_1870. OCTOBER. SIEGE OF PARIS_
Ceinture Railway--Advanced post--First Prussian--St. Cloud
Palace--Historical associations--Signs of the times--Balloon
and pigeon post--_Le don Anglais_--British Charitable Fund--Two
emergencies--Defences and workmen--Superior officers--Other
officers--Rank and file--Federals--Extemporized “troops”--_Francs
Tireurs_--_Amazones de la Seine_--Council of Hygiene--Sortie on
Malmaison--The days following--Excursion to Boulogne--Stirring
events--Minor measures--Numerous sick and wounded.
Early in October two[284] of us proceeded some way by Ceinture Railway,
the more conveniently to see conditions beyond the walls. The Bois de
Boulogne was sadly transformed in aspect; trees recklessly cut down,
flower beds destroyed, troops already established in camps, others
preparing for themselves bowers of branches, while from Mont Valérien
the frequent recurring boom of heavy guns told of missiles directed
therefrom upon strong positions of the enemy on the heights of Meudon.
Descending at Porte Montrouge, it was with some difficulty we
obtained permission from the Etat Major to go outside that part of
the fortifications. Proceeding along what once had been the road to
Bicètre, we came upon and passed a succession of barricades. On either
side of our route were gardens and fields now laid waste, hamlets and
villages deserted, houses dilapidated, and in many instances destroyed,
the better to clear the way for artillery fire upon our besiegers;
at short intervals a thin layer of earth concealed a torpedo. Still
further towards the front, outlying sentries of the contending forces
exchanged stray shots with each other.
At Arcueil the Dominican College, transformed to an ambulance, was
filled with wounded men. Among them was a German soldier, he belonging
to the 23rd Infantry, the first of the enemy with whom, so far, we had
become acquainted. He was not only well cared for, but petted by those
around him, and, to judge by expression, was well contented with his
surroundings. In course of our trip we came upon various parties of
troops of the line marching to their front, for already we were within
range of the Prussian needle gun. In one of those parties was a man
upon whose knapsack was perched a cat, which clung to its position as
best it could. It was probably the creature the man loved best.
On another occasion of an excursion by the Ceinture we witnessed the
conflagration by which the palace of St. Cloud utterly perished. From
various positions artillery fire was continuous. As we watched, first a
mass of dense smoke, then of lurid flame, burst from the edifice, and
speedily the whole was in a state of ruin. Subsequently it was said
that to the French themselves was due this great mishap; whether by
intention or accident did not transpire.
Among the historical associations connected with that palace the
following may be noticed: In it on July 29, 1589, Henry III. was
murdered by the monk Jacques Clément; Henrietta of Orleans died;
Peter the Great was received by the Regency in the time of Louis XIV.
There was signed the capitulation of Paris in 1815; Queen Victoria
was received by Napoleon III. in 1855; and in 1870 the Declaration
of War against Prussia was signed. Strangely enough, the table used
on the last-named occasion was among the few articles saved from the
conflagration just witnessed.
Signs of the times multiplied apace. Sounds of firing by heavy guns
became more and more distinct and continuous, conversation turning upon
the circumstance as if it were an ordinary though interesting subject.
Precautions against _incendie_ were pressed on. Demonstrations of
various kinds took place in the different parts of the city, the people
composing them comprising numbers of those from Belleville and Mobiles
bearing arms. At most of them the Marseillaise with other _patriotic_
music mingled with denunciations against the besiegers, against whom,
however, those who most loudly denounced seemed to consider further
personal action unnecessary. Nor did the Provisional Government escape
their declamations, the expressions against it being in some instances
no less strong than those against the Prussians.
A post by balloon and the employment of carrier pigeons had been
already introduced, the first for the dispatch of communications, the
second for their conveyance to the authorities within the city. The
first so brought in was a Proclamation by Gambetta, who had by means of
aerial transit proceeded to Tours. By photography it was reduced to a
minimum size, and so attached to a pigeon; by a reverse method it was
enlarged, and so made legible. Throughout the remaining period of the
siege letters were regularly dispatched by balloon to those dear to
me; but weeks had to elapse before intimation from the outside world
was received.[285]
The arrival of Colonel Lloyd Lindsay in the middle of October as bearer
of £20,000, a donation from England to the sick and wounded in Paris,
was an important event. He entered the city in the uniform of his rank.
