CHAPTER XIII

_1857. EARLY MONTHS OF SEPOY MUTINY_

Mutiny and disaster--Major Eyre at Arrah--Outbreak at Patna--A

dastardly proceeding--Progress of events--Further reports--The

regimental hospital--Soldiers’ wives to be armed--Madras

regiments--English reinforcements--Meean Meer--Shannon

Brigade--Victims of mutiny--Women and children--Details

of Cawnpore--A lady refugee--Mortality in 5th--Extension

of mutiny--Current events--Action and contrast--Delhi and

Lucknow--Successes--Bankers--Reinforcements--English opinion--

Active proceedings--Ghastly evidences--Sir Colin Campbell--

“Clemency”--Active work--Blown from a gun--More active work.

The force stationed at Dinapore consisted of two troops of European

Artillery, 10th Foot, a portion of the 37th British, the 7th, 8th, and

40th Native Regiments. Among the three last named signs of disaffection

had for some time past been apparent to their officers, though

unhappily ignored by the general,[165] an old, infirm, and irresolute

man. On the 25th of July he was so far moved to action as to direct

that percussion caps should be taken away from their magazines of

arms, and from the men themselves. A parade for the latter purpose was

ordered; thereupon the sepoys became openly mutinous, fired upon and

otherwise threatened their officers; they finally broke away, taking

their arms with them. Meanwhile, the white troops were not permitted

by the general to open fire upon or pursue the mutineers, who, taking

the direction of Arrah, soon placed themselves under the leadership of

the powerful chief Koer Singh. Arrived at that place, they laid siege

to the house of Mr. Boyle, in which the few residents of the small

station had collected, and, to some extent, fortified the building.

On the 27th a party consisting of men of the 10th and 37th proceeded

by steamer, in view to relief of those besieged; but the vessel ran

aground, and so their object was frustrated. On the 29th a second

steamer having been procured, the combined party proceeded in her;

in due time arrived at Beharee Ghat on the river Sone; there landed,

and began their march towards Arrah. Unhappily, a night advance was

determined upon. After much toil, not acquainted with the ground, not

knowing their way, having to cross a deep ravine or nullah, and to

surmount other difficulties, they entered the town about midnight, and

after the moon had set. A heavy fire was thereupon opened on them.

Men and officers were unable to see each other. Captain Dunbar, the

officer in command, fell dead; confusion was the immediate result. A

certain number found their way back to the open country; but so heavy

were the losses, so great the disorganization of the whole, that the

expedition not only failed in its intended object, but met with serious

disaster. The remnants were brought back to Dinapore, where they

arrived on 30th of July; it was then found that out of 415 officers and

men who had started on that service, 170 were killed and 120 wounded,

making a total of 290.[166] The wounded who were rescued were more in

number than could be accommodated in hospital; supplementary buildings

had accordingly to be utilised for them. Throughout the regiment

chagrin and disappointment were general; stories circulated that acts

of atrocity had been perpetrated on some of the wounded. Soldiers

were loud in their imprecations against the rebels, declaring their

determination “to pay them off for it.”

Major Eyre, hearing of the disaster that had befallen the troops under

Captain Dunbar, advanced by forced marches from Buxar; on August 2 he

attacked and dispersed the besieging rebels at Arrah, who thereupon

fled towards Jugdispore. On the 8th a party of the 10th under Captain

Patterson, together with some other troops, arrived at Arrah from

Dinapore. On the 11th, in conjunction with those of Major Eyre, it

started in pursuit of the sepoys; they had taken up a position at a

village named Jota Narainpore. There they were attacked by the men

of the 10th, who rushed upon them with a shout, killing numbers and

dispersing those who escaped their bayonets.

At Dinapore, Sir James Outram inspected the 10th, and having issued

orders with regard to further proceedings continued his journey

southwards, taking with him some officers belonging to the mutinous

native corps. The arrival of Sir Colin Campbell at Calcutta to assume

supreme command was followed by the departure of Sir Patrick Grant to

resume his own proper command at Madras. At Patna a partial outbreak by

the Mahomedans had recently taken place, Dr. Lyell being killed during

it. A recurrence of that disturbance being threatened, a detachment of

the 10th was sent to Bankipore as a personal guard to the Commissioner

of Behar, whose residence was at that place.

