartment, and

its ceiling was decorated with fetíshes and Arab texts in profusion. Gin

and water were produced, and partaken of with avidity by all present,

more especially by the two Mulattoes that had attended us, which being

done, the head-man wished the ‘Great Spirit’ to prosper us in all our

undertakings, and told us not to forget his present by any means. We

shortly afterwards paid our respects, and quitted the apartment with

feelings of considerable satisfaction; for its confined air was so

impure, that a longer stay, to say the least of it, would have been

highly unpleasant. As it was, we had consumed so much time in Poser’s

house, that we found it necessary to alter our intention of visiting the

other chiefs; and therefore resolved to pay our respects to Adooley,

whom we had not seen for two days. Accordingly we repaired immediately

to his residence, and were welcomed to it with much better grace than on

any previous occasion.

The chief was eating an undrest onion, and seated on an old table,

dangling his legs underneath it with a vacant thoughtlessness of manner,

which our abrupt intrusion somewhat dissipated. He informed us of his

intention of sending us on our journey on the day after to-morrow, when

he expected that the people of Jenna would be in a suitable condition to

receive us. He was full of good nature, and promised to make my brother

a present of a horse, which he had brought with him from Soccatóo on the

former expedition; he added that he would sell another to me; and that

he most particularly wished to examine the goods we intended taking with

us into the ‘bush,’ as the uncleared country is called, in order that he

might satisfy himself we had nothing objectionable amongst them. Having

expressed our thanks to Adooley for his well-timed present, and agreed

to the conditions he proposed, we all partook of a little spirit and

water, which soon made us the best friends in the universe. During this

palàver, the chief’s sister and two of his wives were ogling at us, and

giggling, until the approach of the chief of English town and the rest

of our party put a sudden stop to their entertainment, on which they

presently left the apartment. These men came to settle a domestic

quarrel, which was soon decided by the chief, who, after receiving the

usual salutation of dropping on the knees, with the face to the earth,

chatted and laughed immoderately. This was considered by us as a happy

omen. Very little ceremony is observed by the meanest of the people

toward their sovereign. They converse with him with as little reserve as

if he were no better than themselves, while he pays as much attention to

their complaints as to those of the principal people of the country. I

should think that Adooley is not entirely destitute of the virtues of

hospitality, for we observed with pleasure that the remainder of his

onions were divided equally amongst the chiefs who had come to visit

him, and were received by them with marks of the highest satisfaction.

This afternoon a herald proclaimed the approach to our habitation of the

venerable chief of Spanish Town, with a long suite of thirsty followers.

The old man’s dress was very simple, consisting only of a cap and

turban, with a large piece of Manchester cotton flung over his right

shoulder, and held under his left arm. This is infinitely more graceful

and becoming in the natives, than the most showy European apparel, in

any variety of which, indeed, they generally look highly ridiculous.

After we had made him and all his attendants nearly tipsy, the old chief

began to be very talkative and amusing, continuing to chat without

intermission for a considerable time, not omitting to whisper

occasionally to the interpreter, by no means to forget, after his

departure, reminding us of the present we had promised him, for it is

considered the height of rudeness to mention any thing of the kind aloud

in his presence. Our rum had operated so cheerily upon his followers in

the yard, that fat and lean, old and young, commenced dancing, and

continued performing the most laughable antics, till they were no longer

able to stand. It amused us infinitely to observe these creatures, with

their old solemn, placid-looking chief at their head, staggering out at

the door-way; we were in truth but too happy to get rid of them at so

cheap a rate. Hooper shortly afterwards came with a petition from twelve

‘gentlemen’ of English Town, for the sum of a hundred and twenty

dollars, to be divided amongst them; and having no resource, we were

compelled to submit to the demand of these rapacious scoundrels.

Late in the evening we received the threatened visit from Adooley, who

came to examine the contents of our boxes. He was borne in a hammock by

two men, and was dressed in an English linen shirt, a Spanish cloak or

mantle, with a cap, turban, and sandals. His attendants were three half-

dressed little boys, who, one by one, placed themselves at their

master’s feet, as they are in the habit of doing. One of them carried a

long sword, another a pistol, and the third a kind of knapsack, filled

with tobacco. We presented the chief with brandy, equal in strength to

spirits of wine; and he swallowed a large quantity of it with exquisite

pleasure. The boys were permitted to drink a portion of the liquor every

time that it was poured into a glass for Adooley; but though it was so

very strong, it produced no grimace, nor the slightest distortion of

countenance in these little fellows. The fondness of the natives, or

rather their passion for strong waters, is astonishing, and they are

valued entirely in proportion to the intoxicating effects they occasion.