The spy mania was still strong; he was captured as such, and underwent
various unpleasant experiences notwithstanding the philanthropic
character of his mission. By order of General Le Flo, Minister of
War, I became a member of the Committee appointed to distribute “le
don Anglais,” and fulfilled the duty as best I could. Looking back
through the vista of many years doubts occur as to the actual amount of
good effected by that _don_. While it was in process of distribution,
jealousies were expressed among institutions[286] to which portions of
it were given, while among various classes of persons the remark was
heard, “It is all very well to send us money, but France expected aid
of another and more active kind.” Nor were the French singular in the
views expressed, if information subsequently gained is correct.
Those who, as already alluded to, claimed rights and privileges as
British subjects had to be seen to by countrymen able to afford partial
help in the circumstances of the time. Previous to the departure of
their Representative, intimation was sent to them that they also were
at liberty to quit the threatened city; but if they preferred to
remain, they did so on their individual responsibility. So stringent
were orders left with regard to the “British Charitable Fund” that help
therefrom could only be given under authority of that Representative,
and it impossible to obtain after his departure. As expressed by some
of the persons alluded to, “What could they do by quitting Paris?
All their possessions were in the city; so were their homes; if they
were to die of starvation, better do so there than away, shelterless
and wanderers among strangers and possibly enemies. Their means of
obtaining or earning income had for the time being ceased; unless
aided by compatriots, they must perish.” An extemporized Board of
Assistance[287] obtained for and distributed among them help, and to
those suffering from illness professional aid. But in all this the
official element had no part.
The current of events had made two points clear: the first that in
the annihilation of her army at Sedan, France was subjected to an
emergency not calculated upon or provided against; the second, equally
unforeseen, that a powerful army was rapidly strengthening an investing
circle around her capital. Such measures as were adopted under the
combined circumstances must needs be taken on the spur of the moment,
and from materials ready at hand, these facts to be borne in mind by
those of us who were mere lookers-on.[288]
Works of defence included the strengthening of forts and ramparts
already existing; the erection of barricades, and other operations
incidental to conditions at the time existing. Workmen unused to such
requirements had to be employed, the results being disproportion
between labourers numerically and in their performances, alike in
quantity and in quality. Much of their time was spent in trifling, in
“demonstrations,” in drinking, singing, and fighting with comrades who
had joined the ranks as “soldiers”; others of them were loud in demands
for arms, though, as subsequently shown, those given to them were
misused. The general result of these conditions was that when October
had came to an end defensive works were still incomplete.
The line of action, and of what was looked upon as inaction by some
of the higher military officers, was subject of talk and comment.
Of the Governor[289] it was said that in these respects his policy
was enigmatical; his sympathies were more with the deposed Emperor
than towards the Republic, holding communication with the Empress and
her enemies, but abandoning her in her time of greatest difficulty.
Little fitted to conduct the duties of a leader; more able to detect
administrative faults than to remedy them; vacillating in opinion;
liable to adopt the views of the latest speaker in an interview; making
promises which he left unfulfilled; substituting phrases for action;
circulars and proclamations for force of arms; his demeanour between
opposing factions so equivocal that he was doubted and mistrusted by
all. Having little confidence in the “armed men” under his command,
and in ultimate success of the defence, his object in continuing it
was that he might so “maintain the honour of France.” Disbelieving in
the continuance of the Republic, his hopes were in restoration of the
deposed Emperor: an event towards which the policy of Bazaine at Metz
was deemed likely to conduce. Towards his officers, personal feelings
rather than public considerations dictated his demeanour; thus his
supersession of Vinoy by Ducrot at Chatillon was considered to have led
to misfortune on that occasion, as ill-feeling towards Bellemere did
subsequently at Le Bourget. It was said of another general officer that
on September 4 he was in command of the line at the Corps Legislatif,
who fraternized with the National Guards, and on the 19th abandoned his
position at Chatillon, re-entering Paris with other fugitives.
