CHAPTER XXVI

_1870. JULY-SEPTEMBER. FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. SIEGE OF PARIS_

Franco-Prussian War--Appointed to the French--German successes--

Arrive in Paris--Rumours--Aspect--Ministry of War--Champ de Mars--

Captured as a Prussian spy--Rumours and facts--A disturbed night--

Revolution of September 4--Escape of the Empress--Vinoy arrives from

Mezières--After the Revolution--The outlook--Arming the masses--

Approach of the enemy--_Levée en masse_--Aspect of the city--

Versailles “honourably” capitulated--Provisioning--Present and

prospective evils--City gates closed--Preparations for the defence--

Police in abeyance--Paris encircled--Some ambassadors quit--

Conditions within--Arrangements for wounded.

In the middle of July (1870) the morning papers recorded the incident

at Ems, soon to become famous, between Benedetti and the King of

Prussia, its effect in Paris a demand for war, and by the populace

shouts of “_À Berlin!_” Events rapidly developed; the Powers concerned

prepared for war; proffered mediation by England rejected by France.

On the 21st of that month war was declared by the King of Prussia; on

the 23rd by the Emperor of the French; on August 2 the young Prince

Imperial received his _baptême de feu_;[274] war had begun.

A few days thereafter I was warned for service with the French in

the capacity of Medical Commissioner, to report to the War Office on

certain specified points relating to military organization in the

field. Aware of the importance of duties before me, preparations were

quickly made for entering upon them, including the payment of heavy

extra premium to an insurance office.

From that time onwards my attention was directed to the remarkable

development of military events by which those declarations were

followed. In the first instance there was the small success of the

French at Saarbruck on August 2, followed on the 4th by their severe

defeat at Weissenburg, after which one defeat after another followed in

quick succession; namely, Woerth and Spicheren on the 6th; Forbachen

on the 7th; St. Avold on the 9th, when the partial investment of

Metz began; Strasburg invested on the 10th; the battle of Courcelles

or Longville, near Penge, on the 14th; the battles of Mars la Tour,

Gravelotte, and St. Privat, 16th to 18th, both inclusive, leading to

the complete investment of Metz. The aspect of affairs had been so

affected by those events that preparations for the defence of Paris

began on the 23rd. The Germans following up their victories by that of

Beaumont, near the Belgian frontier, on the 30th, forced MacMahon to

fall back upon Sedan, after sustaining very severe losses in men, guns,

and stores. In other directions, during the same period, one success

after another continued to attend the advance of the invaders.

The 1st of September was with me a busy day; among its incidents,

receiving instructions from the War Office, special passport from the

Foreign Office, letter of credit and necessary cash from agents, and

lastly, taking leave of my beloved wife. Leaving Charing Cross by

the 8.45 p.m. train, I arrived in Paris early the following morning.

Later in the day, in obedience to orders, I reported my arrival to the

British Embassy, presenting at the same time my official credentials. I

was informed that an application would be made to the Ministry of War

for a _sauf conduit_, to enable me to proceed and join the “Army of the

Rhine” under Marshal MacMahon, at that time “somewhere between Verdun

and Mezières, on the left side of the Meuse.”

An impression was “in the air” that all was not well with that army,

but beyond rumours more or less vague nothing seemed to indicate

knowledge of actual events of the previous day, still in progress

at, and in the vicinity of Sedan. Afternoon and evening brought more

definite particulars; telegrams from Mezières announced that MacMahon

was wounded, fugitives inundating that town, all communication with

Sedan “interrupted”; but to inquiries made in official quarters there

was silence.

We had observed that near the Gare du Nord large numbers of workmen

were engaged on the fortifications in that direction. Within the

walls bodies of armed men, some in uniform, many not, marched along

the thoroughfares or were undergoing drill. As day advanced crowds

assembled at corners; pedestrians increased in number; kiosks and

windows presented caricatures, in execrable taste, of Prussians from

king to peasant. The Champs Elysées was comparatively deserted; already

it had an unkept appearance. Here and there a small group gazed at the

performances of Punchinello; a few equipages drove along its centre

way. Agencies of various Sociétés des Secours aux Blessés had taken up

positions in large buildings or open spaces; from many windows and over

entrances floated Red Cross flags.