Adooley smoked nearly all the while he remained in our house. As each

box was opened, however, he would take the pipe slowly from his mouth,

as if perfectly heedless of what was going forward; and from the couch

whereon he was reclining, regard with intense curiosity each article as

it was held out to his observation. Everything that in his opinion

demanded a closer examination, or more properly speaking, every thing he

took a fancy to, was put into his hands at his own request; but as it

would be grossly impolite to return it after it had been soiled by his

fingers, with the utmost _nonchalance_ the chief delivered it over to

the care of his recumbent pages, who carefully secured it between their

legs. Adooley’s good taste could not of course be questioned; and it did

not much surprise, though it grieved us, to observe a large portion of

almost every article in the boxes speedily passing through his hands

into those of his juvenile minions. Nothing seemed unworthy his

acceptance, from fine scarlet cloth to a child’s farthing whistle; in

fact he requested a couple of these little instruments to amuse himself

with in retirement! And although he has received guns, ammunition, and a

variety of goods to the amount of nearly three hundred ounces[3] of

gold, he is so far from being satisfied that he is continually grumbling

forth his discontent. Gratitude is unknown both to him and his subjects;

the more one gives them, the more pressing are their importunities for

other favours. The very food that one eats and the clothes that he wears

are begged in so fawning a tone and manner, as to create disgust and

contempt at the first interview.

It was nearly midnight before Adooley arose from his seat to depart,

when he took his leave, with broad cloth, and cottons, pipes, snuff-

boxes, and knives, paper, ink, whistles, &c. &c., and even some of our

books, so avaricious is this Chief of Badágry.

_March 26th._—We arose early this morning for the purpose of arranging

some trifling matters, and taking our breakfast in quietness and

comfort; but we had scarcely sat down when our half-naked grinning

acquaintances entered to pay us the compliments of the day.

Notwithstanding our chagrin, so ludicrous was the perpetual bowing and

scraping of these our friends, in imitation of Europeans, that we could

not forbear laughing in good earnest. Our rum, which had been kindly

supplied us by Lieutenant Matson, we are happy to say, is now nearly all

consumed, and the number of our general visitors has diminished in exact

proportion to its decrease; so that we are beginning to feel the

enjoyment of an hour or two’s quiet in the course of a day, which is a

luxury we could hardly have anticipated. The chief sent his son this

morning to us, requesting a few needles and some small shot. We could

ill spare the latter, but it would be impolitic to refuse his urgent

solicitations, whatever may be their tendency.

The horses promised by Adooley have been sent for us to examine. They

appear strong and in good condition; and if they play us no wicked

pranks in the ‘bush,’ no doubt they will be eminently serviceable.

This evening Poser’s head man, who we understand is one of the Chief’s

first captains, returned our visit of yesterday, followed by a multitude

of friends and retainers. He had been determined, I believe, before he

left home, to be in an ill-humour with us, and perhaps he had treated

himself with an extra dram for the occasion. This great bully introduced

himself into our dwelling,—his huge round face inflamed with scorn,

anger and ‘potations deep.’ He drank with even more avidity than his

countrymen, but the liquor produced no good impression on him, serving

rather to increase his dissatisfaction and choler. He begged everything

he saw,—and when we had gratified him to the best of our power, he began

to be very abusive and noisy. He said he was convinced we had come into

the country with no good intentions, and accused us of deceit and

insincerity in our professions; or in plainer terms, that we had been

guilty of a direct falsehood in stating that we had no other motive for

undertaking the journey than to recover the papers of Mr. Park at

Yáoorie. He was assured that we were afraid to tell the true reason for

leaving our own country. We withstood his invectives with tolerable

composure, and the disgraceful old fellow left us in a pet about half an

hour after his arrival.

