Peninsulas are accessible from the sea according to the configuration of

their coasts, but from their hinterland, according to the length and

nature of their connection with the same. This determines the degree of

their isolation from the land-mass. If they hang from the continent by a

frayed string, as does the Peloponnesus, Crimea, Malacca, Indian

Gutjerat, and Nova Scotia, they are segregated from the life of the

mainland almost as completely as if they were islands. The same effects

follow where the base of a peninsula is defined by a high mountain

barrier, as in all the Mediterranean peninsulas, in the two Indias, and

in Korea; or by a desert like that which scantily links Arabia to Egypt,

Syria and Mesopotamia; or by a blur of swamps and lakes such as half

detaches Scandinavia, Courland, Estland and Finland from Russia.

Held to their continents by bonds that often fail to bind, subjected by

their outward-facing peripheral location to every centrifugal force,

feeling only slightly the pull of the great central mass behind,

peninsulas are often further detached economically and historically by

their own contrasted local conditions. A sharp transition in geological

formation and therefore in soil, a difference of climate, rainfall,

drainage system, of flora or fauna, serve greatly to emphasize the lack

of community of interests with the continental interior, and therefore

produce an inevitable diversity of historical development.[785] Hence,

many peninsulas insulate their people as completely as islands. It is

hard to say whether the Pyrenean peninsula or Sicily, Scandinavia or

Great Britain, has held itself more aloof from the political history of

remaining Europe; whether Korea is not more entitled to its name of the

Hermit Kingdom than island Japan could ever be; whether the Peloponnesus

or Euboea was more intimately associated with the radiant life of

ancient Hellas. These questions lead to another, namely, whether a high

mountain wall like the Pyrenees, or a narrow strait like that of Messina

is the more effective geographical boundary.

[Sidenote: Continental base a zone of transition.]

Peninsulas not infrequently gain in breadth as they approach the

continent; here they tend to abate their distinctive character as lobes

of the mainland, together with the ethnic and historical marks of

isolation. Here they form a doubtful boundary zone of mingled

continental and peninsular development. Such peninsulas fall naturally,

therefore, into a continental and a peninsular section, and reveal this

segmentation in the differentiated history of the two portions. That

great military geographer Napoleon distinguished the Italy of the Po

basin as _Italie continentale_, and the Apennine section as

_Presqu'ile_. Not only is the former broader, but, expanding like a tree

trunk near the ground, it sends its roots well back into the massive

interior of the continent; it is dominated more by the Alps than by the

Apennines; it contains a lowland and a river of continental proportions,

for which there is no space on the long, narrow spur of southern Italy.

If its geographical character approximates that of the mainland, so does

its ethnic and historical. The Po basin is a well defined area of race

characterization, in which influences have made for intermixture. South

of the crest of the Apennines the Italian language in its purity begins,

in contrast to the Gallo-Italian of the north. This mountain ridge has

also held apart the dark, short dolichocephalic stock of the

Mediterranean race from the fairer, taller, broad-headed Celts, who have

moved down into the Po basin from the Alps, and the Germans and

Illyrians who have entered it from the northeast.[786] Northern Italy is

therefore allied ethnically, as it has often been united politically, to

the neighboring countries abutting upon the Alps, so that it has

experienced only in a partial degree that detachment which has stamped

the history of the Apennine section.

[Sidenote: Historical contrast between base and extremity.]

The Balkan Peninsula tells much the same story of contrasted geographic

conditions and development in its continental and peninsular sections.

Greece proper, in ancient as in modern times, reached its northern

confines where the peninsula suddenly widens its base through Macedonia

and Thrace. In this narrow southern section to-day, especially in

isolated Peloponnesus, Attica, and the high-walled garden of Thessaly,

are found people of the pure, long-headed, Hellenic type, and here the

Greek language prevails.[787] But that broad and alien north, long

excluded from the Amphictyonic Council and a stranger to Aegean culture

in classical times, is occupied to-day by a congeries of Slavs, who form

a southwestern spur of the Slav stock covering eastern Europe. Its

political history shows how often it has been made a Danubian or

continental state, by Alexander of Macedon, by the Romans, Bulgarians,

and Ottoman Turks,[788] as it may be some day by Russia; and also how

often its large and compact form has enabled it to dominate the tapering

peninsular section to the south.

In the same way, the vast Ganges and Indus basins, which constitute the

continental portion of India, have received various Tibetan, Scythian,

Aryan, Pathan, and Mongol-Tartar ingredients from Central Asia; and by

reason of the dense populations supported by these fruitful river

plains, it has been able to dominate politically, religiously and

culturally the protruding triangle of the Deccan. [See maps pages 8 and

102.] The continental side of Arabia, the Mesopotamian valley which ties

the peninsula to the highlands of Persia and Armenia, has received into

its Semitic stock constant infiltrations of Turanian and Aryan peoples

from the core of Asia. This process has been going on from the ancient

Elamite and Persian conquests of Mesopotamia down to the Ottoman

invasion and the present periodic visits of Kurdish shepherds to the

pastures of the upper Tigris.[789] Here we have the same contrast of

geographic conditions as in Italy and India, a wide, populous alluvial

plain occupying the continental section of the peninsula, and a less

attractive highland or mountainous region in the outlying spur of land.

[Sidenote: Continental base a scene of invasion and war.]

These continental sections of peninsulas become therefore strongly

marked as areas of ethnic characterization and differentiated historical

development. Their threshold location, by reason of which they first

catch any outward migration from the core of the continent, and their

fertility, which serves as a perennial lure to new comers, whether

peaceful or warlike, combine to give them intense historical activity.

They catch the come and go between their wide hinterland and the

projection of land beyond, the stimulus of new arrivals and fresh blood.

But tragedy too is theirs. The Po Valley has been called "the cockpit of

Europe." Even the little Eider, which marks the base of Jutland, has

been the scene of war between Danes and Germans since the tenth

century.[790] The Indus Valley has again and again felt the shock of

conflict with invading hordes from the central highlands, and witnessed

the establishment of a succession of empires. Peace at the gates of the

Balkan Peninsula has never been of long duration, and the postern door

of Korea has been stormed often enough.

[Sidenote: Peninsular extremities as areas of isolation.]

In contrast to these continental sections which stand in contact with

the solid land-mass behind, the extremities of the peninsulas are areas

of isolation and therefore generally of ethnic unity. They often

represent the last stand of displaced people pressed outward into these

narrow quarters by expanding races in their rear. The vast triangle of

the Deccan, which forms the essentially peninsular part of India, is

occupied, except in the more exposed northwest corner, by the Dravidian

race which once occupied all India, and afterward was pushed southward

by the influx of more energetic peoples.[791] Here they have preserved

their speech and nationality unmixed and live in almost primitive

simplicity.[792] In the peninsular parts of Great Britain, in northern

Scotland. Wales and Cornwall, we find people of Celtic speech brought to

bay on these remote spurs of the land, affiliating little with the

varied folk which occupied the continental side of the island, and

resisting conquest to the last.[793] The mountainous peninsula of western

Connaught in Ireland has been the rocky nucleus of the largest

Celtic-speaking community in the island.[794] Brittany, with a similar

location, became the last refuge of Celtic speech on the mainland of

Europe,[795] the seat of resistance to Norman and later to English

conquest, finally the stronghold of conservatism in the French

Revolution.

[Sidenote: Ethnic unity of peninsulas.]

The northern wall of the Apennines and the outpost barrier of the Alps

have combined to protect peninsular Italy from extensive ethnic

infusions from the direction of the continent. This portion of the

country shows therefore, as the anthropological maps attest, a striking

uniformity of race. It has been a melting-pot in which foreign elements,

filtering through the breaches of the Apennines or along the southern

coast, have been fused into the general population under the isolating

and cohesive influences of a peninsular environment.[796] The population

of the Iberian Peninsula is even more unified, probably the most

homogeneous in Europe. Here the long-headed Mediterranean race is found

in the same purity as in island Corsica and Sardinia.[797] Spain's short

line of contact with France and its sharp separation by the unbroken

wall of the Pyrenees robs the peninsula of any distinctly continental

section, and consequently of any transitional area of race and culture;

hence the unity of Spain as opposed to that twofold balanced diversity

which we find in Italy and India. The Balkan Peninsula, on the other

hand, owing to the great predominance of its continental section and the

confused relief of the country, has not protected its distinctively

peninsular or Greek section from the southward migrations of Slavs,

Albanians, Wallachians, and other continental peoples.[798] It has been

like a big funnel with a small mouth; the pressure from above has been

very great. Hellas and even the Peloponnesus have had their

peninsularity impaired and their race mixed, owing to the predominant

continental section to the north.

[Sidenote: Peninsulas as intermediaries.]

Peninsulas, so far as they project from their continents, are areas of

isolation; but so far as they extend also toward some land beyond, they

become intermediaries. The isolating and intermediary aspects can be

traced in the anthropo-geographical effects of every peninsula, even

those which, like Brittany and Cornwall, project into the long uncharted

waste of the Atlantic. In the order of historical development, a

peninsula first isolates, until in its secluded environment it has

molded a mature, independent people; then, as that people outgrows its

narrow territory, the peninsula becomes a favorable base for maritime

expansion to distant lands, or becomes a natural avenue for numerous

reciprocal relations with neighboring lands beyond. Korea was the bridge

for Mongolian migration from continental Asia to the Japan islands, and

for the passage thither of Chinese culture, whether intellectual,

esthetic, industrial or religious.[799] It has been the one country

conspicuous in the foreign history of Japan. Conquered by the island

empire in 1592, it paid tribute for nearly three centuries and yielded

to its foreign master the southeastern port of Fusan, the Calais of

Korea.[800] Since the treaty of Portsmouth in 1905 made it subject to

Japan, it has become the avenue of Japanese expansion to the mainland

and the unwilling recipient of the modern civilization thrust upon it by

these English of the East. In like manner the Pyrenean peninsula has

always been the intermediary between Europe and northwest Africa. Its

population, as well as its flora and fauna, group with those of the

southern continent. It has served as transit land between north and

south for the Carthaginians, Vandals and Saracens; and in modern times

it has maintained its character as a link by the Portuguese occupation

of the Tangiers peninsula in the fifteenth century,[801] and the Spanish

possession of Ceuta and various other points along the Moroccan coast

from the year 709 A.D. to the present.[802]

[Sidenote: Peninsulas of intercontinental location.]

This rôle of intermediary is inevitably thrust upon all peninsulas

which, like Spain, Italy, Greece, Asia Minor, Arabia, Farther India,

Malacca, Chukchian Siberia, and Alaska, occupy an intercontinental

location. Arabia especially in its climate, flora, races and history

shows the haul and pull now of Asia, now of Africa. From it Asiatic

influences have spread over Africa to Morocco and the Niger River on the

west, and to Zanzibar on the south, permeated Abyssinia, and penetrated

to the great Equatorial Lakes, whether in the form of that Mecca-born

worship of Allah, or the creeping caravans and slave-gangs of Arab

trader. Of all such intercontinental peninsulas, Florida alone seems to

have had no rôle as an intermediary. Its native ethnic affinities were

wholly with its own continent. It has given nothing to South America and

received nothing thence. The northward expansion of Arawak and Carib

tribes from Venezuela in historic times ceased at Cuba and Hayti. The

Straits drew a dividing line. Local conditions in Florida itself

probably furnish the explanation of this anomaly. Extensive swamps made

the central and southern portion of the peninsula inhospitable to

colonization from either direction, transformed it from a link into a

barrier.

[Sidenote: Atlantic peninsulas of Europe]

Peninsulas which conspicuously lack an intercontinental location must

long await their intermediary phase of development, but do not escape

it. The Cornish, Breton and Iberian peninsulas were all prominent in the

trans-Atlantic enterprises of Europe from the end of the fifteenth

century. The first French sailors to reach the new world were Breton and

Norman fishermen. Plymouth, as the chief port of the Cornish peninsula,

figures prominently in the history of English exploration and settlement

in America. It seems scarcely accidental that most of Queen Elizabeth's

great sea captains were natives of this district--Sir Francis Drake, Sir

John Hawkins, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and Sir Walter Raleigh, the latter

holding the office of vice-admiral of Cornwall and Devon. It was the

peninsula-like projection of South America about Cape St. Roque, twenty

degrees farther east than Labrador, that welcomed the ships of Cabral

and Americus Vespucius, and secured to Portugal a foothold in the

Western Hemisphere.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XII

[747] Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 336. London, 1896-1898.