When the great body of the sepoys at Dinapore mutinied and fled,

certain of their number were employed on various duties within the

barrack ranges occupied by the British troops. Unable like their

brethren to effect their escape, they laid down their arms, declaring

themselves to be loyal, or “staunch,” according to the phrase of the

day; tents were issued for their use, and a neat little encampment

established on a space of open ground between the barracks and

adjoining river bank. In the course of the following night screams

issued from that encampment; in due time some soldiers, with their

officers, proceeded with lights to the tents, to find several of the

sepoys dead, others more or less severely wounded by bayonet thrusts,

but without any clue to their assailants. Whether or not, as asserted

at the time, the men of the 10th were implicated in this dastardly

outrage, remained uncleared up by the official inquiry which followed

in due course.

In rapid succession news reached us of events at different places

within the sphere of mutiny. The investment of Delhi more closely

pressed by the combined British and Sikh besieging forces. From Agra

that the rebels had withdrawn therefrom. From Oude that Havelock had

resumed his advance towards Lucknow, inflicting _en route_ severe

defeat upon the opposing rebels. From Calcutta that reinforcements were

being daily dispatched inland by bullock trains; but as the rate of

progress of those animals did not exceed two and a half miles per hour,

considerable time must elapse before the troops so sent can be brought

into actual use. Other items of intelligence were, that a body of

Ghoorkas sent by Jung Bahadur as an auxiliary force had been attacked

by the rebels, upon whom they inflicted defeat with heavy loss. The

river steamer _Jumna_ in its progress upwards beyond Allahabad was so

heavily fired upon by the mutineers, at the same time the water of the

Ganges becoming so shallow, that it had to abandon further attempts to

proceed; there was therefore no alternative but to withdraw.

In the city of Patna the condition of things, already unsatisfactory,

became still more so, the intention of the Mahomedans therein declared

to be an attack on the “Kaffirs” on their great festival day of the

Mohurrum,[167] falling this year on 31st of August. As a precautionary

measure, therefore, a line of defences was rapidly thrown up between

the city and cantonments. Next came a report that the 9th Irregular

Cavalry, after doing good service at Delhi, had fraternised with the

rebels; with them made a dash at a besieging battery protected by

Sikhs, their attempt defeated by the 75th Regiment. Then sad accounts

of sickness and mortality by disease in addition to casualties in

battle among the besiegers; for example, the 1st Battalion 60th Rifles,

400 strong when it first took up its position, had not in its ranks

now 200 effectives. From Allahabad the statement came that some of the

“staunch” gun lascars were detected in an attempt to load their guns

with bricks and mortar.

The state of things in our regimental hospital, characteristic of the

time, was this:--In the months of July and August deaths included two

officers and seventy men. The long corridor-like wards of the building,

together with its verandah, were filled partly with wounded men,

remnants of the unfortunate Arrah expedition, partly by those affected

with diseases special to the season of the year. The requirements of

the wounded demanded much manual attention. What, therefore, between

handling wounded tissues and their dressings, finger-tips became

sodden like those of a washerwoman, and tender to the touch; the

stooping attitude necessary while performing dressings and operations

so fatigued the muscles of the back as to make it painful to be in,

or again to change that attitude; at the same time the moist heat

prevailing made such exertions particularly exhausting. The hospital

had already been fortified, arms issued, and so arranged that in

case of necessity they could be made use of by some of the patients;

sandbags were arranged for purposes of defence on the roof, the walls

loopholed; indeed, the only shots at the escaping sepoys of the 40th

N.I. were from it.

Rumours circulated that a combined line of action by the disaffected

in Patna and mutinous sepoys under Koer Singh, one of the Nana’s

lieutenants, was contemplated against Dinapore, garrisoned as the

station by only a portion of the 10th Foot. To meet such a contingency,

it was proposed to arm the women belonging to the regiment; nor had

those of us who had some knowledge of their general style and prowess

any doubt as to the result, should they come in conflict with such

adversaries. Indeed, there was every reason to believe that already a

mutineer had lost his life by the hand of one of our Amazons armed with

a bayonet.

The arrival of a Madras infantry regiment, in the ranks of which were

some Hindostanees, gave rise to some little speculation as to possible

events, should they be brought against their rebel countrymen. At the

same time news circulated that a mutinous spirit had been shown in one

of the cavalry regiments[168] of that presidency, and in at least two

of infantry[169] in that of Bombay.

Under the circumstances of the time, welcome was intelligence by

English mail that a powerful force was in progress of dispatch to

India; its numerical strength 25,000 men, including Royal Artillery,

then to be employed in Hindostan for the first time. Now also came the

first faint rumour that the transfer of Indian administration directly

to the Government of Her Majesty was intended.

From Meean Meer came news of successful action against intended

“rising” on the part of native troops at that station, the attending

circumstances of that action being in some respects like those of the

historical ball[170] at Brussels on the eve of Quatre Bras. Among the

regiments disarmed, as an outcome of that action, was the 26th N.I.