It is really a discouraging reflection that notwithstanding the

sacrifices we have made of all private feeling and personal comfort for

the purpose of conciliating the good opinion of the people here,—the

constant fatigue and inconvenience to which we have been subjected,—the

little arts we have practised,—the forced laughter,—the unnatural

grin,—the never-ending shaking of hands, &c. &c., besides the dismal

noises and unsavoury smells to which our organs have been exposed, still

some scoundrels are to be found hardened against us by hatred and

prejudice, and so ungrateful for all our gifts and attentions, as to

take a delight in poisoning the minds of the people against us by

publicly asserting that we are English spies, and make use of other

inventions equally false and malicious. Pitiable, indeed, must the lot

of that man be, who is obliged to drag on a year of existence in so

miserable a place as this. Nevertheless we are in health and spirits,

and perhaps feel a secret pride in being able to subdue our rising

dissatisfaction, and in overcoming difficulties which at a first glance

seemed insurmountable. By the blessing of Heaven we shall proceed

prosperously in our undertaking, for in the Divine goodness do we alone

repose all our confidence and hopes of success. We may say that pleasure

and enjoyment have accompanied us hither. The clearness of the sky is

pleasant, and its brilliancy,—the softness of the moon—the twinkling

brightness of the stars, and the silence of night,—the warbling and the

flight of birds, the hum of insects, and the varied and luxuriant aspect

of beautiful Nature, are all charming to us. And what on earth can be

more soothing or delightful than thoughts of home and kindred, and

anticipations of a holier and more glorious existence? These are true

pleasures of which the barbarians cannot deprive us.

To-day the fast of the Rhamadan ends; and to-morrow will be held as a

holiday by the Mohammedans of the place.

_Saturday, March 27th._—The noise and jargon of our guests pursue us

even in sleep, and our dreams are disturbed by fancied palàvers which

are more unpleasant and vexatious, if possible, in their effects, than

real ones. Early this morning we were roused from one of these painful

slumbers, to listen to the dismal yell of the hyena, the shrill crowing

of cocks, the hum of night-flies and mosquitoes, and the hoarse croaking

of frogs, together with the chirping of myriads of crickets and other

insects, which resounded through the air as though it had been pierced

with a thousand whistles.

Just after sunrise, two Mohammedans arrived at our house with an

invitation for us to accompany them to the spot selected for the

performance of their religious rites and observances. This being a

novelty, we embraced the proposal with pleasure, and followed the men to

the distance of about a mile from our house. Here we observed a number

of their countrymen sitting in detached groups, actively employed in the

duties of lustration and ablution. It was a bare space of ground, edged

with trees, and covered with sand. The Mussulmen were obliged to bring

water with them in calabashes. Seated in a convenient situation,

underneath the spreading branches of a myrtle-tree, without being seen,

we could observe all their actions. But a number of boys soon intruded

themselves upon our privacy, and to say the truth, we were more amused

by the artlessness and playfulness of their manners than with all the

grave mummery of the Mohammedan worshippers. Groups of people were

continually arriving at the spot, and these were welcomed to it by an

occasional flourish of music from a native clarionet, &c. They were clad

in all their finery, their apparel being as gaudy as it was various. The

_coup-d’œil_ presented by no means an uninteresting spectacle. Loose

tobes, with caps and turbans, striped and plain, red, blue, and black,

were not unpleasingly contrasted with the original native costume of

figured cotton, thrown loosely over the shoulders, and immense rush

hats. Manchester cloths, of the most glaring patterns, were conspicuous

amongst the crowd; but these were cast in the shade by scarfs of green

silk, ornamented with leaves and flowers of gold, and aprons covered

with silver spangles. Very young children appeared bending under the

weight of clothes and ornaments; whilst boys of maturer years carried a

variety of offensive weapons. The Turkish scimitar, the French sabre,

the Portuguese dagger, confined in a silver case, all gleamed brightly;

and heavy cutlasses, with rude native knives, were likewise exhibited,

half devoured by cankering rust. Clumsy muskets and fowling-pieces, as

well as Arab pistols, were also handled with delight by the joyful

Mussulmen. In number the religionists were about a hundred and fifty.