That among staff and other officers were men whose reputation stood
high was acknowledged. But an impression was abroad that the former
class were so numerous that individual efficiency was thereby impaired,
while battalions suffered in consequence of their withdrawal. That
there were some who scarcely gave the impression of efficiency was
no less apparent. These were to be seen lounging about cafés and
boulevards, usually in exaggerated uniform and trappings, their hands
encased in _manchons_.[290] On the line of march towards advanced
positions, the frequency with which a few of the latter resorted to
the artistes who _acted_ as _vivandières_ was subject of not admiring
wonder to foreigners who looked on. While in actual movement the
process of electing their officers was gone through by some battalions
of “Federals.” On such occasions, political considerations seemed to
outweigh those of military efficiency. Men have been seen soliciting
votes with bottle in hand; in some instances men “elected” refused to
accept the distinction; in others, altercations were to be seen between
individuals.
The rank and file of the “defenders” were more formidable in numbers
than efficiency. It was felt that in creating such a force arms of
precision were placed in the hands of men belonging to recognised
“dangerous classes,” nor was the difficulty that might possibly arise
in getting from them again those arms unperceived by responsible
authorities. Subsequent events sufficiently proved it would have been
better for Paris and for France had such a force not been organized,
had terms of peace been arranged prior to the calling together of
“Federal” elements. With the exception of relatively small numbers of
the old army and marines, the defence was to be carried out by levies,
of whom it was said that “they comprised the old and the young; the
hale and the lame, gamblers, and the disturbers of the peace.” These
elements thrown together promiscuously were formed into battalions, but
otherwise they were without cohesion or affinity.
Of the regular cavalry, the numbers available for service were small,
not exceeding some 5,000 men, and not all these were employed in
the face of the enemy. The artillery was made up in part of regular
soldiers of that branch, partly of marines, and partly of Mobiles; thus
it presented the two extremes of excellence and non-efficiency--the old
soldiers presenting the former of these characteristics, those newly
drafted into the ranks the latter. The Zouaves, of whose achievements
we were already accustomed to hear so much, and from whom so much was
expected, failed altogether to fulfil those anticipations; in some
instances showing defection and panic in the face of the enemy, in
others such feeble resistance that they came to be looked upon as
useless against trained soldiers inured to battle.
The National Guard[291] was distinct from the army proper; it had its
own laws and code of regulations. The Mobile Guard was assimilated to
the active army for purposes of pay and discipline--like the line,
organized in distinct battalions. While the German forces were at a
considerable distance from the capital, several corps of Mobiles were
brought thither from the provinces. No sooner had the Republic been
declared than several of their members were among the first of the
insurgents to force their way into the Tuileries, from which the escape
of the Empress had not yet been effected. When, immediately thereafter,
orders were issued within Paris for the enrolment of such troops, those
orders were obeyed to a partial extent only; evasions were frequent,
desertions numerous. If in their ranks there were some trustworthy
men, report stated that there was also a dangerously large proportion
of fugitives from justice, and of the criminal classes. Subsequent
experience proved that such elements were more ready to declare for
the Commune than to face the besiegers; that when led to the front
they speedily withdrew therefrom, although on such occasions their
casualties were _nil_.
To many of the extemporized troops the declaration of the Republic
was looked upon as giving them the right to trangress law and order,
to claim whatever they chose at the moment to desire, but to give
nothing in return. Fraternizing with the worst elements of Belleville
and Vilette, they early joined them in demonstrations against existing
government: and being billeted upon the civil population, evil
influences were spread from class to class, to the serious danger of
public administration.
Various corps of Francs Tireurs were extemporised. With regard to them
as a body, it has been said that for the most part the men were bad
soldiers, acting according to their individual pleasure; marauders
not only with regard to the enemy, but to the French, whom they were
supposed to assist. By the Germans they were looked upon as assassins,
and dealt with accordingly, whenever they fell into the hands of our
besiegers. It is true that among them there were good men, but so
relatively small their numbers that their influence upon the general
_morale_ was imperceptible. There was at least one corps among them
whose bearing and efficiency was unquestionable, namely, Franchetti’s
_Eclaireurs à Cheval de la Seine_; but, unfortunately for them, their
gallant commander fell in battle before the operations were nearly
over. As a body, the reputation accorded to the Francs Tireurs was that
they fled before small bodies of the Germans, by whom in consequence
they were looked upon with contempt.