[748] D.G. Brinton, The American Race, p. 41. Philadelphia, 1901.

[749] D.G. Brinton, Races and Peoples, pp. 239-240. Philadelphia, 1901.

Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 336. London, 1896-1898.

[750] A.E. Wallace, Island Life, p. 14. New York, 1892.

[751] A. Heilprin, Geographical Distribution of Animals, p. 69, map.

1887.

[752] _Ibid._, pp. 78, 82, 90, 100.

[753] Darwin, Origin of Species, Chap. XII. New York, 1895. A.R.

Wallace, Island Life, p. 6. New York, 1892.

[754] W.Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, Map on p. 43. New York, 1899.

[755] _Ibid._, pp. 39, 50, 80. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. II, pp.

100-110. London, 1896-1898.

[756] A.H. Keane, Ethnology, pp. 231-232, 362. Cambridge, 1896.

[757] McGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, p. 56, Vol. XIX of

History of North America. Philadelphia, 1905.

[758] Fiske, Discovery of America, Vol. I, p. 224. Boston, 1893.

[759] For various Asiatic and Oceanic elements, see Franz Boas, The

Indians of British Columbia, _Bull. of the Amer. Geog. Society_ Vol. 28,

p. 229. The Northwest Coast Tribes, Science, Vol. XII, pp. 194-196.

Niblack, The Indians of the Northwest Coast, p. 385, Washington. H.H.

Bancroft, The Native Races, Vol. I, pp. 177, 178, footnote; pp. 210,

225. San Francisco, 1886. W.Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, map p. 42. New

York, 1899.

[760] T.W. Higginson and William Macdonald, History of the United

States, p. 21. New York and London, 1905.

[761] Edward John Payne, History of the New World Called America, Vol.

II, pp. 64-68, 74-77, 305, 388-389. Oxford, 1899.

[762] Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, Vol. I, p. 60.

Boston, 1889.

[763] Cited by E.J. Payne, History of the New World Called America, Vol.

II, p. 292, footnote p. 294. Oxford, 1899.

[764] Waldemar Jochelson, The Mythology of the Koryak, _The American

Anthropologist_, Vol. VI, pp. 415-416, 421-425. 1904.

[765] W.D. Dall, Masks, Labrets, and Certain Aboriginal Customs, Third

Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 46-147. Washington, 1884.

[766] O.T. Mason, Migration and the Food Quest, pp. 275-292. Washington,

1894.

[767] McGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, pp. 51, 58-82.

Philadelphia, 1905. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 5-7,

145-147, 153-154. London, 1896-1898.

[768] Ripley, Races of Europe, map p. 42, pp. 43-44. New York, 1899.

[769] Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 7. London, 1896-1898.

[770] Tylor, Anthropology, pp. 86-87. New York, 1881.

[771] E.J. Payne, History of the New World Called America, Vol. II, pp.

554-555. Oxford, 1899.

[772] Justus Perthes, _Taschen Atlas_, p. 17. Gotha, 1905.

[773] Carl Ritter, Comparative Geography, pp. 188-212. Translated by

W.L. Gage, Philadelphia, 1865. N.S. Shaler, Nature and Man in America,

pp. 11-18, 151-165. New York, 1896.

[774] Strabo, Book II, chap. V. 26.

[775] McGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, p. 3, map.

Philadelphia, 1905.

[776] D.G. Brinton, Races and Peoples, pp. 248-249. Philadelphia, 1901.

[777] D.G. Brinton, The American Race, pp. 58, 103-104. Philadelphia,

1901. McGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, p. 86.

Philadeladelphia, 1905 Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 5-7,

145-147, 153.

[778] _Ibid._, p. 293. E.J. Payne, History of the New World Called

America, Vol. II, p. 315. Oxford, 1899.

[779] _Ibid._, Vol. II, pp. 412-417. McGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North

America, pp. 72-75. Philadelphia, 1905.

[780] W.H. Dall, Masks, Labrets, and Certain Aboriginal Customs, Third

Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 146-147. Washington, 1884.

[781] Cyrus Thomas, Report of Mound Explorations, pp. 522-523, 722-728.

Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1894.

[782] E.J. Payne, History of the New World Called America, Vol. II, pp.

382-383. Oxford, 1899.

[783] N.S. Shaler, Nature and Man in America, pp. 151, 168-173. New

York, 1891.

[784] Justus Perthes, _Taschen Atlas_, p. 9. Gotha, 1905.

[785] Carl Ritter, Comparative Geography, pp. 191-192. Translated by W.

L. Gage, Philadelphia, 1865.

[786] W.Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 247-258. New York, 1899.

[787] _Ibid._, pp. 403-409.

[788] E.A. Freeman, Historical Geography of Europe, Atlas, Maps, 34, 49.

London, 1882.

[789] For race elements in Mesopotamia, see D.G. Hogarth, The Nearer

East, Maps, pp. 173 and 176. London, 1903.

[790] E.A. Freeman, Historical Geography of Europe, pp. 201-202,

506-508, 535-536, 541. London, 1882.

[791] Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. I, pp. 293-297. Oxford, 1907.

[792] Sir Thomas Holdich, India, Ethnographical map, p. 201, pp. 202,

213-216. London, 1905. B.H. Baden-Powell, The Indian Village Community,

pp. 111, 116, 119, 161. London, 1896.

[793] W.Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 312-321. New York, 1899. E.

Reclus, Europe, Vol. IV, pp. 73, 83-84. New York, 1882.

[794] H.J. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas, Ethnographic map, p.

184, and p. 306. London, 1904.

[795] W.Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 22, 23, 150-151. New York, 1899.

[796] _Ibid._, pp. 248, 258, 272.

[797] _Ibid._, pp. 247, 273.

[798] _Ibid._, pp. 403-409, and map.

[799] F. Brinkley, Japan, Vol. I, pp. 38-42, 70, 75-80, 83-84, 126.

Boston and Tokyo, 1901. W.E. Griffis, The Mikado's Empire, Vol. I, pp.

73, 83. New York, 1903.

[800] Henry Dyer, Dai Nippon, pp. 59, 69. New York, 1904.

[801] E.A. Freeman, Historical Geography of Europe, p. 558. London,

1882.

[802] _Ibid._, pp. 559, 561. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman

Empire, Vol. V, p. 248. New York, 1858.

CHAPTER XIII

ISLAND PEOPLES

[Sidenote: Physical relationship between islands and peninsulas.]

The characteristics which mark peninsulas, namely, ample contact with

the sea, small area as compared with that of the continents, peripheral

location, more or less complete isolation, combined, however, with the

function of bridge or passway to yet remoter lands, are all accentuated

in islands. A list of the chief peninsulas of the world, as compared

with the greatest islands, shows a far larger scale of areas for the

former, even if the latter be made to include the vast ice-capped

land-mass of Greenland (2,170,000 square kilometers or 846,000 square

miles). New Guinea, the largest habitable island, has only one-fourth

the area of Arabia, the largest of the peninsulas.[803] Therefore, both

the advantages and disadvantages incident to a restricted area may be

expected to appear in an intensified degree in islands.

Peninsulas are morphologically transition forms between mainland and

islands; by slight geological changes one is converted into the other.

Great Britain was a peninsula at the end of the Tertiary period, before

subsidence and the erosion of Dover Channel combined to sever it from

the continent. It bears to-day in its flora and fauna the evidence of

its former broad connection with the mainland.[804] In Pliocene times,

Sicily and Sardinia were united by a land bridge with the Tunisian

projection of North Africa; and they too, in their animal and plant

life, reveal the old connection with the southern continent.[805]

Sometimes man himself for his own purposes converts a peninsula into an

island. Often he constructs a canal, like that at Kiel or Corinth, to

remove an isthmian obstruction to navigation; but occasionally he

transforms his peninsula into an island for the sake of greater

protection. William of Rubruquis tells us that in 1253 he found the neck

of the Crimea cut through by a ditch from sea to sea by the native

Comanians, who had taken refuge in the peninsula from the Tartar

invaders, and in this way had sought to make their asylum more

secure.[806]

The reverse process in nature is quite as common. The Shangtung

Peninsula rises like a mountainous island from the sea-like level of

alluvial plains about it, suggesting that remote time when the plains

were not yet deposited and an arm of the Yellow Sea covered the space

between Shangtung and the highlands of Shansi.[807] The deposition of

silt, aided often by slight local elevation of the coast, is constantly

tying continental islands to the mainland. The Echinades Archipelago off

the southwest coast of ancient Acarnania, opposite the mouth of the

Achelous River, Strabo tells us, was formerly farther from shore than

in his time, and was gradually being cemented to the mainland by

Achelous silt. Some islets had already been absorbed in the advancing

shoreline, and the same fate awaited others.[808] Farther up this western

coast of Greece, the island of Leukas has been converted into a

peninsula by a sickle-shaped sandbar extending across the narrow

channel.[809] Nature is working in its leisurely way to attach Sakhalin to

the Siberian coast. The strong marine current which sets southward from

the Okhotsk Sea through the Strait of Tartary carries silt from the

mouth of the heavy laden Amur River, and deposits it in the "narrows" of

the strait between Capes Luzarev and Pogobi, building up sandbars that

come dangerously near the surface in mid channel.[810] Here the water is

so shallow that occasionally after long prevailing winds, the ground is

left exposed and the island natives can walk over to Asia.[811] The close

proximity of Sakhalin to the mainland and the ice bridge covering the

strait in winter rob the island of much of its insular character and

caused it to pass as a peninsula until 1852. Yet that five-mile wide

stretch of sea on its western coast determined its selection as the

great penal station of the Russian Empire. The fact that peninsular

India accords in so many points of flora, fauna and even primitive

ethnic stock with Madagascar and South Africa, indicates its former

island nature, which has been geographically cloaked by its union with

the continent of Asia.

[Sidenote: Character of insular flora and fauna.]

Islands, because of their relatively limited area and their clearly

defined boundaries, are excellent fields for the study of floral,

faunal, and ethnic distribution. Small area and isolation cause in them

poverty of animal and plant forms and fewer species than are found in an

equal continental area. This is the curse of restricted space which we

have met before. The large island group of New Zealand, with its highly

diversified relief and long zonal stretch, has only a moderate list of

flowering plants, in comparison with the numerous species that adorn

equal areas in South Africa and southwestern Australia.[812] Ascension

possessed originally less than six flowering plants. The four islands of

the Greater Antilles form together a considerable area and have all

possible advantages of climate and soil; but there are probably no

continental areas equally big and equally favored by nature which are so

poor in all the more highly organized groups of animals.[813] Islands

tend to lop off the best branches. Darwin found not a single indubitable

case of terrestrial mammals native to islands situated more than three

hundred miles from the mainland.[814] The impoverishment extends

therefore to quality as well as quantity, to man as well as to brute. In

the island continent of Australia, the native mammalia, excepting some

bats, a few rodents, and a wild dog, all belong to the primitive

marsupial sub-class; its human life, at the time of the discovery, was

restricted to one retarded negroid race, showing in every part of the

island a monotonous, early Stone Age development. The sparsely scattered

oceanic islands of the Atlantic, owing to excessive isolation, were all,

except the near-lying Canaries, uninhabited at the time of their

discovery; and the Canary Islanders showed great retardation as compared

with their parent stock of northern Africa. [See map page 105.]

[Sidenote: Endemic forms.]

Despite this general poverty of species, island life is distinguished by

a great proportion of peculiar or endemic forms, and a tendency toward

divergence, which is the effect of isolation and which becomes marked in

proportion to the duration and effectiveness of isolation. Isolation, by

reducing or preventing the intercrossing which holds the individual true

to the normal type of the species, tends to produce divergences.[815]

Hence island life is more or less differentiated from that of the

nearest mainland, according to the degree of isolation. Continental

islands, lying near the coast, possess generally a flora and fauna to a

large extent identical with that of the mainland, and show few endemic

species and genera; whereas remote oceanic islands, which isolation has

claimed for its own, are marked by intense specialization and a high

percentage of species and even genera found nowhere else.[816] Even a

narrow belt of dividing sea suffices to loosen the bonds of kinship.