Not long after our arrival, they formed themselves into six lines, and

having laid aside many of their superfluous ornaments, and a portion of

their clothing, they put on the most sedate countenances, and commenced

their devotional exercises in a spirit of seriousness and apparent

fervor, worthy a better place and a more amiable creed. In the exterior

forms of their religion, at least, the Mussulmen here are complete

adepts, as this spectacle has convinced us; and the little we have seen

of them has led us to form a very favourable opinion of their general

temperance and sobriety. The ceremony was no sooner concluded, than

muskets, carbines, and pistols were discharged on all sides; the

clarionet again struck up a note of joy, and was supported by long Arab

drums, strings of bells, and a solitary kettle-drum. The musicians, like

the ancient minstrels of Europe, were encouraged by trifling presents

from the more charitable of the multitude. All seemed cheerful and

happy; and on leaving them, several, out of compliment I suppose,

discharged their pieces at our heels; and were evidently delighted with

themselves, with us, and the whole world. In the path we met a fellow

approaching the scene of innocent dissipation, clothed most

fantastically in a flannel dress, and riding on the back of what we were

informed was a wooden horse. He was surrounded by natives of all ages,

who were laughing most extravagantly at the unnatural capering of the

thing, and admiring the ingenuity of its contrivance. The figure itself

was entirely concealed with cloth, which rendered it impossible to

discover by what agency it moved. Some years ago, I saw a monster

something similar to it with a company of mountebanks in a town in the

west of England, which, amongst its other properties, used to swallow

children; and in all probability, this ‘wooden horse’ is constructed on

a similar principle. Its head was covered with red cloth; and a pair of

sheep’s ears answered the purpose for which they were intended tolerably

well. Yet, on the whole, though it was easy to perceive that a horse was

intended to be represented by it, the figure was clumsily enough

executed. As soon as this party had joined the individuals assembled

near the place of worship, a startling shriek of laughter testified the

tumultuous joy of the wondering multitude. The sun shone out

resplendently on the happy groups of fancifully-dressed persons, whose

showy, various-coloured garments, and sooty skin, contrasted with the

picturesque and lovely appearance of the scenery, produced an

unspeakably charming effect. The foliage exhibited every variety and

tint of green, from the sombre shade of the melancholy yew to the lively

verdure of the poplar and young oak. For myself, I was delighted with

the agreeable ramble; and imagined that I could distinguish from the

notes of the songsters of the grove, the swelling strains of the English

skylark and thrush, with the more gentle warbling of the finch and

linnet. It was indeed a brilliant morning, teeming with life and beauty;

and recalled to my memory a thousand affecting associations of sanguine

boyhood, when I was thoughtless and happy. The barbarians around me were

all cheerful and full of joy. I have heard that, like sorrow, joy is

contagious, and I believe that it is, for it inspired me with a similar

gentle feeling.

The 27th of March in this place is what Mayday is in many country places

in England, and it strongly reminded us of it. But here unfortunately

there are no white faces to enliven us: and a want of the lovely

complexion of our beautiful countrywomen, tinged with its ‘celestial

red,’ is severely felt; and so is the total absence here of that golden

chain of kindness which links them to the ruder associates of their

festive enjoyments. By and bye, doubtless, familiarity with black faces

will reconcile me to them; but at present I am compelled to own that I

cannot help feeling a very considerable share of aversion towards their

jetty complexions, in common, I believe, with most strangers that visit

this place.

Owing to the holiday, which is equally prized and enjoyed by Mohammedan

and Pagan, our visiters to-day have been almost exclusively confined to

a party of Hàussa Mallams, who entered our dwelling in the forenoon,

perfumed all over with musk, more for the purpose of gratifying their

vanity by displaying their finery before us, than of paying us the

compliments of the day, which was avowedly the sole object of their

intrusion. One or two of them were masticating the goora nut; and others

had had their lips, teeth, and finger nails stained red. Each of the

Mallams was attended by a well-dressed little boy of agreeable

countenance, who acted as page to his master, and was his _protégé_.

Neither of the men would eat or drink with us; yet whilst they were in

our company, they seemed cheerful and good-humoured, and were

communicative and highly intelligent. In answer to our questions, they

informed us that two rivers enter the Quorra or ‘Great River’ at Funda,

one of which is called the _Coodoonia_ and the other the _Tshadda_ (from

the lake Tshad)—that a schooner might sail from Bornou to Funda on the

latter river without difficulty—that Funda is only twenty-four hours’

pull from Benin; and twenty-nine days’ journey from Bornou. At the close

of a long and to us rather interesting conversation, our visiters

expressed themselves highly gratified with their reception, and left the

hut to repair to their own habitations.

These men, though slaves to Adooley, are very respectable, and are never

called on by their master except when required to go to war, supporting

themselves by trading for slaves which they sell to Europeans. They wore

decent Nouffie tobes, Arab red caps, and Hàussa sandals; and both in

their manners and conversation, the Mallams are infinitely superior to

the ungentle and malignant natives of Badágry.

_Sunday, March 28th._—Luckily the inhabitants of this place consider

this as a holiday; and their singing, dancing, and savage jollity have

possessed greater charms for them than an empty rum cask, though it be

backed by two white faces. With a trifling exception or so, we have in

consequence been unmolested by our visiters of the everlasting grin and

unwearied tongue during the day. This happy circumstance has afforded us

opportunity and ample leisure for spending the Sabbath in a manner most

agreeable to our feelings,—by devoting the greater part of it to the

impressive duties of our Divine religion—in humbling ourselves before

the mercy-seat of the great Author of our being, and imploring Him to be

our refuge and guardian, to shield us from every danger, and render our

undertakings hopeful and prosperous.