At an early hour on the 3rd, Colonel Claremont, Military Secretary

to the British Embassy, conducted me to the several offices, from

one or other of which he expected that the necessary orders would be

issued to enable me to carry out the mission assigned to me. Failing

to obtain those orders at one and all so visited, he made direct

application to the Minister for War, but with no other result than an

intimation that “the correspondence on the subject must pass through

the ordinary routine, and in the meantime I must wait.” It was evident

that something very unusual had taken place or was in progress; the

demeanour of the officials with whom we came in contact indicated

the fact with sufficient clearness. Colonel Claremont was in all

probability made acquainted with the nature of the events in question,

for as we separated, each to proceed his own way, his parting remark

was, “I don’t expect now that you will go much beyond Paris.”

The Champ de Mars forms a huge camp ground; _tentes abri_, guns,

waggons, tumbrils, horses, and men crowd the space so named. Infantry

of the line there are in battalions, many of them undergoing the

earlier stages of military drill, their style and general aspect

far from realizing the British idea of what is soldier-like. The

arrangement of the camp itself, including tents, _matériel_,

conveniences and necessities, slovenly and untidy.

In its immediate vicinity the Seine was a washtub for the troops, many

of whom were occupied in beating, scrubbing, and otherwise cleansing

articles of their clothing in the edge of the stream. I lean over

the parapet and observe the process. I am grasped by a soldier;[275]

others hurry to his aid; I am captured, a prisoner. The spy mania

is rampant. I am marched off as such, first to one “post,” then to

another; passport and other official documents taken from me; my

escort increasing as we proceeded. It comprises cavalry, infantry, and

gamins, the latter becoming more and more “demonstrative” in their

behaviour as we went, now shouting, “_À bas le Prussien!_” “_À bas

Bismarck!_” now laying hands roughly upon me, until it looks as if in

their excitement things might fare badly with me. Arrived at a police

station in the Rue Grenelle, I found myself deposited in the company

of a very miscellaneous assortment of prisonniers, and there spent

some two or three hours as best I could. At the end of that time my

credentials were flung at, rather than given back to me; the official

of the place pointed to the door, and without deigning a look at me

said, “_Voilà! Allez_,” and so we parted. Naturally enough I was

indignant, and on reaching my hotel declared my intention to report to

our Representative the episode through which I had passed; but was

quietly informed by others better acquainted than I then was with the

state of affairs, that I need not trouble myself; he would do nothing

in the matter.

As evening wore on, rumours of the morning assumed the aspect of facts,

terrible in their nature as they were unlooked for and unexpected:

the French had been hopelessly defeated at Sedan; MacMahon wounded

and a prisoner; the Emperor a prisoner; 40,000 men[276] of his army

prisoners; no obstacle to delay, far less prevent, the advance of

the Prussians upon Paris. All was excitement along the streets

and boulevards; shouts were heard of “_Déchéance!_” and “_Vive la

République!_” Doubts and fears were expressed as to what on the morrow

the fate of the Empress, who was still in the Tuileries, might possibly

be.

All through the following night there were sounds of movement in the

streets: the tread of troops on the march, the heavy roll of guns,

tumbrils, and waggons. In the Chamber of Deputies transactions were in

progress the nature of which did not transpire till long afterwards,

though the results were to be seen within the space of a few hours.

Men, who till then had been ministers and other officials of the

Emperor, declared shortly after midnight the Imperial regime had

ceased;[277] they elected from among themselves what was intended to be

a “Governing Commission,” and so discounted the events of the morrow.

No wonder that such a self-chosen body failed to receive general

acceptance, as indeed was scarcely to be looked for considering the

many discordant political elements existing within the capital.