Recent as are the British Isles and near the Continent, they show some

biological diversity from the mainland and from each other.[817]

[Sidenote: Paradoxical influences of island habitats upon man.]

The influence of an island habitat upon its human occupants resembles

that upon its flora and fauna, but is less marked. The reason for this

is twofold. The plant and animal life are always the older and therefore

have longer felt the effects of isolation; hence they bear its stamp in

an intensified degree. Man, as a later comer, shows closer affinity to

his kin in the great cosmopolitan areas of the continents. More than

this, by reason of his inventiveness and his increasing skill in

navigation, he finds his sea boundary less strictly drawn, and therefore

evades the full influence of his detached environment, though never able

wholly to counteract it. For man in lowest stages of civilization, as

for plants and animals, the isolating influence is supreme; but with

higher development and advancing nautical efficiency, islands assume

great accessibility because of their location on the common highway of

the ocean. They become points of departure and destination of maritime

navigation, at once center of dispersal and goal, the breeding place of

expansive national forces seeking an outlet, and a place of hospitality

for wanderers passing those shores. Yet all the while, that other

tendency of islands to segregate their people, and in this aloofness to

give them a peculiar and indelible national stamp, much as it

differentiates its plant and animal forms, is persistently operative.

[Sidenote: Conservative and radical tendencies.]

These two antagonistic influences of an island environment may be seen

working simultaneously in the same people, now one, now the other being

dominant; or a period of undisturbed seclusion or exclusion may suddenly

be followed by one of extensive intercourse, receptivity or expansion.

Recall the contrast in the early and later history of the Canaries,

Azores, Malta, England, Mauritius and Hawaii, now a lonely,

half-inhabited waste, now a busy mart or teeming way-station. Consider

the pronounced insular mind of the globe-trotting Englishman, the

deep-seated local conservatism characterizing that world-colonizing

nation, at once the most provincial and cosmopolitan on earth. Emerson

says with truth, "Every one of these islanders is an island himself,

safe, tranquil, incommunicable."[818] Hating innovation, glorifying their

habitudes, always searching for a precedent to justify and countenance

each forward step, they have nevertheless led the world's march of

progress. Scattered by their colonial and commercial enterprises over

every zone, in every clime, subjected to the widest range of modifying

environments, they show in their ideals the dominant influence of the

home country. The trail of the Oxford education can be followed over the

Empire, east to New Zealand and west to Vancouver. Highschool students

of Jamaica take Oxford examinations in botany which are based upon

English plant life and ignore the Caribbean flora! School children in

Ceylon are compelled to study a long and unfamiliar list of errors in

English speech current only in the London streets, in order to identify

and correct them on the Oxford papers, distributed with Olympian

impartiality to all parts of the Empire. Such insularity of mind seems

to justify Bernard Shaw's description of Britain as an island whose

natives regard its manners and customs as laws of nature. Yet these are

the people who in the Nile Valley have become masters of irrigation,

unsurpassed even by the ancient Egyptians; who, in the snow-wrapped

forests of Hudson Bay, are trappers and hunters unequalled by the

Indians; who, in the arid grasslands of Australia, pasture their herds

like nomad shepherd or American cowboy, and in the Tropics loll like the

natives, but somehow manage to do a white man's stint of work.

[Sidenote: The case of Japan.]

In Japan, isolation has excluded or reduced to controllable measure

every foreign force that might break the continuity of the national

development or invade the integrity of the national ideal. Japan has

always borrowed freely from neighboring Asiatic countries and recently

from the whole world; yet everything in Japan bears the stamp of the

indigenous. The introduction of foreign culture into the Empire has been

a process of selection and profound modification to accord with the

national ideals and needs.[819] Buddhism, coming from the continent, was

Japanized by being grafted on to the local stock of religious ideas, so

that Japanese Buddhism is strongly differentiated from the continental

forms of that religion.[820] The seventeenth century Catholicism of the

Jesuits, before it was hospitably received, had to be adapted to

Japanese standards of duty and ritual. Modern Japanese converts to

Christianity wish themselves to conduct the local missions and teach a

national version of the new faith.[821] But all the while, Japanese

religion has experienced no real change of heart. The core of the

national faith is the indigenous Shinto cult, which no later interloper

has been permitted to dislodge or seriously to transform; and this has

survived, wrapped in the national consciousness, wedded to the national

patriotism, lifted above competition. Here is insular conservatism.

Japan's sudden and complete abandonment of a policy of seclusion which

had been rigidly maintained for two hundred and fifty years, and her

entrance upon a career of widespread intercourse synchronously with one

of territorial expansion and extensive emigration, form one of those

apparently irreconcilable contradictions constantly springing from the

isolation and world-wide accessibility of an island environment; yet

underlying Japan's present receptivity of new ideas and her outwardly

indiscriminate adoption of western civilization is to be detected the

deep primal stamp of the Japanese character, and an instinctive

determination to preserve the core of that character intact.

[Sidenote: Islands as nurseries and disseminators of distinctive

civilizations.]

It is this marked national individuality, developed by isolation and

accompanied often by a precocious civilization, in combination with the

opposite fact of the imminent possibility of an expansive unfolding, a

brilliant efflorescence followed by a wide dispersal of its seeds of

culture and of empire, which has assigned to islands in all times a

great historical rôle. Rarely do these wholly originate the elements of

civilization. For that their area is too small. But whatever seed ripen

in the wide fields of the continents the islands transplant to their own

forcing houses; there they transform and perfect the flower. Japan

borrowed freely from China and Korea, as England did from continental

Europe; but these two island realms have brought Asiatic and European

civilization to their highest stage of development. Now the borrowers

are making return with generous hand. The islands are reacting upon the

continents. Japanese ideals are leavening the whole Orient from

Manchuria to Ceylon. English civilization is the standard of Europe.

"The Russian in his snows is aiming to be English," says Emerson.

"England has inoculated all nations with her civilization, intelligence

and tastes."[822]

[Sidenote: Ancient Cretan civilization.]

The recent discoveries in Crete show beyond doubt that the school of

Aegean civilization was in that island. Ancient Phoenicia, Argos, even

Mycenæ and Tiryns put off their mask of age and appear as rosy boys

learning none too aptly of their great and elderly master. Borrowing the

seeds of culture from Asia and Egypt,[823] Crete nursed and tended them

through the Neolithic and Bronze Age, transformed them completely, much

as scientific tillage has converted the cotton tree into a low shrub.

The precocity of this civilization is clear. At early as 3000 B.C. it

included an impressive style of architecture and a decorative art

naturalistic and beautiful in treatment as that of modern Japan.[824]

From this date till the zenith of its development in 1450 B.C., Crete

became a great artistic manufacturing and distributing center for stone

carving, frescoes, pottery, delicate porcelain, metal work, and

gems.[825] By 1800 B. C., seven centuries before Phoenician writing is

heard of, the island had matured a linear script out of an earlier

pictographic form.[826] This script, partly indigenous, partly borrowed

from Libya and Egypt, gives Crete the distinction of having invented the

first system of writing ever practised in Europe.[827]

Yet all this wealth of achievement bore the stamp of the indigenous;

nearly every trace of its remote Asiatic or Egyptian origin was

obliterated. Here the isolation of an island environment did thoroughly

its work of differentiation, even on this thalassic isle which

maintained constant intercourse with Egypt, the Cyclades, the Troad and

the Greek peninsula.[828] Minoan art has a freshness, vivacity, and

modernity that distinguishes it fundamentally from the formal products

of its neighbors. "Many of the favorite subjects, like the crocus and

wild goat, are native to the islands.... Even where a motive was

borrowed from Egyptian life, it was treated in a distinctive way," made

tender, dramatic, vital. "In religion, as in art generally, Crete

translated its loans into indigenous terms, and contributed as much as

it received."[829] The curator of Egyptian antiquities in the New York

Metropolitan Art Museum examined five hundred illustrations of second

and third millenium antiquities from Gournia and Vasiliki in Crete, made

by Mrs. Harriet Boyd Hawes during her superintendence of the excavations

there, and pronounced them distinctly un-Egyptian, except one vase,

probably an importation.[830] All this was achieved by a small insular

segment of the Mediterranean race, in their Neolithic and Bronze Age,

before the advent of those northern conquerors who brought in an Aryan

speech and the gift of iron. It was in Crete, therefore, that Aegean

civilization arose. On this island it had a long and brilliant

pre-Hellenic career, and thence it spread to the Greek mainland and

other Aegean shores.[831]

[Sidenote: Limitation of small area in insular history.]

A small cup soon overflows. Islands may not keep; they are forced to

give, live by giving. Here lies their historical significance. They

dispense their gifts of culture in levying upon the resources of other

lands. But finally more often than not, the limitation of too small a

home area steps in to arrest the national development, which then fades

and decays. To this rule Great Britain and Japan are notable exceptions,

owing partly to the unusual size of their insular territory, partly to a

highly advantageous location. Minoan Crete, in that gray antiquity when

Homeric history was still unborn, gave out of its abundance in art,

government, laws and maritime knowledge to the eastern Mediterranean

world, till the springs of inspiration in its own small land were

exhausted, and its small population was unable to resist the flood of

northern invasion. Then the dispenser of gifts had to become an

alms-taker from the younger, larger, more resourceful Hellenic world.

The same story of early but short lived preëminence comes from other

Aegean islands. Before the rise of Athens, Samos under the great despot

Polykrates became "the first of all cities, Hellenic or barbaric," a

center of Ionian manners, luxury, art, science and culture, the seat of

the first great thalassocracy or sea-power after that of Cretan Minos, a

distributing point for commerce and colonies.[832] Much the same history

and distinction attached to the island of Rhodes long before the first

Olympiad,[833] and to the little island of Aegina.[834] If we turn to the

native races of America, we find that the Haida Indians of the Queen

Charlotte Archipelago are markedly superior to their Tlingit and

Tsimshean kinsmen of the nearby Alaskan and British Columbian coast. In

their many and varied arts they have freely borrowed from their

neighbors; but they have developed these loans with such marvelous skill

and independence that they greatly surpass their early masters, and are

accredited with possessing the creative genius of all this coast.[835]

Far away, on the remote southeastern outskirts of the island world of

the Pacific, a parallel is presented by little Easter Isle. Once it was

densely populated and completely tilled by a people who had achieved

singular progress in agriculture, religion, masonry, sculpture in stone

and wood carving, even with obsidian tools, and who alone of all the

Polynesians had devised a form of hieroglyphical writing.[836] Easter

Isle to-day shows only abandoned fields, the silent monuments of its huge

stone idols, and the shrunken remnant of a deteriorated people.[837]

[Sidenote: Sources of ethnic stock of islands.]

Isolation and accessibility are recorded in the ethnic stock of every

island. Like its flora and fauna, its aboriginal population shows an

affinity to that of the nearest mainland, and this generally in

proportion to geographical proximity. The long line of deposit islands,

built of the off-scourings of the land, and fringing the German and

Netherland coast from Texel to Wangeroog, is inhabited by the same

Frisian folk which occupies the nearby shore. The people of the Channel

Isles, though long subject to England, belong to the Franco-Gallic stock

and the _langue d'oïl_ linguistic family of northern France. The native

Canary Islanders, though giving no evidence of previous communication

with any continental land at the time of their discovery, could be

traced, through their physical features, speech, customs and utensils,

to a remote origin in Egypt and the Berber regions of North Africa prior

to the Mohammedan conquest.[838] Sakhalin harbors to-day, besides the

immigrant Russians, five different peoples--Ainos, Gilyaks, Orochons,

Tunguse, and Yakuts, all of them offshoots of tribes now or formerly

found on the Siberian mainland a few miles away.[839]

[Sidenote: Ethnic divergence with increased isolation.]

Where the isolation of the island is more pronounced, owing either to a

broader and more dangerous channel, as in the case of Madagascar and

Formosa, or to the nautical incapacity of the neighboring coast peoples,

as in the case of Tasmania and the Canary Islands, the ethnic influence

of the mainland is weak, and the ethnic divergence of the insular

population therefore more marked, even to the point of total difference

in race. But this is generally a case of survival of a primitive stock

in the protection of an unattractive island offering to a superior

people few allurements to conquest, as illustrated by the ethnic history

of the Andaman and Kurile Isles.

[Sidenote: Differentiation of peoples and civilizations on islands.]