A movement of very unusual kind was suggested, and although never
carried out deserves to be noticed in these reminiscences. The intended
movement was none other than a demand on the part of a number of women
that in the first place they should be granted “social solidarity,”
whatever that may mean; and in the second, should be drafted into a
series of battalions, armed and clothed suitably to their sex; that
those battalions should have the designation from one to ten of the
“Amazones de la Seine”; that they should “man” the ramparts, and so
take the places of battalions proceeding more to the front.[292]
A Council of Hygiene was early organized to take upon itself the
various duties relating to public health, that is so far as it could
be protected under the circumstances in which the city was placed. The
gradually diminishing food supplies, including milk, produced evil
effects in the aged, the very young, and the sick; ordinary diseases
incidental to the season of the year increased in prevalence, while
small-pox did so to an extent which ultimately merited the name of
a pestilence. Vaccination became compulsory, and it was a somewhat
amusing sight, even under the conditions of the time, to see whole
battalions of citizen soldiers being marched to the École de Médecine,
there to undergo that operation.
An important sortie[293] against Prussian positions on the west of
Paris took place on October 21, the first on a large scale that had
as yet been made. The several ambulances established within the city
dispatched to the field no fewer than two hundred carriages of sorts in
anticipation of a severely contested battle. Among them were eight from
the American, situated in the Avenue de l’Impératrice, the carriages
well and elegantly built, each horsed by four high-bred animals from
the stables of wealthy Americans, the _personnel_ in smart uniform,
the _matériel_ provided on a most liberal scale, the whole in a state
of completeness for its expected work. As the cavalcade stood, drawn
up in regular order, all eyes were turned towards Mont Valérien, from
which three guns fired in quick succession were to be the signal
for the general advance. About noon the appointed signal was given.
Away started, in their assigned order, the line of carriages; down
by the Avenue de la Grande Armée towards Port Maillot, they went
at rapid pace, attracting the admiration of pedestrians, many of
whom waved their hats in token thereof. Arrived at Courbevoie, the
appointed rendezvous of the ambulance services, we[294] were directed
by an Intendant to take up position on a vine-clad ridge behind Mont
Valérien, midway between Reuil and Bougeval, towards both of which
places the active forces were advancing. Two French batteries in our
immediate front opened fire upon the enemy; one of the two, consisting
of mitrailleuses--being so directed as to sweep the valley that
intervened between the ridges on which were respectively posted the
guns of besiegers and besieged. Across that valley, but partly hidden
by vine bushes, a strong infantry force of Germans was in progress
towards us, while stretching away on our right battalions were making
progress towards the enemy. The fight quickly became developed,
artillery and infantry fire from contending sides becoming increasingly
rapid and destructive. That from the batteries close to our position,
though less regular than what in actions in the Mutiny campaign we had
opportunities of observing as directed against the rebels, was so to a
degree beyond what we had been led to expect, considering the materials
of which the defending and extemporized forces were composed. The
mitrailleuses were new to us, hence their performances were observed
with all the greater interest; the general impression left upon us that
their destructiveness in the open fell short of anticipations. In our
immediate vicinity and along the line of combat, casualties became so
numerous that the best energies of our ambulanciers were fully taxed.
The approach of evening told that hostilities must soon cease. Our
carriages now filled with wounded, sixty-four in all were collected,
and so began their journey back towards Paris. It was dark when we
re-entered the gate by which a few hours earlier we had emerged; the
great thoroughfare towards the Arc de Triomphe was dimly lighted by
oil lamps, for the manufacture of gas had ceased with the expenditure
of reserve coal. From the crowds at Port Maillot came loudly expressed
inquiries for friends who perchance might be among our wounded. As we
continued our progress, people formed dense lines on either side of
the broad avenue; hats were respectfully raised; our further progress
was between rows of uncovered heads--a touching and spontaneous mark
of appreciation and deference to the Red Cross establishments of
which we were members. The results to the French of this great sortie
were unfortunate, the casualties on their side very heavy. Among the
subjects of those casualties were an ex-consul at Stettin, two popular
landscape painters, and a sculptor, all of whom fought in the ranks as
private soldiers.