_Monday, March 29th._—Last night a Fantee was plundered of his effects,

and stabbed by an assassin below the ribs, so that his life is despaired

of; and not long after this was discovered, a ‘fetísh’ (religious rite)

was performed over the remains of a native that had been found dead, but

who was in perfect health a few hours before. The lament of the

relatives of the deceased was doleful in a high degree; and no sounds

could be more dismally mournful than those shrieked forth by them on the

occasion. The chief summoned us yesterday to repair to his residence in

order finally to settle the business relative to our journey into the

interior, but we refused to have any disputes with him on the Sabbath,

and promised to wait on him this morning instead. After breakfast,

therefore, we redeemed our pledge, by paying him the promised visit.

Adooley received us with his accustomed politeness and gracious smile.

He said he wished to inform us of his intention of detaining us at

Badágry a day or two longer, the ‘path’ not being considered in a fit

state for travelling, rather than his reputation should suffer by

leading us into danger, which would undoubtedly be the case if he had

not adopted his present resolution. Yet, he continued, we might depend

on his word as a king that we should have liberty to depart on Thursday

morning next at the latest. Now we well knew that the country was never

in a more peaceable or quiet state than at the moment he was speaking;

and are mortified beyond measure at the perpetual evasions and

contradictions of this chief. We regret also that the dry season is fast

drawing to a close, and that we shall be obliged to travel in the rainy

months. When Adooley had made this declaration, he requested us to write

on paper in his presence for a few things which he wished to procure

either from Cape Coast Castle, or from England, as a return for the

protection he had promised us. Amongst other articles enumerated, are

‘four regimental coats, such as are worn by the King of England, for

himself, and forty less splendid than these, for the use of his

captains; two long brass guns, to run on swivels; fifty muskets, twenty

barrels of gunpowder, four handsome swords, and forty cutlasses;’ to

which are added, ‘two puncheons of rum, a carpenter’s chest of tools,

with oils, paints, and brushes,’ the chief himself boasting that he was

a blacksmith, carpenter, painter, and indeed every trade but a tailor.

Besides these trifles he wished to obtain a half-dozen rockets, and a

rocket gun, with a soldier from Cape Coast, capable of undertaking the

management of it. And lastly, he modestly ordered two puncheons of

cowries to be sent him, ‘for the purpose of defraying in part the

expenses he had incurred in repelling the attacks of the men of Porto

Novo, Attà, and Juncullee, the tribes inhabiting those places having

made war upon him for allowing Captain Clapperton’s last mission to

proceed into the interior without their consent. We asked, jocosely,

whether Adooley would be satisfied with these various articles, when,

having considered for a few moments, and conversed aloud to a few of his

chiefs that were in the apartment at the time, he replied that he had

forgotten to mention his want of a large umbrella, four casks of grape

shot, and a barrel of flints, which having also inserted in the list,

the letter was finally folded and sealed. It was then delivered into the

hands of Adooley, who said that he should send it by Accra, one of his

head men, to Cape Coast Castle, and that the man would wait there till

all the articles should be procured for him. If that be the case, we

imagine that Accra will have a very long time to wait.

Our interpreter, old Hooper, having been suspected by the chief to be in

our interest, a young man named Tookwee, that understood a little

English, was sent for, and commanded to remain, during the whole

conference, in order to detect any error that Hooper might make, and to

see that everything enumerated by the chief should be written in the

list of articles.

During this long and serious conversation, we were occasionally

enlivened by the music of three little bells, which were fastened to the

tails of the same number of cats by a long string, and made a jingling

noise whenever the animals thought proper to divert themselves. Besides

these, and as an accompaniment to them, we were favoured with the

strains of an organ, which instrument a little boy was placed in a

corner of the apartment purposely to turn.

A young Jenna woman came to visit us this forenoon, accompanied by a

female friend from Hàussa. Her hair was traced with such extraordinary

neatness, that we expressed a wish to examine it more minutely. The girl

had never beheld such a thing as a white man before, and permission was

granted with a great deal of coyness, mixed up perhaps with a small

portion of fear, which was apparent as she was slowly untying her

turban. No sooner, however, was our curiosity gratified, than a demand

of two hundred cowries[4] was insisted on by her companion, that, it was

alleged, being the price paid in the interior by the male sex to

scrutinize a lady’s hair. We were obliged to conform to the established

custom, at which the women expressed themselves highly delighted. The

hair which had excited our admiration was made up in the shape of a

hussar’s helmet, and very ingeniously traced on the top. Irregular

figures were likewise braided on each side of the head, and a band of

worked thread, dyed in indigo, encircled it below the natural hair,

which seemed by its tightness and closeness to have been glued fast to

the skin. This young Jenna woman is by far the most interesting, both in

face and form, of any we have seen since our landing, and her prettiness

is rendered more engaging by her retiring modesty and perfect

artlessness of manners, which, whether observed in black or white, are

sure to command the esteem and reverence of the other sex. Her eyelids

were stained with a bluish-black powder, which is the same kind of

substance, I have no doubt, as that described in a note in Mr.