The sea forms the sharpest and broadest boundary; it makes in the island

which it surrounds the conditions for differentiation. Thus while an

insular population is allied in race and civilization to that of the

nearest continent, it nevertheless differs from the same more than the

several sub-groups of its continental kindred differ from each other. In

other words, isolation makes ethnic and cultural divergence more marked

on islands than on continents. The English people, despite their close

kinship and constant communication with the Teutonic peoples of the

European mainland, deviate from them more than any of these Germanic

nations deviate from each other. The Celts of Great Britain and Ireland

are sharply distinguished from the whole body of continental Celts in

physical features, temperament, and cultural development. In Ireland the

primitive Catholic Church underwent a distinctive development. It was

closely bound up in the tribal organization of the Irish people, lacked

the system, order and magnificence of the Latinized Church, had its

peculiar tonsure for monks, and its own date for celebrating Easter for

nearly three hundred years after the coming of St. Patrick.[840] The

Japanese, in their physical and mental characteristics, as in their

whole national spirit, are more strikingly differentiated from the

Chinese than the agricultural Chinese from the nomadic Buriat shepherds

living east of Lake Baikal, though Chinese and Japanese are located much

nearer together and are in the same stage of civilization. The Eskimo,

who form one of the most homogeneous stocks, and display the greatest

uniformity in language and cultural achievements of all the native

American groups, have only one differentiated offshoot, the Aleutian

Islanders. These, under the protection and isolation of their insular

habitat from a very remote period, have developed to a greater extent

than their Eskimo brethren of the mainland. The difference is evident in

their language, religious ceremonies, and in details of their handiwork,

such as embroidery and grass-fiber weaving.[841] The Haidas of the Queen

Charlotte Archipelago show such a divergence in physique and culture

from the related tribes of the mainland, that they have been accredited

with a distinct origin from the other coast Indians.[842]

[Sidenote: Differentiation of language in islands.]

The differentiating influence is conspicuous in the speech of island

people, which tends to form a distinct language or dialect or, in an

archipelago, a group of dialects. The Channel Isles, along with their

distinctive breeds of cattle, has each its own variant of the _langue

d'oïl_.[843] According to Boccaccio's narrative of a Portuguese voyage to

the Canaries in 1341, the natives of one island could not understand

those from another, so different were their languages. The statement was

repeated by a later authority in 1455 in regard to the inhabitants of

Lancerote, Fuerteventura, Gomera and Ferro, who had then been

Christianized. A partial explanation is supplied by the earlier

visitors, who found the Canary Guanches with no means of communication

between the several islands except by swimming.[844] In the Visayan group

of the Philippines, inhabited exclusively by the civilized Visayan

tribes except for the Negritos in the mountainous interior, the people

of Cebu can not understand their brethren in the adjacent islands; in

Cuyos and Calmanianes, dialects of the Visayan are spoken.[845] [See map

page 147.]

The differentiation of language from the nearby continental speech may

be due to a higher development, especially on large islands affording

very advantageous conditions, such as Great Britain and Japan. Japanese

speech has some affinity with the great Altaic linguistic family, but no

close resemblance to any sub-group.[846] It presents marked contrasts to

the Chinese because it has passed beyond the agglutinative stage of

development, just as English has sloughed off more of its inflectional

forms than the continental Teutonic languages.

[Sidenote: Archaic forms of speech in islands.]

More often the difference is due to the survival of archaic forms of

speech. This is especially the case on very small or remote islands,

whose limited area or extreme isolation or both factors in conjunction

present conditions for retardation. The speech of the Sardinians has a

strong resemblance to the ancient Latin, retains many inflectional forms

now obsolete in the continental Romance languages; but it has also been

enlivened by an infusion of Catalan words, which came in by the bridge

of the Balearic Islands during the centuries of Spanish rule in

Sardinia.[847] Again, it is in Minorca and Majorca that this Catalan

speech is found in its greatest purity to-day. On its native soil in

eastern Spain, especially in Barcelona, it is gradually succumbing to

the official Castilian, and probably in a few centuries will be found

surviving only in the protected environment of the Balearic Isles.

Icelandic and the kindred dialects of the Shetland and Faroe Islands had

their origin in the classic Norse of the ninth century, and are

divergent forms of the speech of the Viking explorers.[848] The old

Frisian tongue of Holland, sister speech to Anglo-Saxon, survives to-day

only in West Friesland beyond the great marshlands, and in the

long-drawn belt of coastal islands from Terschelling through Helgoland

to Sylt, as also on the neighboring shores of Schleswig-Holstein.[849]

This region of linguistic survival, insulated partially by the marshes

or completely by the shallow "Wattenmeer" of this lowland coast, reminds

us of the protracted life of the archaic Lithuanian speech within a

circle of sea and swamp in Baltic Russia, and the survival of the Celtic

tongue in peninsular Brittany, Cornwall, Wales, in Ireland, and the

Highlands and islands of Scotland.

[Sidenote: Unification of race in islands.]

Islanders are always coast dwellers with a limited hinterland. Hence

their stock may be differentiated from the mainland race in part for the

same reason that all coastal folk in regions of maritime development are

differentiated from the people of the back country, namely, because

contact with the sea allows an intermittent influx of various foreign

strains, which are gradually assimilated. This occasional ethnic

intercrossing can be proved in greater or less degree of all island

people. Here is accessibility operating against the underlying isolation

of an island habitat. The English to-day represent a mixture of Celts

with various distinct Teutonic elements, which had already diverged from

one another in their separate habitats--Jutes, Angles, Saxons, Danes,

Norse and Norman French. The subsequent detachment of these immigrant

stocks by the English Channel and North Sea from their home people, and

their arrival in necessarily small bands enabled them to be readily

assimilated, a process which was stimulated further by the rapid

increase of population, the intimate interactive life and unification of

culture which characterizes all restricted areas. Hence islands, like

peninsulas, despite ethnic admixtures, tend to show a surprising

unification of race; they hold their people aloof from others and hold

them in a close embrace, shut them off and shut them in, tend to force

the amalgamation of race, culture and speech. Moreover, their relatively

small area precludes effective segregation within their own borders,

except where a mountainous or jungle district affords a temporary refuge

for a displaced and antagonized tribe. Hence there arises a

preponderance of the geographic over the ethnic and linguistic factors

in the historical equation.

The uniformity in cranial type prevailing all over the British Isles is

amazing; it is greater than in either Spain or Scandinavia. The cephalic

indices range chiefly between 77 and 79, a restricted variation as

compared with the ten points which represents the usual range for

Central Europe, and the thirteen between the extremes of 75 and 88 found

in France and Italy.[850] Japan stands in much the same ethnic relation

to Asia as Britain to Europe. She has absorbed Aino, Mongolian, Malay

and perhaps Polynesian elements, but by reason of her isolation has been

left free to digest these at her leisure, so that her population is

fairly well assimilated, though evidences of the old mixture can be

discerned.[851] In Corsica and Sardinia a particularly low cephalic

index, dropping in some communes to 73, and a particularly short stature

point to a rare purity of the Mediterranean race,[852] and indicate the

maintenance here of one ethnic type, despite the intermittent intrusion

of various less pure stocks from the Italian mainland, Africa,

Phoenicia, Arabia, and Spain. The location of the islands off the main

routes of the basin, their remoteness from shore, and the strong spirit

of exclusiveness native to the people,[853] bred doubtless from their

isolation, have combined to reduce the amount of foreign intermixture.

[Sidenote: Remoter sources of island populations.]

Islands do not

necessarily derive their population from the land that lies nearest to

them. A comparatively narrow strait may effectively isolate, if the

opposite shore is inhabited by a nautically inefficient race; whereas a

wide stretch of ocean may fail to bar the immigration of a seafaring

people. Here we find a parallel to the imperfect isolation of oceanic

islands for life forms endowed with superior means of dispersal, such as

marine birds, bats and insects.[854] Iceland, though relatively near

Greenland, was nevertheless peopled by far away Scandinavians. These

bold sailors planted their settlements even in Greenland nearly two

centuries before the Eskimo. England received the numerically dominant

element of its population from across the wide expanse of the North Sea,

from the bare but seaman-breeding coasts of Germany, Denmark and Norway,

rather than from the nearer shores of Gaul. So the Madeira and Cape

Verde Isles had to wait for the coming of the nautical Portuguese to

supply them with a population; and only later, owing to the demand for

slave labor, did they draw upon the human stock of nearby Africa, but

even then by means of Portuguese ships.

[Sidenote: Double sources.]

Owing to the power of navigation to bridge the intervening spaces of

water and hence to emphasize the accessibility rather than the isolation

of these outlying fragments of land, we often find islands facing two or

three ways, as it were, tenanted on different sides by different races,

and this regardless of the width of the intervening seas, where the

remote neighbors excel in nautical skill. Formosa is divided between its

wild Malay aborigines, found on the eastern, mountainous side of the

island, and Chinese settlers who cultivate the wide alluvial plain on

the western side.[855] Fukien Strait, though only eighty miles wide,

sufficed to bar Formosa to the land-loving northern Chinese till 1644,

when the island became an asylum for refugees from the Manchu invaders;

but long before, the wider stretches of sea to the south and north were

mere passways for the sea-faring Malays, who were the first to people

the island, and the Japanese who planted considerable colonies on its

northern coasts at the beginning of the fifteenth century. [See map page

103.]

In a similar way Madagascar is divided between the Malayan Hovas, who

occupy the eastern and central part of the island, and the African

Sakalavas who border the western coast. [See map page 105.] This

distribution of the ethnic elements corresponds to that of the insect

life, which is more African on the western side and more Indo-Malayan on

the eastern.[856] Though the population shows every physical type between

Negro and Malayan, and ethnic diversity still predominates over ethnic

unity in this vast island, nevertheless the close intercourse of an

island habitat has even in Madagascar produced unification of language.

Malayan speech of an ancient form prevails everywhere, and though

diversified into dialects, is everywhere so much alike that all

Malagasies can manage to understand one another.[857] The first

inhabitants were probably African; but the wide Mozambique Current (230

miles), with its strong southward flow, was a serious barrier to fresh

accessions from the mainland, especially as the nautical development of

the African tribes was always low. Meanwhile, however, successive relays

of sea-bred Malay-Polynesians crossed the broad stretch of the Indian

Ocean, occupied the island, and finally predominated over the original

Negro stock.[858] Then in historic times came Arabs, Swahilis, and East

Indians to infuse an Asiatic element into the population of the coasts,

while Portuguese, English, Dutch, and French set up short-lived colonies

on its shores. But despite this intermittent foreign immigration, the

fundamental isolation of Madagascar, combined with its large area,

enabled it to go its own slow historical gait, with a minimum of

interference from outside, till France in 1895 began to assume control

of the island.

[Sidenote: Mixed population of small thalassic isles.]

Small thalassic islands, at an early date in their history, lose their

ethnic unity and present a highly mixed population. The reasons for this

are two. The early maritime development characterizing enclosed seas

covers them with a network of marine routes, on which such islands serve

as way stations and mid-sea markets for the surrounding shores. Sailors

and traders, colonists and conquerors flock to them from every side.

Such a nodal location on commercial routes insures to islands a

cosmopolitanism of race, as opposed to the ethnic differentiation and

unity which follows an outlying or oceanic situation. Here the factor of

many-sided accessibility predominates over isolation.

The prevailing small area of such thalassic islands, moreover, involves

a population so small that it is highly susceptible to the effects of

intercrossing. Too restricted to absorb the constant influx of foreign

elements, the inhabitants tend to become a highly mixed, polyglot breed.

This they continue to be by the constant addition of foreign strains, so

long as the islands remain foci of trade or strategic points for the

control of the marine highways. Diomede Island in Bering Strait is the

great market place of the polar tribes. Here Siberian Chukches and

Alaskan Eskimos make their exchanges. The Eskimo of St. Lawrence Island

in Bering Sea, from long intercourse, have adopted certain articles of

dress, the boats and part of the vocabulary of the Chukches.[859]

Kilwauru, located on a sand-bank at the eastern end of Ceram, on the

border between Malayan and Papuan island districts, is the metropolis of

native traders in the Far East. Here gather the _praus_ of the

sea-faring Bugis bringing manufactured goods from Singapore, and boats

laden with the natural products of New Guinea.[860] The smaller these

island marts and the wider their circle of trade, the more mixed is

their population. Thursday Isle, an English coaling-station in Torres

Strait, is a port of call for all steamers bound from Europe or China

for east Australian ports, besides being a center of a big local trade

in pearl shell and tripang. Hence its population of 526 souls comprises

270 Europeans of various nationalities, including British, Germans,

Scandinavians, Danes, Spanish, Portuguese, French and Australians of

European origin, besides 256 South Sea Islanders, Papuans, Africans,

Philippines, Chinese and other Asiatics.[861]

[Sidenote: Mixed population of island markets.]