From early morning of Sunday, the 4th, a dense and tumultuous crowd

filled the Place de la Concorde; in the Rue Royale and Faubourg St.

Honoré workmen were hauling down Imperial eagles and “N’s,” by which

various public buildings were distinguished and ornamented, the mob

cheering them as they proceeded with their self-imposed work. The

gates of the Tuileries gardens were open, the gardens of the palace

filled with people; down the Rue de Rivoli, and upwards towards the

Arc de Triomphe, the Champs Elysées, streams of people were in motion.

Across the entrance to the bridge leading to the palace of the Corps

Législatif, a body of regular troops was drawn up with bayonets

fixed. Down along the Champs Elysées marched in cadence to beat of

drum and note of bugle an imposing force of National Guards. Nearer

and nearer they came; greater and greater was the excitement in the

crowd, including the small body of foreigners who, like myself, were

irresistibly drawn to, and by curiosity held in the scene. A moment

more and the two sets of forces must have been in actual collision

with each other--with what consequences who could predict? Then

were raised upon bayonet points the képis of the regulars, as from

their ranks the shout burst forth, “_Vive la Garde Nationale!_” The

latter instantly followed suit; the shout of “_Vive la Ligne!_” told

us that fraternization was complete. The hall of the Legislature

was immediately occupied by the bourgeois; half an hour later the

Government of the Defence was proclaimed in the Hôtel de Ville.

Armed men in blouses took the place of sentries of the Guard at the

Tuileries; the tricolour still waved above the central dome of the

palace. The sympathy of us foreigners who mingled in the crowd was

with the Empress, as we expressed to each other in subdued tones,

our wonder as to the means by which her escape would be effected, or

whether she was to fall into the hands of the masses, now wild with

excitement as they yelled out “_Déchéance!_” “_Vive la Nation!_”

“_Vive la République!_” interspersed with still more threatening

ejaculations. That a Revolution had taken place, the Empire given

place to the Republic, was evident; the apparent ease with which that

great change had been effected was matter of surprise to onlookers,

and to the people by whom it was effected. In the Place de la Concorde

the sergeants de ville were roughly handled, old scores paid off, in

some few instances their lives taken; the statues of Strasbourg and

other cities were draped in crimson cloth; then came along the quays

bodies of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, not to open fire upon the

revolutionary crowds, but in progress to the outskirts of the city.

Long after the occurrence of the events just related, the circumstance

transpired that arrangements had in anticipation been made to ensure

the safety of the Empress. The passages of the palace and inner gates

were occupied and otherwise protected by a considerable force of the

Imperial Guard, so that as in their haste the crowd rushed in from the

direction of the Place de la Concorde, they were moved on and on until

they emerged from the palace into the Cour de Carrousel, where, finding

themselves so far outmanœuvred, they stood irresolute. It was then

that, taking advantage of their confusion, the escape of the Empress

was effected by the aid of Prince Metternich and Madame La Breton

Bourbaki; whether with that of M. F. de Lesseps or not seems to be

questioned.

Vinoy at the head of the 13th Army Corps arrives from Mezières, his

retreat therefrom, in face of the Germans flushed by victory at Sedan,

looked upon as the most masterly performance yet achieved. His forces

occupy camp in the Avenue de la Grande Armée, and thither crowds

resort to see the men who had performed so successful a feat; the order

and regularity in all that concerns them indicating their training

and discipline in strong contrast to what was so recently experienced

in the Champ de Mars. But chiefly was attention directed to certain

mysterious objects carefully concealed by canvas coverings, but with an

outline like that of artillery guns. These were _mitrailleuses_, from

which great results were anticipated.

To walls of houses and enclosures were affixed announcements that

the Republic had been declared, and giving the names of those who

now constituted the Provisional Government. Other notices similarly

displayed contained appeals to patriotism on the part of the National

Guards, and manhood of the capital, that they should rally to the

rescue of _La Patrie en Danger_. Troops of the line marched in various

directions, the object of the movements not apparent. Groups of men

stood at intervals along the streets, the _képi_ as yet the only item

of uniform worn by them.