Beckford’s ‘Vathek.’ Her person was excessively clean, and her apparel

flowing, neat, and graceful. Before taking leave, the girl’s unworthy

companion informed us that her _protégée_ was married; but that as her

husband was left behind at Jenna, she would prevail on her to visit us

in the evening after sunset. Of course we expressed our abhorrence of

the proposal, and were really grieved to reflect that with so much

meekness, innocence, modesty, and beauty, our timid friend should be

exposed to the wiles of a crafty and wicked woman.

We have longed to discover a solitary virtue lingering amongst the

natives of this place, but as yet our search has been ineffectual.

As a contrast to the youthful individual described above, an old

withered woman entered our residence in the evening, and began

professing the most unbounded affection for my brother and self. She had

drank so much rum that she could scarcely stand; was the owner of a most

forbidding countenance; and four of her front teeth had disappeared from

her upper jaw, which caused a singular and disagreeable indention of the

upper lip. We were disgusted with the appearance and hateful familiarity

of this ancient hag, who had thus paid so ill a compliment to our

vanity, and subsequently we forced her out of the yard without any

ceremony.

We shot a hawk this evening which was hovering over our house, at the

request of several of the natives, who ate the body of the bird, but

preserved its head and claws, to render them ‘keen of eye, and swift of

foot.’ The king will not allow us to go to Jenna by the nearest beaten

path, on the plea that as sacred fetísh land would lie in our way, we

should die the moment we should tread upon it.

_Tuesday, March 30th._—The occurrences of this day may be related in

very few words. The pleasantest news we hear, is the fact of the king of

Jenna having arrived at that town from Katunga. His messenger arrived

here this morning, and came to see us in the afternoon, accompanied by a

friend. We regaled him with a glass of rum, according to our general

custom, the first mouthful whereof he squirted from his own into the

mouth of his associate, and _vice versâ_. This is the first time we have

witnessed this dirty and disgusting practice. The chief sent for us

again this afternoon, and summed up the measure of his exorbitant

demands by requesting a gun-boat, with a hundred men from England, and a

few common tobacco-pipes for his own private use. We could easily give a

bill for the former; but the latter we dared not part with at any risk,

because, considering the long journey before us, we are convinced we

have nothing to spare; indeed, it is our opinion that the presents will

all be exhausted long before it be completed. With the same facility we

have written a paper for forty ounces of gold to be distributed amongst

the chief of English Town and the rest of our partisans. We had adjusted

these little matters to the apparent satisfaction of all parties, when

we were most agreeably surprised by an assurance from the chief that we

shall quit this place to-morrow afternoon with the newly-arrived Jenna

messenger. We are accordingly on the _qui vive_ in getting everything in

a state of forwardness for our departure; nor can we help wishing, for

the sake of our credit, that we may never meet such needy and

importunate friends as have pestered us since our residence in this

town.

The soil of Badágry consists of a layer of fine whitish sand over loam,

clay, and earth. The sand is so soft and deep, that no one can walk on

it without considerable labour and difficulty. The natives procure the

necessaries of life chiefly by fishing, and the cultivation of the yam

and Indian corn. In the former employment they use nets and spears, and

likewise earthen pots, which they bait with the palm nut. These novel

instruments are furnished with small apertures, not unlike those of a

common wire mouse-trap. Oranges, limes, cocoa-nuts, plantains, and

bananas, are produced in abundance in the neighbourhood. The better sort

of people are possessed of a small kind of bullock, with sheep, goats,

and poultry; the chief himself is a drover and butcher, and when in want

of money, he orders one of his bullocks to be slaughtered and publicly

sold in the market. The dwellings of the inhabitants are neatly

constructed of bamboo, and thatched with palm leaves. They contain

several apartments, all of them on the ground-floor. Some of the houses

or huts are built in the _coozie_ form, which is nearly round, and

others are in the form of an oblong square; all have excellent yards

attached to them, wherein lime-trees and others are planted in rows, and

it gives one pleasure to look at the cleanliness and taste which prevail

in these courts. The land is excessively fertile; and if the natives

could only be induced to lay aside their habitual indolence, and the

sluggishness of their characters, and devote a little more attention to

the improvement of the soil, the country might soon be brought to an

extraordinary pitch of beauty and perfection. As it is, vegetation

springs forth spontaneously, is luxuriant even to rankness, and is ever

pleasingly verdant.