Antiquity shows the same thing on a smaller scale, which grew, however,

with the expansion of the circle of commerce. Ancient Aegina in the

Saronic Gulf received inhabitants from Crete, Argos, Epidaurus in

eastern Argolis and Athens; it became a central maritime market and its

people sea-traders, whose goods of a certain small kind became known as

"Aegina wares."[862] Delos at the crossroads of the Aegean was the center

of longer radii. It became the inn for travelers and merchants sailing

from Asia and Egypt to Italy and Greece, and hence drew to itself the

trade and people of the whole Mediterranean basin.[863] The northwestern

Indian Ocean had a similar emporium in the ancient Dioscoridis,

(Sokotra) which focused on itself the trade between Arabia and eastern

Africa.[864]

Ceylon's location made it in ancient and medieval times the common

meeting place for Arab traders from the west and Chinese merchants from

the east; it thus became the Sicily of the semi-enclosed North Indian

Ocean. To-day its capital Colombo is "the Clapham Junction of the Eastern

Seas," where passengers change steamers for China, India and Australia;

a port of call for vessels passing from the Straits of Malacca to the

Persian Gulf or Mediterranean. Hence Ceylon's solid nucleus of

Singhalese and Tamil population, protected against absorption by the

large area of the island (25,365 square miles) is interspersed in the

coastal districts with Arabs, Portuguese, Eurasians dating from the old

Portuguese occupation, and some ten thousand Europeans.[865] The island

of Gotland, located at the crossroads of the Baltic, was early adopted

by the Hanseatic merchants as their maritime base for the exploitation

of Swedish, Finnish, and Russian trade. Here were "peoples of divers

tongues," so the old chronicles say, while the archeological finds of

Byzantine, Cufic, Roman, Anglo-Saxon and German coins testify to the

wide circle of trade whose radii focused at this nodal point of the

Baltic.[866]

[Sidenote: Significant location of island way stations.]

The great importance of such islands has been due solely to their

location. Their size and resources are negligible quantities, but their

natural position as way stations lent them preeminence so long as

navigation held to short "laps," and was restricted to enclosed seas. In

the wide expanse of the open ocean, similar sparsely scattered isles,

like Ascension, St. Helena, the Canaries and Hawaii, assumed importance

in proportion to their scarcity. Though never the centers of rife

intercourse like Delos and Gotland, those lying conspicuously in the

track of commerce have succeeded in drawing to themselves the typical

polyglot nodal population. Mauritius, located at the southwestern

entrance of the Indian Ocean about equally distant from Aden, Ceylon,

Bombay, Singapore and West Australia, and possessing the best harbor

within many hundred miles, has been held successively by Dutch, French

and English, and to-day has a dense population of French, English and

Hindus.[867] A situation at the northeast entrance to the Caribbean Sea,

keystone of the vast arch formed by the Greater and Lesser Antilles,

made the island of St. Thomas a natural distributing point for this

whole basin. Facing that much traveled Virgin Passage, and forming the

first objective of vessels bound from Europe to Panama, it became a

great ship rendezvous, and assumed strategic and commercial importance

from early times. We find the same political owners here as in Mauritius

and in the same order--Dutch, French and English, though in 1671 the

island was occupied by the Danes, then from 1807 to 1815 by the English

again, and finally secured by the Danes.[868] The history of the Falkland

Islands is a significant reflection of their location on the south

oceanic trade route, where they command the entrance to the Magellan

Straits and the passage round the Horn, Here on the outskirts of the

world, where they form the only break in the wide blank surface of the

South Atlantic, they have been coveted and held in turn by the chief

European powers having colonies in the Orient,--by France, Spain,

England, Spain again, England again, by Argentine in 1820, and finally

by England since 1833. Their possession was of especial advantage to

Great Britain, which had no other base in this part of the world

intermediate between England and New Zealand.

[Sidenote: Thalassic islands as goals of expansion.]

Islands located in enclosed seas display the transitional character of

border districts. They are outposts of the surrounding shores, and

become therefore the first objective of every expanding movement,

whether commercial or political, setting out from the adjacent coasts.

Such islands are swept by successive waves of conquest or colonization,

and they carry in their people and language evidences of the wrack left

behind on their shores. This has been the history of Aegina, Cyprus,

Rhodes, Crete, Malta, Corfu, Sicily and Sardinia. That of Cyprus is

typical. It was the first island base for the ancient Tyrian fleets, and

had its Phoenician settlements in 1045 B. C. From that time it was one

of the many prizes in the Mediterranean grab-bag for the surrounding

nations. After the decline of Tyre, it was occupied by Greeks, then

passed in turn to Assyrians, Egyptians, Persians, Romans, Saracens,

Byzantines, and in 1191 was seized by the Crusaders. Later it fell to

Egypt again; but in 1373 was taken by Genoa, in 1463 by Venice, in 1571

by the Turks, and finally in 1878 was consigned to England.[869] All

these successive occupants have left their mark upon its people, speech,

culture and architecture. In the same way Sicily, located at the waist

of the Mediterranean, has received the imprint of Greeks, Carthagenians,

Romans, Saracens, Normans, Spaniards and Italians.[870] Its architectural

remains bear the stamp of these successive occupants in every degree of

purity and blending. The Sicilians of to-day are a mixture of all these

intrusive stocks and speak a form of Italian corrupted by the infusion

of Arabic words.[871] In 1071 when the Normans laid siege to Palermo,

five languages were spoken on the island,--Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Arabic

and vulgar Sicilian, evidence enough that it was the meeting ground of

the nations of Europe, Asia and North Africa.[872] Polyglot Malta to-day

tells the same story of successive conquests, the same shuttlecock

history.[873] Almost every language of Europe is spoken here; but the

native Maltese speech is a corrupt form of Arabic mixed with modern

Italian and ancient Phoenician words.[874] The whole island is

ethnographically a border hybrid of Europe and North Africa. The Channel

Isles are to-day the only spot in Europe where French and English survive

side by side as official and commercial languages. French and Italian

meet on equal terms in Corsica. Chinese, Japanese and Malays have

traded and warred and treated on the debatable land of Formosa. The Aru,

Ke, and other small archipelagoes of the Banda Sea link together the

pure Malay and the pure Papuan districts, between which they lie.

From the border character of many islands there follow often

far-reaching historical effects. Like all border regions they are

natural battlegrounds. Their historical episodes are small, often slow

and insidious in their movement, but large in their final content; for

they are prone to end in a sudden dramatic _denouement_ that draws the

startled gaze of all the neighboring world. It was the destiny of Sicily

to make and unmake the fortunes of ancient Carthage. Ceylon, from the

dawn of history, lured traders who enriched and conquerors who oppressed

peninsular India. The advance of Spain to the Canary Isles was the

drowsy prologue to the brilliant drama of American discovery. The island

of Tsushima in the Korean Strait was seized by the forces of Kublai Khan

in 1280 as the base of their attack upon Japan;[875] and when in 1857 the

Russian bear tried to plant a foot on this island, Japan saw danger in

the movement and ordered him off.[876] Now we find Japan newly

established in Sakhalin, the Elliot Islands and Formosa, by means of

which and her own archipelago she blankets the coast of Asia for

twenty-two hundred miles. This geographical situation may be productive

of history.

[Sidenote: Political detachability of islands.]

Islands are detached areas physically and readily detached politically.

Though insularity gives them some measure of protection, their

relatively small size and consequently small populations make them easy

victims for a conquering sea power, and easy to hold in subjection. The

security of an island habitat against aggression therefore, increases

with its size, its efficiency in naval warfare, and its degree of

isolation, the last of which factors depends in turn upon its location

as thalassic or oceanic. Islands of enclosed seas, necessarily small and

never far from the close encircling lands, are engulfed by every tide of

conquest emanating from the nearby shores. Oesel and Dago have been held

in succession by every Baltic power, by the Teutonic Orders, Denmark,

Sweden and Russia. Gotland has acknowledged allegiance to the Hanseatic

League, to Denmark and Sweden. Sardinia, occupying the center of the

western Mediterranean, has figured in a varied series of political

combinations,--with ancient Carthage, Rome, the Saracens of North

Africa, with Sicily, Pisa, Aragon, Piedmont, and finally now with united

Italy.[877] To the land-bred Teutonic hordes which swept over western

Europe in the early centuries of our era, a narrow strip of sea was some

protection for Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia, Malta and the Balearic Isles.

Hence we find these islands slow in succumbing to their non-maritime

conquerors, and readily regained by the energetic Justinian. Later they

fell victim to the sea-wise Saracens, but again gravitated back to their

closer and more natural European connections.

[Sidenote: Insular weakness due to small area.]

More often the small area of an island facilitates its retention in

bondage, when the large and less isolated continental districts have

thrown off an unwelcome yoke. Athens, with her strong navy, found it an

easy task to whip back into the ranks of the Delian Confederacy her

recalcitrant island subjects like Naxos, Samos and Thasos; but her

mutinous cities in peninsular Chalcidice and isthmian Megara, incited to

revolt and aided by their neighbors,[878] were less at her mercy. This

principle was recognized by Thucydides,[879] and taken advantage of by

the Lacedæmonians during the great war for Spartan supremacy. England

has been able to hold Ireland in a vise. Of all her former French

territory, she retains only the Channel Isles. Cuba and Porto Rico

remained in the crushing grasp of Spain sixty-four years after Mexico

and the continental states of Central and South America, by mutual help

and encouragement, had secured independence. The islands found that the

isolation which confers protection from outside aggression meant for

them detachment from friendly sources of succor on the mainland. The

desultory help of filibuster expeditions, easily checked at the port of

departure or landing, availed little to supplement the inadequate forces

of rebellion pent up on their relatively small areas. By contrast,

Mexico's larger area and population, continually stirred by American

example and encouragement, reinforced by American volunteers and even by

United States army officers, found revolt from 1812 to 1824 a

comparatively easy task.

Cuba suffered from its geographic aloofness. So did little Crete, which

submitted to Turkish oppression sixty years after the continental Greeks

had made good their claim to freedom. Nor was this the first time that

Cretan liberty had suffered from the detachment of an island

environment. Aristotle recognized the principle when he wrote: "The

people of Crete have hitherto submitted to the rule of the leading

families as _Cosmi_, because the insular situation of Crete cuts off the

interference of strangers or foreigners which might stir up rebellion

against the unjust or partial government." And then he adds that this

insular exclusion of outside incitement long rendered the fidelity of

the _Perioeci_ or serf-like peasants of Crete a striking contrast to the

uneasy spirit of the Spartan Helots, who were constantly stirred to

revolt by the free farmers of Argos, Messinia and Arcadia.[880] Thus

ancient like modern Crete missed those beneficient stimuli which

penetrate a land frontier, but are cut off by the absolute boundary of

the sea.

[Sidenote: Island remains of broken empires.]

Island fragments of broken empires are found everywhere. They figure

conspicuously in that scattered location indicative of declining power.

Little St. Pierre and Miquelon are the last geographical evidences of

France's former dominion in Canada. The English Bermudas and Bahamas

point back to the time when Great Britain held the long-drawn opposite

coast. The British, French, Dutch, Danish, as once even Swedish,

holdings in the Lesser Antilles are island monuments to lost continental

domains, as recently were Cuba and Porto Rico to Spain's once vast

American empire. Of Portugal's widespread dominion in the Orient there

remain to her only the island fragments of Timor, Kambing, Macao and

Diu, besides two coastal points on the western face of peninsular India.

All the former continental holdings of the Sultan of Zanzibar have been

absorbed into the neighboring German and British territories, and only

the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba remain to him by the temporary

indulgence of his strong neighbors. The Sheik of the Bahrein Islands

originally held also the large kingdom of El Hasa on the nearby Persian

Gulf littoral of Arabia; but he lost this to the Turks in 1840, and now

retains the Bahrein Islands as the residuum of his former

territories.[881]

[Sidenote: Security of such remnants merely passive.]