The tone of the press moderated from what had lately been; it was

evident that grave events threatened, the possible nature of which

caused thinking people some anxiety. Cafés usually brilliantly lighted

and crowded with customers became less so; uniforms took the place of

civilian costume at the small tables within and without. Outside the

ramparts, houses and other buildings were in course of demolition. On

the defences the work of repair and strengthening was in progress.

Railway stations were crowded by people,--some endeavouring to get

away, together with their removable belongings; others to get all such

property inside for comparative safety.

Preparations for defence went on apace. Private carriages disappeared,

except such as were retained by special permission; public conveyances

decreased in number, the horses belonging to them being requisitioned

for public purposes. Women pedestrians were few; scarcely a man to be

seen on the streets, in shops, offices, and other establishments, but

those who wore more or less complete uniform; those on the streets

carrying rifles, side arms, or both. At night, and throughout the day,

the sound of drum and bugle was incessant; here and there varied by

the Marseillaise sung in stentorian voice. In the Place de la Concorde

successive bodies of armed men paid homage before the statue of

Strasbourg, gesticulating and vociferating as they did so, that emblem

becoming concealed under the wreaths deposited upon it. Meanwhile,

to prevent the Prussians from obtaining the game hitherto preserved

for Imperial purposes, a public battue to take place at Compiêgne was

proclaimed.

Men, to whom in the emergency arms were issued, increased numerically

faster than did the means of providing them with uniform. Already did

the circumstance suggest itself to many that by placing in the hands

of the masses such means of offence, a source of possible danger to

public safety was thereby created. That idea was speedily fostered by

the occurrence of scenes of disorder in some localities by the men so

armed; by others no less suggestive, in which men “fraternized” with

troops of the line over absinthe in cabarets.

By the 10th of the month the Prussian forces, 300,000 strong, were at

Ligny, not more than twenty-five miles from the capital. The terms

in which by certain journals appeals were made to the invaders were

questionable in respect to dignity: on the one hand, if as “friends,”

offering friendship; on the other, if as enemies, barricades and

sewers transformed into mines to be exploded under them. M. Balbi

proposed that _portable_ fortresses, each of a strength equal to one

hundred thousand men, should be sent against them; other proposals for

annihilation of the advancing armies were submitted to the authorities,

and declared impracticable.

During next few days information as to transactions was received with

increasing vagueness, such items as seemed reliable only through

English papers, and that not for long. Some of the classes, who in more

peaceful times had willingly served in the ranks when “drawn,” now

expressed a desire to serve by substitute, if they could. Mobiles in

great number arrived in Paris from the provinces. Public announcements

declared that so great was the devotion of the people to the Defence

that the _Levée en Masse_ would leave the proportion of men at their

homes as one to twenty-eight women. According to some published

statements, the men already enrolled were more formidable in numbers

than in quality; the withdrawals from the city of those liable to

service so numerous that special measures against them were proposed

in respect to their civil rights and property. A report circulated to

the effect that cartridges and other ammunition contained in ordnance

stores had been seriously tampered with.

It is Sunday. Fashionable resorts, including the Champs Elysées

and Gardens of the Tuileries, are crowded with men and women.

Cafés partially deserted a few days ago are now crowded. Booths of

Punchinello are surrounded by knot of amused spectators, the style

and demeanour of the people generally by no means such as might be

looked for under the circumstances present and prospective. Mobiles

recently collected from the provinces rush about irregularly wherever

the crowds are thickest; their rifles at the “trail”; their bayonets

fixed,--sources of danger to everybody. Streets and roadways show signs

of neglect. News circulates that the Canal de l’Ourque and some other

conduits have been “cut” by the Germans, the fact being the first to

indicate the near approach of the enemy.