If a view of Badágry and its environs could anywise be obtained, we are

persuaded it would be delightful in the extreme; but the ground is

everywhere so low and flat, that not a single eminence, however small,

can be discovered. Owing to the peculiarity of our situation, and the

short time we have been with the natives, it is not to be supposed that

we could have formed any very correct estimate of their manners, or

general character. It is likely enough that we have seen only the dark

side of their dispositions, for we have been considered by them as a

kind of mark for the exercise of their cunning and other evil

propensities, and they have played off their chicanery on us with

advantage to themselves. Had we seen a single good-natured man amongst

them, it would give us great pleasure to relate the fact; but really we

have not been so fortunate—we have met with nothing but selfishness and

rapacity from the chief to the meanest of his people. The religion of

Badágry is Mohammedanism, and the very worst species of paganism, that

which sanctions and enjoins the sacrifice of human beings, and other

abominable practices, and the worship of imaginary demons and fiends. By

some means many of the inhabitants have picked up a number of English

words, which school-boys and children at home would style ‘very

naughty;’ and these are made use of at all times without any particular

meaning being attached to them. We have observed one virtue in the

younger branches of the community—it is the profound respect and

reverence which they entertain for their elders, and which has perhaps

never been surpassed in any age or country, not even amongst the ancient

Spartans themselves.

ADOOLEY, CHIEF OR KING OF BADAGRY.

_Addalé_, or _Adooley_, as he is more generally called, is the present

ruler of Badágry, and younger brother to the late chief of Lagos. During

the lifetime of his father, and for countless ages before that period,

Badágry was a province of Lagos, and tributary to it, as Lagos is, and

has been from time immemorial, to the powerful king of Benin. Adooley

evinced in early youth an active and ingenious disposition, and an

extraordinary fondness for mechanical employments and pursuits. This

bias of Adooley soon attracted the attention and notice of his father,

and this revered parent did all that his slender means afforded of

cherishing it, and of encouraging him to persevere in his industrious

habits. Whilst yet a boy, Adooley was a tolerable carpenter, smith,

painter, and gunner. He soon won the admiration of his father, who

displayed greater partiality and affection for him than for either of

his other children, and on his death-bed nominated this favourite son

his successor, to the exclusion of his first-born, which is against the

laws of the country; the eldest son being invariably understood as the

legitimate heir. For some time after his decease, however, no notice was

taken of the dying request of the Lagos chieftain; his eldest son ruled

in his stead, notwithstanding his last injunction; and Adooley, for a

few years, wisely submitted to his brother without murmuring or

complaint. The young men at length quarrelled; and Adooley, calling to

remembrance the words and wishes of his father, rose up against the

chief, whom he denominated an usurper; and vehemently called upon his

friends to join him in disputing his authority, and endeavour to divest

him of his power and consequence. All the slaves of his deceased parent,

amongst whom was a great number of Hàussa Mallams; all who bore any

personal dislike to the ruling chief, or were discontented at his form

of government; those who preferred Adooley, and the discontented of all

ranks, formed themselves into a strong body, and resolved to support the

pretensions of their favourite. The brothers agreed to decide the

quarrel by the sword, and having come to a general engagement, the

partisans of the younger were completely routed, and fled with their

leader before the victorious arms of the opposing party.

Fearing the result of this contest, Adooley, with a spirit of filial

piety, which is not rare amongst savages, and is truly noble, dug out of

the earth, wherein it had been deposited, the skull of his father, and

took it along with him in his flight, in order that it might not be

dishonoured in his absence, for he loved his father with extraordinary

tenderness, and cherished his memory as dearly as his own life. The

headless body of the venerable chief, like those of his ancestors, had

been sent to Benin, in order that its bones might adorn the sacred

temple at that place, agreeably to an ancient and respected custom which

has ever been religiously conformed to and tenaciously held by the Lagos

people. But Adooley displayed at the same time another beautiful trait

of piety and filial tenderness. At the period of his defeat he had an

aged and infirm mother living, and her he determined to take with him,

let the consequences be what they might. With his accustomed foresight

he had previously made a kind of cage or box, in case there should be a

necessity for removing her. His father’s skull having been disinterred

and secured, he implored his mother to take immediate advantage of this

cage, as the only means of escaping with life. She willingly acceded to

her son’s request, and was borne off on the shoulders of four slaves, to

a village not far distant from Lagos, accompanied by Adooley with his

fugitive train, where they imagined themselves secure from further

molestation. In this opinion, however, they were deceived; for the more

fortunate chief, suspicious of his brother’s intentions, and dreading

his influence, would not suffer him long to remain in peace; but drove

him out soon after, and hunted him from place to place like a wild

beast. In this manner, retreating from his brother, he at last reached

the flourishing town of Badágry, and being quite wearied with his

exertions and fatigues, and disheartened by his misfortunes, he set down

his beloved mother on the grass, and began to weep by her side. The

principal people of the town were well acquainted with his

circumstances, and admiring the nobleness of his sentiments, they not

only pitied him, but resolved to protect and befriend him to the last.