The events during the next few days were in their several ways
characteristic of the time and circumstances. The press boasted that
seventy German soldiers had been captured at, and brought into the
city from, the late battle, while rumour ran that the captives were
cast into the ordinary prisons, there to associate with the criminal
population of such places. Seasonal cold was rapidly increasing in
severity; the supply of fuel giving way, the issues of food, already
under strict supervision, were still more rigidly superintended;
the quantities allowed per ration curtailed, not only in respect to
persons in health, but for the sick and wounded. The explosion of an
establishment devoted to the manufacture of Orsini bombs caused a
good deal of injury to life and property, at the same time that the
attention of the authorities was thereby drawn to the circumstance
that those implements were being prepared on an extensive scale, but
for use within the walls, rather than against the enemy still beyond
the lines of fortification. The diminishing supply of materials for
the manufacture of gunpowder directed attention to the catacombs
as a possible source whence in greater emergency saltpetre might be
obtained. Between National and Mobile Guards quarrels occurred from the
circumstance that the former were employed only on the fortifications,
while the latter were sent to the front, there to engage against the
enemy. As the readiest way of solving the difficulty it was ordered
that “the citizen soldiers should in their turn be taken beyond those
lines, in order that they might be gradually accustomed to the sight of
the enemy.”
An excursion to the village of Boulogne brought me face to face with an
incident new to me in “civilized” warfare. That small town, once the
favourite resort of visitors, was now reduced to utter dilapidation;
its ordinary occupants fled; its ruins giving shelter more or less
complete to defending troops; its streets barricaded; garden and other
walls loopholed. Through some of those loopholes sentries took aim
at isolated Germans, as the latter came into view among the woods in
which they were posted; at others, a sentry for a small “tip” handed
his rifle to a stray visitor to have a shot at _le Prusse_. It was not
long, however, before a rattle of rifle bullets on the wall put a stop
to this kind of “sport.” From Valérien and other forts heavy continuous
firing went on, their missiles directed upon particular points of the
German position, where siege batteries were in course of erection for
possible bombardment of our city; from those positions an equally
active shellfire upon French outposts went steadily on.
Among the minor events of the time, one was the addition of several
battalions of Federals to those already existing. Another, an attempt
made to suppress the extent to which cantinières had come to march at
the head of battalions. The grounds of that attempt included the fact
that in all instances such followers were young girls, many of them
little more than children, who were thus exposed to temptation while
beyond the observation and care of their parents or other guardians.
For once in a way our besiegers appear to have been taken unawares.
At Le Bourget, towards the end of October,[295] a small body was
successfully attacked by Francs Tireurs and Mobiles. But their success
was of brief duration. Report circulated that reinforcements applied
for by Bellemere were refused by Trochu, that refusal the outcome of
personal feeling. Be that as it may, an attack in force was speedily
delivered by the Germans; the position carried,[296] with great
slaughter of the occupants. There was consternation in Paris. All
through the 31st the streets were in a state of turmoil. Masses of
people, the great majority armed, marched towards the Hôtel de Ville;
that building surrounded by them; the members of the Defence made
prisoners; cries of “Vive la Commune!” interspersed with yells, and
clarion blasts everywhere; the Commune was in fact declared. But not
for long. The 106th Battalion of National Guards forced their way
through the insurgents, rescued the Government, and so saved the
capital from scenes which were to disgrace it four months later on, in
which scenes the same battalion was to play so iniquitous a part.
The extent to which sickness prevailed within the city had become
alarming. Accommodation and other necessities for the suffering were
severely taxed; for although regular combats between the opposing
forces were not frequent, the results from collisions of daily
occurrence, and of almost continuous fire from the batteries of
the enemy, were a large influx of wounded men. Funeral processions
along the cold sloppy streets were of constant occurrence. Certain
maladies, among them small-pox, prevailed to a great and fatal extent.
As if to emphasize these conditions, news circulated that Metz had
capitulated;[297] a large portion of the investing force thus set free
on its way to increase that of the besiegers around Paris. So ended the
month.