The insular remnants of empires are tolerated, because their small size,

when unsupported by important location, usually renders them innocuous;

and their geographic isolation removes them from international

entanglements, unless some far-reaching anthropo-geographic readjustment

lends them a new strategic or commercial importance. The construction of

the Suez Canal gave England a motive for the acquisition of Cyprus in

1878, as a nearer base than Malta for the protection of Port Said, just

as the present Panama Canal project led the United States to re-open

negotiations for the purchase of the Danish Isles. One cannot get away

from the impression that the law of political detachability will operate

again to make some new distribution of the parti-colored political

holdings in the Lesser Antilles. The small size of these islands, and

their thalassic location commanding approaches to a large region of only

partially developed resources and to the interoceanic passway across it,

will pitch them into the dice-box on the occasion of every naval war

between their sovereign powers.

The shifting fate of political detachability becomes moderated in

islands of the open ocean, because of their remoteness from the

colonizing or conquering movements emanating from the continents. In

contrast to the changing political connections of thalassic isles,

consider the calm or monotonous political history of outlying islands

like the Shetland, Faroes, Iceland, Canaries, Madeira, Cape Verde,

Azores, St. Helena, Ascension and Hawaii. The Norse colony of Iceland,

as a republic, maintained loose connections with its mother country from

874 to 1264; then for nearly six centuries it followed the political

fate of Norway till 1814, when an oversight left it in the hands of

Denmark on the dissolution of the union of Denmark and Norway. The

Azores have known no history except that which came to them from

Portugal; even their discovery goes back to a Saracen navigator who, in

1147, sailed from the mouth of the Tagus a thousand miles straight into

the sunset.[882] For two hundred years thereafter extreme isolation kept

them outside the pale of history till their rediscovery by Prince

Henry, the Navigator.

[Sidenote: Political autonomy of islands based upon area and location.]

Land-masses, as we have found, are independent by location or

independent by size. Large islands, especially where they occupy an

outskirt location, may long succeed in maintaining an independent

national existence; but to render this permanent, they must supplement

their area by the acquisition of continental lands, according to the law

of increasing territorial aggregates. Great Britain and Japan, though

ethnically and culturally appendages of the nearby mainland, were large

enough, aided by the dividing sea, to maintain political autonomy. They

absorbed all the insular fragments lying about them to extend their

areas, and then each in turn entered upon a career of continental

expansion. To Japan this movement as a determined policy came late, only

when she faced the alternative of absorbing territory or being absorbed

by all-devouring Russia. The isolation of Madagascar resulted in only

slight community of race with Africa, and combined with large area, has

kept the island to a great extent distinct from the political history of

Africa. The impulses which swept the eastern coast of the continent

reached the outlying island with abated force. Arab, Portuguese, Dutch

and English only scratched its rim. The character of its western coasts,

of its vigorous Malayan population, and of the intervening Mozambique

Current rendered conquest difficult from the African shore. Its large

size, with the promise of abundant resources, offered a bait to

conquest, yet put a barrier in its way. Hence we find that not till

1895, when the partition of continental Africa was almost accomplished,

did the French conquest of Madagascar occur.

By contrast, the closely grouped East Indies, long coveted for their

tropical products, suffered a contagion of conquest. The large size of

these islands, so far from granting them immunity, only enabled the

epidemic of Portuguese and Dutch dominion to pass from one to the other

more readily, and that even when the spice and pepper trade languished

from a plethora of products. But even here the size of the islands,

plus the sub-equatorial climate which bars genuine white colonization,

has restricted the effective political dominion of Europeans to the

coasts, and thus favored the survival of the natives undisturbed in the

interior, with all their primitive institutions. The largest islands,

like Borneo and Sumatra, have vast inland tracts still unexplored and

devoted to savagery, thus illustrating the contrast between center and

periphery. When Australia, the largest of all the Pacific island group,

became an object of European expansion, its temperate and sub-tropical

location adapted it for white colonization, and the easy task of

conquering its weak and retarded native tribes encouraged its

appropriation; but the natural autonomy which belongs to large area and

detached location asserted itself in the history of British Australia.

The island continent is now erected into a confederation of states,

enjoying virtual independence. In New Zealand, we find the recent

colonists taking advantage of their isolation to work out undisturbed

certain unique social theories. Here, against a background of arrested

aboriginal development, another race evinces a radical spirit of

progress; and to these contrasted results equally the detached island

environment has contributed its share.

[Sidenote: Historical effects of island isolation; primitive

retardation.]

The historical development of island peoples bears always in greater or

less degree the stamp of isolation; but this isolation may lead to

opposite cultural results. It may mean in one case retardation, in

another accelerated development. Its geographical advantages are

distinctly relative, increasing rapidly with a rising scale of

civilization. Therefore in an island habitat the race factor may operate

with or against the geographic factor in producing a desirable

historical result. If the isolation is almost complete, the cultural

status of the inhabitants low, and therefore their need of stimulation

from without very great, the lack of it will sink them deeper in

barbarism than their kinsmen on the mainland. The negroes of Africa,

taken as a whole, occupy a higher economic and cultural rank than the

black races of Australia and Melanesia; and for this difference one

cause at least is to be found in the difference of their habitats. The

knowledge of iron, stock-raising, and many branches of agriculture were

continental achievements, which belonged to the great eastern land-mass

and spread from Egypt over Africa even to the Hottentot country; the

lack of them among the Australians must be attributed to their

insularity, which barred them from this knowledge, just as the ignorance

of iron and other metals among the native Canary Islanders[883] can only

be ascribed to a sea barrier fifty-two miles wide. The scant

acquaintance of the Balearic Islanders with iron in Roman days[884]

points to insular detachment. The lack of native domesticable animals in

the Pacific archipelagoes illustrates another limitation incident to the

restricted fauna of islands, though this particular lack also retarded

the cultural development of primitive North America.

[Sidenote: Later stimulation of development.]

On the other hand, people who have already secured the fundamental

elements of civilization find the partial seclusion of an island

environment favorable to their further progress, because it permits

their powers to unfold unhindered, protects them from the friction of

border quarrels, from the disturbance and desolation of invading armies,

to which continental peoples are constantly exposed. But even here the

advantage lies in insulation but not in isolation,[885] in a location

like that of England or Japan, near enough to a continent to draw thence

culture, commerce and occasional new strains of blood, but detached by

sea-girt boundaries broad enough to ward off overwhelming aggressions.

Such a location insures enough segregation for protection, but also

opportunity for universal contact over the vast commons of the sea.

[Sidenote: Excessive isolation.]

Excessive isolation may mean impoverishment in purse and progress even

for an advanced race. Ireland has long suffered from its outskirt

location. It lies too much in the shadow of England, and has been barred

by the larger island from many warming rays of immigration, culture and

commerce that would have vitalized its national existence. The "round

barrow" men of the Bronze Age, the Romans, and the Normans never carried

thither their respective contributions to civilization. The

Scandinavians infused into its population only inconsiderable strains of

their vigorous northern blood.[886] In consequence the Irish are to-day

substantially the same race as in Cæsar's time, except for the small,

unassimilated group of antagonistic English and Lowland Scotch, both

Teutonic, in Ulster.[887] Barred by Great Britain from direct contact

with the Continent and all its stimulating influences, suffering from

unfavorable conditions of climate and topography, Ireland's political

evolution progressed at a snail's pace. It tarried in the tribal stage

till after the English conquest, presenting a primitive social

organization such as existed nowhere in continental Europe. Property was

communal till the time of the Tudors, and all law was customary.[888]

Over-protected by excessive isolation, it failed to learn the salutary

lesson of political co-operation and centralization for defense, such as

Scotland learned from England's aggressions, and England from her close

continental neighbors. Great Britain, meanwhile, intercepted the best

that the Continent had to give, both blows and blessings, and found an

advantage in each. The steady prosecution of her continental wars

demanded the gradual erection of a standing army, which weakened the

power of feudalism; and the voting of funds for the conduct of these

same wars put a whip into the hand of Parliament.

[Sidenote: The case of Iceland.]

The history of Iceland illustrates the advantage and subsequently the

drawback of isolation. The energetic spirits who, at the end of the

ninth century, resented the centralization of political power in Norway

and escaped from the turmoil and oppression of the home country to the

remote asylum offered by Iceland, maintained there till 1262 the only

absolutely free republic in the world.[889] They had brought with them

various seeds of culture and progress, which grew and flowered richly in

this peaceful soil. Iceland became the center of brilliant maritime and

colonial achievements, the home of a native literature which surpassed

that of all its contemporaries except Dante's Italy.[890] But after the

decay of the Greenland colonies converted Iceland from a focal into a

remote terminal point, and after the progress of the world became based

upon complex and far-reaching commercial relations, the blight of

extreme isolation settled upon the island; peace became stagnation.

[Sidenote: Protection of an island environment.]

The concomitant of isolation is protection. Though this protection, if

the result of extreme isolation, may mean an early cessation of

development, history shows that in the lower stages of civilization,

when the social organism is small and weak, and its germs of progress

easily blighted, islands offer the sheltered environment in which

imported flowers of culture not only survive but improve; in less

protected fields they deteriorate or disappear. When learning and

Christianity had been almost wiped out on the continent of Europe by the

ravages of barbarian invasion between 450 and 800 A. D., in Ireland they

grew and flourished. In the seventh and eighth centuries, the high

scholarship of the Irish monks and their enthusiastic love of learning

for its own sake drew to their schools students of the noblest rank from

both England and France.[891] It was from Irish teachers that the Picts

of Scotland and the Angles of northern England received their first

lessons in Christianity. These fixed their mission stations again on

islands, on Iona off southwestern Scotland and on Lindisfarne or Holy

Isle near the east coast of Northumbria.[892] It was in the protected

environment of the medieval Iceland that Scandinavian literature reached

its highest development.

Insular protection was undoubtedly a factor in the brilliant cultural

development of Crete. The progress of the early civilization from the

late Stone Age through the Bronze Age was continuous; it bears no trace

of any strong outside influence or sudden transition, no evidence of

disturbance like an invasion or conquest by an alien people till 1200 B.

C. when the latest stage of Minoan art was crushed by barbarian

incursion from the north.[893]

[Sidenote: Factor of protection in Ceylon and Japan.]

The early history of the Singhalese monarchy in Ceylon from 250 B. C. to

416 A. D., when even the narrow moat of Palk Strait discouraged Tamil

invasions from the mainland, shows the brilliant development possible

under even a slight degree of protection.[894] However, in the case of

these Ceylon Aryans, as in that of the Icelandic Norse, we must keep in

mind the fact that the bearers of this culture were picked men, as are

early maritime colonists the world over. The sea selects and then

protects its island folk. But the seclusion of Ceylon was more favorable

to progress than the mainland of India, with its incessant political and

religious upheavals. Japan, in contrast to China's long list of

invasions, shows the peace of an insular location. She never suffered

any overwhelming influx of alien races or any foreign conquest. The

armada sent by Kublai Khan in 1281 to subdue the islands paralleled the

experience of the famous Spanish fleet three centuries later in English

waters. This is the only attempt to invade Japan that recorded history

shows.[895] In the original peopling of the island by Mongolian stock at

the cost of the Aino aborigines, there is evidence of two distinct and

perhaps widely separated immigrations from the mainland, one from Korea

and another from more northern Asia. Thus Japan's population contained

two continental elements, which seem to have held themselves in the

relation of governing and governed class, much as Norman and Saxon did

in England, while the Ainos lingered in the geographical background of

mountain fastness and outlying islands, as the primitive Celts did in

the British Isles.[896] In the case both of England and Japan, the island

location made the occupation by continental races a fitful, piecemeal

process, not an inundation, because only small parties could land from

time to time. The result was gradual or partial amalgamation of the

various stocks, but nowhere annihilation.

[Sidenote: Character of the invaders as factor.]