“Versailles has honourably capitulated.” Such was the next intelligence

to reach us. Confusion thereupon became general. A grand review

of forces of the Defence of Paris forthwith ordered; information

circulated by authority that the several forts beyond the line of

ramparts were fully armed and manned by sailors under command of

their own proper officers. As extemporised battalions marched towards

the general rendezvous they presented in their ranks two types of

manhood--the Parisian and the provincial: the former poor in physique,

and undisciplined; the latter, strong and active, but unacquainted with

anything beyond elementary stages of military drill. A captive balloon

established on Montmartre from which to observe the movements of the

enemy. A furore of destruction suddenly set in, resulting in that of

bridges, houses, and everything destructible on the immediate outskirts

of the city, including a considerable strip of the Bois de Boulogne.

Stores and provisions were collected to enable Paris to withstand a

siege of two months’ duration, that being thought the limit to which

such an emergency could extend, should it happen at all. Cattle and

stock of all kinds were brought within the walls; fodder and grain for

them collected, and food of all kinds, available for human consumption,

stored; a census of “mouths” taken at the same time.

Already had evils shown themselves as a result of billeting armed men

on the people; huts were therefore prepared in the boulevards and

other open spaces for the former. Disinclination was soon apparent in

a suggestively large number of the men to occupy their proper places

on parade. From the city there was reported exodus of men whose names

were enrolled for military service. On the walls were posted codes of

instructions as to the correct manner of loading rifles. Authority

was given to the system now introduced whereby improvised battalions

of National Guards elected their own officers--a system from which

deplorable results were soon to arise.

Gates along the line of fortifications were now closed against

traffic, except to persons bearing special permits. Musters taken of

so-called “effective” combatants, prepared, according to declarations

by themselves, to defend the capital to the death, gave their number,

including all classes[278] of troops, approximately at 400,000.

Among us foreigners hints circulated that neither by Trochu nor

other superior officer were hopes of ultimate success entertained,

taking into account the kind of material so extemporised. M. Thiers

had proceeded on his mission to the Governments of Europe; hopes

accordingly entertained that intervention by England, Russia, and

Austria, singly or united, might be brought about. It was an open

secret that sympathy of the principal leaders, civil and military,

within the capital were more in favour of the past regime than of that

now entered upon, their hopes that by some means or other restoration

might be effected, a siege and probable bombardment averted. Those

hopes were soon destroyed; information circulated that the terms on

which further proceedings on the part of the Germans could be arrested,

included such items as a heavy money indemnity,[279] the retrocession

of Alsace and Lorraine, as also of half the French fleet.

In the streets and everywhere else within the city filth and otherwise

objectionable matters had accumulated to a very unpleasant degree;

means of conservancy and cleansing were deficient; the atmosphere

polluted by odours of decomposition. A separate police force to take

the place of the Gens d’Armes extinguished on the day of Revolution had

not yet been established; crimes of violence were the more remarkable

in their infrequency when that circumstance is taken into account,

together with the heterogeneous elements of which the defensive forces

were now composed.

The plot thickens; information reaches us which leaves no doubt but

that Paris is encircled by the enemy. Within the city there is general

commotion; in battalions and smaller bodies newly raised levies march

towards Vincennes; trains of ambulance carriages wend their way in the

same direction. Official notices affixed to walls direct that all men

liable to military service should report themselves within twenty-four

hours at the rendezvous of their respective corps, under penalty of

being proceeded against as deserters. In striking contrast to all this

turmoil was the sight of several elderly men and others calmly and

peacefully fishing in the Seine; their prize an occasional gudgeon two

inches long or thereabout!

At this point some representatives of Great Powers quitted the

beleaguered city with the intention of proceeding to Tours, where it

was stated another Government than that of the capital was in process

of formation. Among those who did so was the British Ambassador. The

Consul of Paris had already proceeded on leave of absence, the outcome

of the state of affairs so created being that upwards of two thousand

persons claiming the rights and privileges of British subjects were

left without official representative. Colonel Claremont, Military

Secretary, to his great credit, speedily returned within the ramparts,

and remained with the besieged until the defeat at Champigny left the

question of capitulation a matter of only a few weeks to be decided.

