CHAPTER VIII

[Footnote 1: _Renaissance und Humanismus in Italien und

Deutschland._]

[Footnote 2: _Renaissance und Humanismus in Italien und

Deutschland._]

[Footnote 3: Zoeckler.]

[Footnote 4: Comp. Hase, _Sebastian Frank von Woerd der

Schwarmgeist_.]

[Footnote 5: Comp. Hubert, _Kleine Schriften_.]

[Footnote 6: Zoeckler, etc.]

[Footnote 7: Comp. Uhland, _Schriften zur Geschichte der Dichtung und

Sage_. Alte hoch und nieder deutsche Volkslieder, where plants, ivy,

holly, box, and willow, represent summer and winter.]

[Footnote 8: Uhland.]

[Footnote 9: Uhland.]

[Footnote 10: Wunderhorn.]

[Footnote 11: Biese, _op. cit._]

[Footnote 12: Fred Cohn, '_Die Gärten in alter und neuer Zeit,' D.

Rundschau_ 18, 1879. In Italy in the sixteenth century there was a

change to this extent, that greenery was no longer clipt, but allowed

to grow naturally, and the garden represented the transition from

palace to landscape, from bare architectural forms to the free

creations of Nature. The passion for flowers--the art of the pleasure

garden, flourished in Holland and Germany. (Falke.)]

[Footnote 13: W.H. Riehl states (_Kulturstudien aus drei

Jahrhunderten_) that Berlin, Augsburg, Leipzig, Darmstadt, and

Mannheim were described in the seventeenth century as having 'very

fine and delightful positions'; and the finest parts of the Black

Forest, Harz and Thuringian mountains as 'very desolate,' deserted,

and monotonous, or, at best, as not particularly pleasant scenery. If

only a region were flat and treeless, a delicious landscape could be

charmed out of it. Welcker, Court physician at Hesse Cassel,

describing Schlangenbad in 1721, said that it lay in a desolate,

unpleasing district, where nothing grew but foliage and grass, but

that through ingenious planting of clipt trees in lines and cross

lines, some sort of artistic effect had been produced. Clearly the

principles of French garden-craft had become a widely accepted dogma

of taste. Riehl contrasts the periwig period with the mediæval, and

concludes that the mediæval backgrounds of pictures implied feeling

for the wild and romantic. He says: 'In the Middle Ages the painters

chose romantic jagged forms of mountains and rocks for backgrounds,

hence the wild, bare, and arid counted as a prototype of beautiful

scenery, while some centuries later such forms were held to be too

rustic and irregular for beauty.' One cannot entirely agree with

this. He weakens it himself in what follows. 'It was not a real scene

which rose Alp-like before their mind's eye, but an imaginary and

sacred one; their fantastic, romantic ideal called for rough and

rugged environment': and adds, arguing in a circle, 'Their minds

passed then to real portraiture of Nature, and decided the landscape

eye of the period.' My own opinion is that the loftiness of the

'heroic' mountain backgrounds seemed suitable for the sacred subjects

which loomed so large and sublime in their own minds, and that these

backgrounds did not reveal their ideal of landscape beauty, nor 'a

romantic feeling for Nature,' nor 'a taste for the romantic,' nor yet

a wondrous change of view in the periwig period.]

[Footnote 14: In his _Harburg Program_ of 1883 _(Beiträge zur

Geschichte des Naturgefühls_), after an incomplete survey of ancient

and modern writings on the subject, Winter sketches the development

of modern feeling for Nature in Germany from Opitz to 1770, as shewn

in the literature of that period, basing his information chiefly upon

Goedeke's _Deutsche Dichtung._]

[Footnote 15: Comp. Chovelius _Die bedeutendsten deutschen Romanz des

17 Jahrhunderts_. Leipzig, 1866.]

[Footnote 16: Chovelius.]

[Footnote 17: Daniel Lohenstein's _Blumen_. Breslau, 1689.]

The Development of the Feeling for Nature in the Middle Ages and Modern Times · 第 8 / 12 章