But island location was not the sole factor in the equation. Similarity

of race and relative parity of civilization between the successive

immigrants and the original population, as well as the small numbers of

the Invaders, made the struggle for the ownership of the island not

wholly one-sided, and was later favorable to amalgamation in England as

in Japan; whereas very small bands of far-coming Spaniards in the

Canaries, Cuba, and Porto Rico resulted in the extinction of the

original inhabitants, by the process operating now in New Zealand and

Australia. Prior to the arrival of the Europeans in the Antilles, the

conquest of these islands by South American Caribs had resulted in race

intermixture. These sea-marauders brought no women with them in their

small boats from the distant mainland, so they killed off the men and

married the Arawak women of the islands. Here again insular location

plus similarity of race and culture produced amalgamation, as opposed

to extermination of the vanquished by over-sea invaders.

While the insular security of a primitive folk like the Tasmanians,

Hawaiians and Malagasies is only passive, that of a civilized people

like the English and modern Japanese is active, consciously utilized and

reinforced. It is therefore more effective, and productive of more

varied political and cultural results. Such people can allow themselves

extensive contact with other nations, because they know it is in their

power to control or check such contact at will. Japan took refuge in its

medieval period in a policy of seclusion suggested by its island

habitat,[897] relying on the passive protection of isolation. England, on

the other hand, from the time of King Alfred, built up a navy to resist

invasion. The effect, after the political unification of Great Britain,

was a guarantee of protection against foreign attack, the concentration

of the national defenses in a navy,[898] the elimination of the standing

army which despotic monarchs might have used to crush the people, the

consequent release of a large working force from military service, and

the application of these to the development of English Industry.[899]

[Sidenote: Islands as places of refuge.]

Islands, as naturally protected districts, are often sought places of

refuge by the weak or vanquished, and thus are drawn into the field of

historical movement. We find this principle operating also in the animal

world. The fur seals of the North Pacific have fled from the American

coasts and found an asylum on the Pribiloff Islands of Bering Sea, where

their concentration and isolation have enabled them to become wards of

the United States government, though this result they did not foresee.

The last Rhytina or Arctic sea-cow was found on an island in Bering

Strait.[900] So the Veneti of Northern Italy in the fifth century sought

an asylum from the desolating Huns and, a century later, from the

Lombards, in the deposit islands at the head of the Adriatic, and there

found the geographic conditions for a brilliant commercial and cultural

development. Formosa got its first contingent of Chinese settlers in the

thirteenth century in refugees seeking a place of safety from Kublai

Khan's armies; and its second in 1644 in a Chinese chief and his

followers who had refused to submit to the victorious Manchus. In 1637

Formosa was an asylum also for Japanese Christians, who escaped thither

from the persecutions attending the discovery of Jesuit conspiracies

against the government.[901] The Azores, soon after their rediscovery in

1431, were colonized largely by Flemish refugees,[902] just as Iceland

was peopled by rebellious Norwegians. To such voluntary exiles the

dividing sea gives a peculiar sense of security, this by a psychological

law. Hence England owing to its insular location, and also to its free

government, has always been an asylum for the oppressed. The large body

of Huguenot refugees who sought her shores after the revocation of the

Edict of Nantes added a valuable element to her population.

[Sidenote: Convict islands.]

Islands find their populations enriched by the immigration of this

select class who refuse to acquiesce in oppression and injustice. But

the geographic conditions which make islands natural asylums make them

also obvious places of detention for undesirable members of society;

these conditions render segregation complete, escape difficult or

impossible, and control easy. Hence we find that almost all the nations

of the world owning islands have utilized them as penal stations. From

the gray dawn of history the Isles of the Blessed have been balanced by

the isles of the cursed. The radiant Garden of Hesperides has found its

antithesis in the black hell of Norfolk Isle, peopled by the "doubly

condemned" criminals whom not even the depraved convict citizens of

Botany Bay could tolerate.[903] There is scarcely an island of the

Mediterranean without this sinister vein in its history. The

archipelagoes of the ancient Aegean were constantly receiving political

exiles from continental Greece. Augustus Cæsar confined his degenerate

daughter Julia, the wife of Tiberius, on the island of Pandateria, one

of the Ponza group; and banished her paramour, Sempronius Gracchus, to

Cercina in the Syrtis Minor off the African coast.[904] Other Roman

matrons of high degree but low morals and corrupt officials were exiled

to Corsica, Sardinia, Seriphos, Amorgos and other of the Cyclades.[905]

To-day Italy has prisons or penal stations in Ischia, the Ponza group,

Procida, Nisida, Elba, Pantellaria, Lampedusa, Ustica, and especially

in the Lipari Isles, where the convicts are employed in mining sulphur,

alum and pumice from the volcanic cones.[906]

[Sidenote: Penal colonies on uninhabited islands.]

In modern times many remote oceanic islands have gotten their first or

only white settlers from this criminal class. Such are the citizens whom

Chile has sent to Easter Isle twenty-five hundred miles away out in the

Pacific.[907] The inhabitants of Fernando Noronha, 125 miles off the

eastern point of South America, are convicts from Brazil, together with

the warders and troops who guard them.[908] In 1832 Ecuador began to use

the uninhabited Gallapagos Islands, lying 730 miles west of its coast,

as a penal settlement.[909] The history of St. Helena is typical. Its

first inhabitants were some Portuguese deserters who in punishment were

marooned here from a Portuguese ship with a supply of seed and cattle.

They proved industrious and had cultivated a good deal of the land when

four years later they were removed to Portugal. The next inhabitants

were a few slaves of both sexes who escaped from a slave ship that had

stopped here for wood and water. These multiplied, worked and restored

the overgrown plantations of their predecessors, till a Portuguese

vessel about twenty years later was sent to exterminate them. A few

escaped to the woods, however, and were found there in prosperity in

1588.[910] From 1815 till 1821 St. Helena was the prison of Napoleon.

Many of these penal islands seem chosen with a view to their severe or

unhealthy climate, which would forever repel free immigration and

therefore render them useless for any other purpose. This is true of the

French Isles du Salut off the Guiana coast, of Spanish Fernando Po in

the Gulf of Guinea, of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, notoriously

unhealthy, which receive the criminals of British India,[911] and of

numerous others. A bleak climate and unproductive soil have added to the

horror of exile life in Sakhalin, as they overshadowed existence in the

Falkland Islands, when these were a penal colony of Spain and later of

Argentine.[912]

[Sidenote: Island prisons for political offenders.]

In the case of political offenders and incorrigibles, the island prison

is as remote and inaccessible as possible. The classic example is

Napoleon's consignment to Elba and subsequently to St. Helena, whence

escape was impossible. Spain has sent its rebellious subjects, even

university professors of independent views, to Fernando Po in the Gulf

of Guinea and Teneriffe in the Canaries.[913] Russian political

offenders of the most dangerous class are confined first in the

Schlüsselberg prison, situated on a small island in Lake Ladoga near the

effluence of the Neva. There they languish in solitary confinement or

are transferred to far-off Sakhalin, whose very name is taboo in St.

Petersburg.[914] During our Civil War, one of the Dry Tortugas, lying a

hundred miles west of the southern point of Florida and at that time the

most isolated island belonging to the American government, was used as a

prison for dangerous Confederates; and here later three conspirators in

the assassination of President Lincoln were incarcerated.[915] Far away

to the southeast, off the coast of South America, are the Isles du

Salut, a French penal station for criminals of the worst class. The Isle

du Diable, ominous of name, lies farthest out to sea. This was for five

years the prison of Dreyfus. Its other inhabitants are lepers. Isles of

the cursed indeed!

[Sidenote: Islands as places of survival.]

What islands have they tend to hold, to segregate, secrete from meddling

hands, preserve untouched and unaltered. Owing to this power to protect,

islands show a large percentage of rare archaic forms of animal and

plant life. The insular fauna of Australia, Tasmania, New Guinea and

Madagascar display a succession of strange, ancestral forms going back

to the biological infancy of the world. The Canaries in the Atlantic and

Celebes In the Pacific are museums of living antiquities, some of them

dating probably from Miocene times.[916] Such survivals are found

elsewhere only in high mountains, whose inaccessible slopes also offer

protection against excessive competition. Hence some of the antiquated

species of insular Celebes, Formosa, Japan and Hainon occur again on the

Asiatic mainland only in the Himalayas.[917]

For man, too, islands and their sister areas of isolation, mountains,

are areas of survivals. The shrinking remnants of that half-dwarf

Negrito stock which may have formed the aboriginal population of

southern Asia are found to-day only in the mountains of peninsular

India and in island groups like the Andaman and the Philippines. But

even in the Philippines, they are confined either to the mountainous

interiors of the larger islands, or to little coastal islets like

Polillo, Alabat, Jomalig, and others.[918] [See map page 147.] Yezo,

Sakhalin and the Kurile Isles harbor the last feeble remnants of the

Ainos, a primitive people who formerly occupied a long stretch of the

Asiatic coast south of the Amur mouth. The protected environment of

these islands has postponed the doom of extinction toward which the

Ainos are hastening.[919] With insular conservatism they dress, live and

seek their food on the sea to-day, just as depicted in Japanese art and

literature at the dawn of history.[920] [See map page 103.]

[Sidenote: Insular survivals of manners and customs.]

It is chiefly on islands of harsh climatic conditions, like Sakhalin, or

of peculiarly restricted resources and area, like the Andaman, or of

remote, side-tracked location, like Iceland, Sardinia and Cape Breton,

that the stamp of the primitive or antiquated is strongest. Even when

not apparent in race stock, owing to the ubiquitous colonization of

maritime peoples, it marks the language and customs of even these

late-coming occupants, because an island environment asserts always some

power to isolate. This is due not only to the encircling moat of sea,

but also to the restricted insular area, too small to attract to itself

the great currents of human activity which infuse cosmopolitan ideas and

innovations, and too poor to buy the material improvements which

progress offers. If the tourist in Sicily finds the women of Taormina or

Girgenti spinning with a hand spindle, and the express trains moving

only twelve miles an hour, he can take these two facts as the product of

a small, detached area, although this island lies at the crossroads of

the Mediterranean. Corsica and Sardinia, lying off the main routes of

travel in this basin, are two of the most primitive and isolated spots

of Europe. Here the old wooden plow of Roman days is still in common use

as it is in Crete, and feudal institutions of the Middle Ages still

prevail to some extent[921],--a fact which recalls the long survival of

feudalism in Japan. The little Isle of Man, almost in sight of the

English coast, has retained an old Norse form of government. Here

survives the primitive custom of orally proclaiming every new law from

the Tynwald Hill before it can take effect,[922] and the other ancient

usage of holding the court of justice on the same hill under the open

sky. The Faroe Islands and Iceland are museums of Norse antiquities. The

stamp of isolation and therefore conservatism is most marked in the

remoter, northern islands. Surnames are rare in Iceland, and such as

exist are mostly of foreign origin. In their place, Christian names

followed by the patronymic prevail; but in the Faroes, these patronymics

have in a great many cases become recognized as surnames. So again,

while the Faroese women still use a rude spinning-wheel introduced from

Scotland in 1671, in Iceland this spinning-wheel was still an innovation

in 1800, and even to-day competes with spindles. Hand-querns for

grinding wheat, stone hammers for pounding fish and roots, the wooden

weighing-beam of the ancient Northmen, and quaint marriage customs give

the final touch of aloofness and antiquity to life on these remote

islands.[923]

[Sidenote: Effects of small area in islands.]

As all island life bears more or less the mark of isolation, so it

betrays the narrow area that has served at its base. Though islands show

a wide variation in size from the 301,000 square miles (771,900 square

kilometers) of New Guinea or the 291,000 square miles (745,950 square

kilometers) of Borneo to the private estates like the Scilly Isles,

Gardiner and Shelter islands off Long Island, or those small, sea-fenced

pastures for sheep and goats near the New England coast and in the

Aegean, yet small islands predominate; the large ones are very few.

Islands comprise a scant seven per cent. of the total land area of the

earth, and their number is very great,--nine hundred, for instance, in

the Philippine group alone. Therefore small area is a conspicuous

feature of islands generally. It produces in island people all those

effects which are characteristic of small, naturally defined areas,

especially early or precocious social, political and cultural

development. The value of islands in this respect belongs to the youth

of the world, as seen in the ancient Mediterranean, or in the

adolescence of modern primitive races; it declines as the limitations

rather than the advantages of restricted territory preponderate in later

historical development.

[Sidenote: Political dominion of small islands.]