For this purpose they presently invited him to attend a council which

they had hastily formed. When in the midst of them, perceiving tears

falling fast down his cheeks, they asked him why he wept so? ‘Foolish

boy,’ said they, ‘wipe away those tears, for they are unworthy of you,

and show yourself a man and a prince. From this moment we adopt you our

chief; you shall lead us on to war, and we will fight against your

brother, and either prevail over him or perish. Here your mother may

dwell in safety, and here your father’s skull shall be reverenced as it

ought to be. Come, then, lay aside your fears, and lead us on against

your enemies.’ These were in the bush, and hovering near Badágry, when

Adooley and his generous friends sallied out against them. The fighting,

or rather skirmishing, lasted many days; and many people, it is said,

were slain on both sides. But the advantage was decidedly in favour of

the Badágrians, whose superior knowledge of the district and the secret

paths of the wood was of considerable service to them, enabling them to

lay in ambush and attack their enemies by surprise. The Lagos people at

length gave up the unequal contest in despair, and returned to their own

country. Adooley was thus left in quiet possession of an important and

influential town, which declared itself independent of Lagos for ever.

Since then, various unsuccessful attempts have been made to compel the

Badágrians to return to their allegiance. The latter, however, have

bravely defended their rights, and in consequence their independency has

been acknowledged by the neighbouring tribes.

In the year 1829, the warlike chief of Lagos died; and Adooley,

conceiving it to be a favourable opportunity for the re-assertion of his

claims to the vacant ‘stool,’ as it is called, determined to do so, and

assembled his faithful Badágrians for the purpose of making an attack on

his native town. He imagined that, as his brother was dead, he should

experience little opposition from his countrymen; but he soon discovered

that he had formed an erroneous opinion, for almost at his very outset

he met with a stout resistance. His brother had left an infant son, and

him the people declared to be the legitimate heir, and unanimously

resolved to support.

The sanguine invaders were repulsed and entirely defeated,

notwithstanding their tried bravery and utter contempt of danger, and

were forced to return home in confusion, without having accomplished any

thing. In this unfortunate expedition Bombanee and all the principal

warriors were slain. A similar attempt has since been made on Lagos more

than once, and with a similar result. On our arrival at Badágry, Adooley

was but just recovering from the effects of these various mortifications

and other disasters; and singular enough, he has had the artfulness, as

we have before said, of laying the whole blame of them to his having

permitted the last African mission to pass through his territories,

contrary to the wishes of his neighbours, and those who were interested

in the matter.

Justice is not unfrequently administered at Badágry by means of a large

wooden cap, having three corners, which is placed on the head of a

culprit at the period of his examination. This fantastic work of

mechanism, no doubt by the structure of internal springs, may be made to

move and shake without any visible agent—on the same principle as the

enchanted Turk, or any other figure in our puppet-shows. It is believed

the native priests alone are in the secret. When this cap is observed to

shake whilst on the head of a suspected person, he is condemned without

further evidence being required; but should it remain without any

perceptible motion, his innocence is apparent, and he is forthwith

acquitted. The fame of this wonderful cap makes a great fuss in the

town, and as many marvellous stories are told of it here as were related

in England a century or two ago of the famous brazen head of Roger

Bacon.

A respectable man, the chief of French Town, was tried by the ordeal of

the cap a short time since, for having, it was alleged, accepted a bribe

of the Lagos chieftain to destroy Adooley by poison. The fatal cap was

no sooner put on his head than it was observed to move slightly, and

then to become more violently agitated. The criminal felt its motion,

and was terrified to such a degree, that he fell down in a swoon. On

awaking, he confessed his guilt, and implored forgiveness, which was

granted him by Adooley, because, it was said, of his sorrow and

contrition, but really, no doubt, of his birth and connexions.

During our stay at Badágry, the thermometer of Fahrenheit has ranged

between 86° and 94° in our hut, being oftener stationary nearer the

latter than the former.