By no means did all the Foreign Representatives quit the capital.

Among those who remained were the Minister and Consul-General of the

United States; the Ministers of Belgium, Spain, Portugal, Switzerland,

Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. Neither did the Persian Ambassador

withdraw from his official position in Paris.

The corps of Sergeants de Ville is re-introduced; itinerant musicians

parade the streets, their favourite instruments the barrel-organ,

harp, and violin; beggars become numerous and demonstrative. Parties

of Mobiles march excitedly, and in an irregular manner, in various

directions, no one knowing the why or wherefore of their movements;

some to the sound of drum and bugle, others without such instruments. A

report circulates that outside the ramparts the members of that force

fired upon each other instead of _at_ the enemy; they were said to

have arrested their commander on the plea that he held communication

with the Prussians. A tax was put upon meat and bread sold in shops;

supplies from without had all but ceased; Rentes were down to 54.15.

The general demeanour of the masses in ill accord with the conditions

in which their capital now was.

From the day on which intelligence of the great defeat at Sedan reached

Paris, a degree of enthusiasm became manifest among official classes

and private individuals, in regard to arrangements for possible sick

and wounded, which contrasted very favourably with the confusion and

indecision in military affairs already recorded. The ordinary military

hospitals under administration of the Intendance were equipped to their

utmost extent; various large buildings fitted up as _annexes_ thereto;

societies of various kinds, and pertaining to different nationalities,

established hospitals, or _ambulances sedentaires_ as such places came

to be called, at different points throughout the city; several clubs

were similarly transformed, and numerous private families made what

arrangements they could for the reception of sick or wounded men in

case of emergency. The medical faculty of the capital volunteered their

services in a body; ladies devoted themselves to “ambulance” work in

a manner and on a scale never before witnessed, while volunteers as

_brancardiers_ gave their names in numbers beyond requirements even

according to the most liberal estimates of probable casualties. Thus it

came about that provision was complete for 37,000 patients.

At a later period so numerous became the “nurses” that “to carry a

_brassard_[280] turned into a fashion; young women _played_ the nurse

with wounded soldiers as little girls play the mother with their

dolls.” Many earnest women devoted themselves to the work, but that

the remark just made was not without grounds was no less true. In some

instances the declared object with which they undertook such work was

to release men therefrom, so that they might join the active ranks in

combat, or become _ambulanciers_. In other instances it was said of

the ladies so employed that they restricted their _performances_ to

mere show, leaving all real work in the wards to men, but ready to

accept credit really due to the latter. Instances occurred of wounded

Frenchmen submitting a formal request to be moved to wards in which

their attendants should be men only. Up to a certain time a halo of

romance attached itself to the movement as a whole; latterly the

brightness of that “glory” became less dazzling.

Unfortunately some of the larger ambulance establishments drew upon

themselves suspicion; a report circulated that while above them, as

also some huts or barraques erected for similar purpose, waved the Red

Cross flag, side by side with or in close proximity to them were stores

for combatant purposes,--in at least one instance artillery ready

equipped for battle. There were cynics who said that the profusion of

Geneva flags on private houses was indicative of a desire on the part

of the inmates to claim protection under that emblem, as much as the

wish to share their rapidly diminishing quantity of food and “comforts”

with sick and wounded men. The fact that brancardiers were “neutral”

by virtue of the brassard worn by them was considered by pessimists to

account for the great popularity attached to the Corps of Ambulanciers

as compared to the fighting battalions. Nor were there wanting persons

who expressed views that the entire system of “Sociétés des Secours”

had in it the objection that by their means responsibility in respect

to the care of sick and wounded soldiers was withdrawn from Governments

concerned, and so war protracted beyond what would otherwise be

possible.

Recollections of Thirty-nine Years in the Army Gwalior and the Battle of Maharajpore, 1843; the Gold Coast of Africa, 1847-48; the Indian Mutiny, 1857-58; the expedition to China, 1860-61; the Siege of Paris, 1870-71; etc. · 第 26 / 36 章