This early maturity, combined with the power to expend the concentrated

national or tribal forces in any given direction, often results in the

domination of a very small island over a large group. In the Society

Islands, Cook found little Balabola ruling over Ulietea (Raitea) and

Otaha, the former of these alone being over twice the size of Balabola,

whose name commanded respect as far as Tahiti.[924] The Fiji Archipelago

was ruled in pre-Christian days by the little islet of Mbau, scarcely a

mile long, which lies like a pebble beside massive Viti Levu. It was the

chief center of political power and its supremacy was owned by nearly

all the group. The next important political center was Rewa, no larger

than Mbau, which had for its subject big Mbengga.[925] In the same way,

the Solomon group was ruled by Mongusaie and Simbo, just as tiny New

Lauenberg lorded it over the larger islands of the Bismarck

Archipelago.[926] When the Dutch in 1613 undertook the conquest of the

coveted Spice Isles, they found there two rival sultans seated in the

two minute islets of Ternate and Tidore off the west coast of Gilolo.

Their collective possessions, which the Dutch took, comprised all the

Moluccas, the Ke and Banda groups, the whole of northwestern New Guinea,

and Mindanao of the Philippines.[927]

It was no unusual thing for classic Aegean isles to control and exploit

goodly stretches of the nearest coast, or to exercise dominion over

other islands. Aristotle tells us that Crete's location across the

southern end of the Aegean Sea confirmed to it by nature the early naval

empire of the Hellenic world. Minos conquered some of the islands,

colonized others,[928] and, according to the story of Theseus and the

Minotaur, laid Athens under tribute; but his suppression of piracy in

these waters and his conspicuous leadership in the art of navigation

point to a yet more significant supremacy. So insular Venice ruled and

exploited large dependencies. The island of Zealand, strategically

located at the entrance to the Baltic, has been the heart and head and

strong right arm of the Danish dominion, through all its long history of

fluctuating boundaries. England's insularity has been the strongest

single factor in the growth of her vast colonial empire and in the

maintenance of its loyal allegiance and solidarity. The widely strewn

plantation of her colonies is the result of that teeming island seed-bed

at home; while the very smallness of the mother country is the guarantee

of its supremacy over its dependencies, because it is too small either

to oppress them or to get along without them. Now an Asiatic variant of

English history is promised us by growing Japan.

[Sidenote: Economic limitations of their small area.]

Though political supremacy is possible even to an island of

insignificant size, both the advantages arid the grave disadvantages of

small area are constantly asserting themselves. Some developments

peculiar to large territory are here eliminated at the start. For

instance, robbery and brigandage, which were so long a scourge in

peninsular Greece, were unheard of on the small Aegean islands.

Sheep-raising was at an early date safer in England than on the

Continent, because wolves were earlier exterminated there. Bio-geography

shows an increasing impoverishment in the flora and fauna, of small

islands with distance from the mainland. In the Pacific Ocean, this

progressive impoverishment from west to east has had great influence

upon human life in the islands. In Polynesia, therefore, all influences

of the chase and of pastoral life are wanting, while in Melanesia, with

its larger islands and larger number of land animals, hunting still

plays an important part, and is the chief source of subsistence for many

New Guinea villages.[929] Therefore a corresponding decay of projectile

weapons is to be traced west to east, and is conspicuous in those crumbs

of land constituting Polynesia and Micronesia. The limit of the bow and

arrow includes the northeastern portion of the Philippine group, cuts

through the Malay Archipelago so as to include the Moluccas and Flores,

includes Melanesia as far as Tonga or the Friendly Isles, but excludes

Micronesia, Polynesia and Australia, Even in Melanesia, however, bows

and arrows are not universal; they are lacking in peripheral islands

like New Caledonia and New Ireland.[930]

The restriction of trees, also, with the exception of the coco-palm and

pandanus, has had its effect upon boat making. This general

impoverishment is unmistakably reflected in the whole civilization of

the smaller islands of Polynesia and Micronesia, especially in the

Paumota and Pelew groups. In the countless coralline islands which strew

the Pacific, another restricting factor is found in their monotonous

geological formation. Owing to the lack of hard stone, especially of

flint, native utensils and weapons have to be fashioned out of wood,

bones, shells, and sharks' teeth.[931]

[Sidenote: Poverty of alluvial lowlands in islands.]

Nor does the geographical limitation end here. Islands have

proportionately a scanter allowance of fertile alluvial lowlands than

have continents. This follows from their geological history, except in

the case of those low deposit islands built up from the waste of the

land. Most islands are summits of submerged mountain ranges, like

Corsica and Sardinia, the Aegean archipelagoes, the Greater Antilles,

Vancouver, and the countless fiord groups; or they are single or

composite volcanic cones, like the Canaries, Azores, Lipari, Kurile,

Fiji, Ascension, St. Helena and the Lesser Antilles; or they are a

combination of highland subsidence and volcanic out-thrust, like Japan,

the Philippines, the long Sunda chain and Iceland. Both geologic

histories involve high reliefs, steep slopes, a deep surrounding sea,

and hence rarely a shallow continental shelf for the accumulation of

broad alluvial lowlands. Among the Aegean Isles only Naxos has a flood

plain; all the rest have steep coasts, with few sand or gravel beaches,

and only small deposit plains at the head of deep and precipitous

embayments. Japan's area of arable soil is to-day only 15.7 per cent. of

its total surface, even after the gentler slopes of its mountains have

been terraced up two thousand feet. Some authorities put the figure

lower, at 10 and 12 per cent.

[Sidenote: Dense populations of islands.]

Yet in spite of limited area and this paucity of local resources,

islands constantly surprise us by their relatively dense populations.

More often than not they show a density exceeding that of the nearest

mainland having the same zonal location, often the same geologic

structure and soil. Along with other small, naturally defined areas,

they tend to a closer packing of the population. Yet side by side with

this relative over-population, we find other islands uninhabited or

tenanted only by sheep, goats and cattle.

In the wide Pacific world comprising Australia and Oceanica, islands

take up fifteen per cent. of the total land area, but they contain

forty-four per cent. of the population.[932] The insular empire of

Japan, despite the paucity of its arable soil, has a density of

population nearly twice that of China, nearly three times that of Korea,

and exceeding that of any political subdivision of continental Asia; but

Japan, in turn, is surpassed in congestion only by Java, with a density

of 587 to the square mile,[933] which almost equals that of Belgium

(643) and England (600). Great Britain has a density of population (453

to the square mile) only exceeded in continental Europe by that of

Belgium, but surpassed nearly threefold by that of the little Channel

Isles, which amounts to 1254 to the square mile.[934] If the average

density of the United Kingdom is greatly diminished in Ireland, just as

Italy's is in Sardinia and France's in Corsica, this fact is due

primarily to a side-tracked or overshadowed location and adverse

topography, combined with misgovernment.

If we compare countries which are partly insular, partly continental,

the same truth emerges. The kingdom of Greece has fifteen per cent of

its territory in islands. Here again population reaches its greatest

compactness in Corfu and Zante, which are nearly thrice as thickly

inhabited as the rest of Greece.[935] Similarly the islands which

constitute so large a part of Denmark have an average density of 269 to

the square mile as opposed to the 112 of Jutland. The figures rise to

215 to the square mile in the Danish West Indies, but drop low in the

bleak, subarctic insular dependencies of Greenland, Iceland and the

Faroes. Portugal's density is tripled in the Madeiras[936] and doubled

in the Azores,[937] but drops in the badly placed Cape Verde Island,

exposed to tropical heat and the desiccating tradewinds blowing off the

Sahara. Spain's average rises twenty-five per cent. in the Canary

Islands, which she has colonized, and France's nearly doubles in the

French West Indies. The British West Indies, also, with the exception of

the broken coral bank constituting the Bahamas, show a similar

surprising density of population, which in Bermuda and Barbadoes

surpasses that of England, and approximates the teeming human life of

the Channel Isles.

[Sidenote: Density of population in Polynesia.]

This general tendency toward a close packing of the population in the

smaller areas of land comes out just as distinctly in islands inhabited

by natural peoples in the lower stages of development. Despite the

retarded economic methods peculiar to savagery and barbarism, the

Polynesian islands, for instance, often show a density of population

equal to that of Spain and Greece (100 to the square mile) and exceeding

that of European Turkey and Russia. "Over the whole extent of the South

Sea," says Robert Louis Stevenson, "from one tropic to another, we find

traces of a bygone state of over-population, when the resources of even

a tropical soil were taxed, and even the improvident Polynesian trembled

for the future."[938] He calls the Gilbert atolls "warrens of men."[939]

One of them, Drummond's Island, with, an area of about twenty square

miles, contained a population of 10,000 in 1840, and all the atolls were

densely populated.[940] To-day they count 35,000 inhabitants in less

than 200 square miles. The neighboring Marshall group has 15,000 on its

158 square miles of area. The Caroline and Pelew archipelagoes show a

density of 69 to the square mile, the Tonga or Friendly group harbor

about 60 and the French holdings of Futuma and Wallis (or Uea) the

same.[941] So the Bismarck Archipelago, Solomon, Hawaiian, Samoan and

Marianne islands have to-day populations by no means sparse, despite the

blight that everywhere follows the contact of superior with primitive

peoples.

[Sidenote: Various causes of this density.]

In all these cases, if economic status be taken into account, we have a

density bordering on congestion; but the situation assumes a new aspect

if we realize that the crowded inhabitants of small islands often have

the run of the coco plantations and fishing grounds of an entire

archipelago. The smaller, less desirable islands are retained as fish

and coco-palm preserves to be visited only periodically. Of a low,

cramped, monotonous coral group, often only the largest and most

productive is inhabited,[942] but that contains a population surprising

in view of the small base, restricted resources and low cultural status

of its inhabitants. The population of the wide-strewn Paumota atolls

was estimated as about 10,000 in 1840. Of these fully one-half lived on

Anaa or Chain Island, and one-fourth on Gambier, but they levied on the

resources of the other islands for supplies.[943] The Tonga Islands at

the same time were estimated to have 20,000 inhabitants, about half of

whom were concentrated on Tongatabu, while Hapai and Varao held about

4,000 each.[944]

[Sidenote: Crowded and vacant islands.]

This is one of the sharp contrasts in island life,--here density akin to

congestion, there a few miles away a deserted reef or cone rising from

the sea, tenanted only by sheep or goats or marine birds, its solitude

broken only by the occasional crunching of a boat's keel upon its beach,

as some visitant from a neighboring isle comes to shear wool, gather

coco-nuts, catch birds or collect their eggs. All the 500 inhabitants of

the Westman Isles off the southern coast of Iceland live in one village

on Heimey, and support themselves almost entirely by fishing and fowling

birds on the wild crags of the archipelago.[945] An oceanic climate,

free contact with the Gulf Stream, and remoteness from the widespread

ice fields of Iceland give them an advantage over the vast island to the

north. Only twenty-seven of the ninety islands composing the Orkney

group are inhabited, and about forty smaller ones afford natural meadows

for sheep on their old red sandstone soil;[946] but Pomona, the largest

Orkney has 17,000 inhabitants on its 207 square miles of territory or 85

to the square mile. The Shetlands tell the same story--29 out of 100

islands inhabited, some of the _holms_ or smaller islets serving as

pastures for the sturdy ponies and diminutive cattle, and Mainland, the

largest of the group, showing 58 inhabitants to the square mile. This is

a density far greater than is reached in the nearby regions of Scotland,

where the county of Sutherland can boast only 13 to the square mile, and

Invernesshire 20. Here again insularity and contracted area do their

work of compressing population.

The causes of this insular density of population are not far to seek.

Islands can always rely on the double larder of land and sea. They are

moreover prone to focus in themselves the fishing industry of a large

continental area, owing to their ample contact with the sea. Shetland is

now the chief seat of the Scotch herring fishery, a fact which

contributes to its comparatively dense population. The concentration of

the French export trade of Newfoundland fish in little St. Pierre and

Miquelon accounts for the relatively teeming population (70 to the

square mile) and the wealth of those scraps of islands. So the Lofoden

Islands of Norway, like Iceland, Newfoundland and Sakhalin, balance a

generous sea against an ungenerous soil, and thus support a population

otherwise impossible.

Influences of Geographic Environment On the Basis of Ratzel's System of Anthropo-Geography · 第 25 / 29 章