For some time thereafter the sepoys belonging to it remained “loyal”

and “contrite.” Suddenly, under the shelter of night,[171] they fled,

having first murdered one of their officers. At break of day troops

were sent in pursuit; the fugitives overtaken on the left bank of the

Ravee. Of their number fully 100 were shot down, 150 or so drowned in

their endeavour to swim across that river, the remaining 200 ultimately

captured, brought back to their station, and executed. It was of the

concluding act of the drama that news now reached us.

In the afternoon of September 4, the _River Bird_ arrived from

Calcutta, having on board the “Shannon Naval Brigade,” under

Captain--soon to become Sir William Peel. No sooner were they

disembarked than all paraded for drill. Lookers-on rapidly collected to

witness the novel proceedings, the wild rollicking manner in which the

bluejackets pulled about and worked their ship’s guns of large calibre.

That evening the officers were our guests at the regimental mess. Our

next meeting was to be under circumstances even more stirring than

those now taking place.

From time to time the papers of the day gave what statistics were

available in regard to lives sacrificed, directly and indirectly, by

the present outbreak of the sepoys. According to one paper,[172] those

numbers were as follows, soldiers, officers, women, and children being

included in the totals; namely, Meerut, 29; Loodianah, 3; Sealkote, 8;

Fyzabad, 7; Gwalior, 15; Rohnee, 1; Jounpore, 1; Jhelum, 1; Allahabad,

15; Mehidpore, 7; Mosuffernuggar, 1; Bareilly, 70; Delhi--on the

outbreak of the mutiny, 82,--killed or died by exposure subsequently,

40; Hissar, 9; Shahjehanpore, 1; Cawnpore, 19 (exclusive of those to

be subsequently enumerated); Meean Meer, 2; Mhow, 34; Sooltanpore, 3;

Saugur, 1; Neemuch, 4; Indore, 2; Patna, 1; Moradabad, 4; Darjeeling,

1; Futtehpore, 1; Lucknow, 22; Benares, 5; Agra, 16; Jhansi, 43;

Jullundhur, 4; Ferozepore, 3; Raneegunge, 3; Indore, 15; making in all

a total of 494. These numbers do not include the many instances in

which lives were sacrificed by exposure and hardship, nor the numerous

young soldiers who succumbed while being conveyed along the Grand Trunk

Road.

With regard to the most terrible of all episodes,--namely, that of

June 27, at Cawnpore,--an account by one of the very few survivors was

published in the _Friend of India_;[173] namely, “Those who in the

boats survived from the artillery fire directed upon them were taken

back to Cawnpore; the men secured by cords, and with the ladies brought

before the Nana, who thereupon gave orders for their destruction. The

ladies were placed on one side, the men, bound as they were, drawn

up in line, and his troops ordered to fire upon them. Some of the

ladies broke away, and rushing to their husbands, clasped them in

despair, determined to die with them. A chaplain who was of the doomed

number begged that a few minutes might be granted them to prepare to

meet their God--a favour which was granted; others called upon their

executioners to finish their bloody work. A volley of musketry; the

victims reeled and fell, some dead, others still alive, though wounded;

their murderers rush upon them with tulwars;[174] they deal death

around, nor do they cease their work when life is extinct, but continue

to mutilate the bodies of the dead. The women and children, numbering

one hundred and fifty-nine persons, were retained till July 15, and

then destroyed by butchers employed for that diabolical purpose. Two

days thereafter, but too late to avert the catastrophe the forces

led by Havelock entered Cawnpore.” At a somewhat later date further

particulars appeared[175] with reference to the same sad episode.

According to them the list of persons whose lives were sacrificed

there, whether in the entrenchments between June 5 to 27, in the boats

on the latter date, or on July 15, when the last remnant was butchered,

as just related, was as follows; namely, Honourable Company’s

Artillery, 61; H.M.’s 32nd Regiment, 84; 1st European Fusiliers,

15; H.M.’s 84th Regiment, 50; officers of regiments and staff, 100;

merchants, writers, and others, 100; drummers, etc., 40; women and

children of soldiers, about 160; of writers merchants, and drummers,

120; ladies and children of officers, 50; servants (after many had

absconded early in the outbreak), 100; sepoys and native officers sick

in hospital, 20; total, 900. But there is every reason to believe that

these figures are approximate rather than actually exact.

Orders were received and quickly carried into effect, whereby the wives

and children of men and officers of the 10th were dispatched by steamer

to Berhampore, at the time considered a place of safety. A company of

our regiment marched towards Gya, then threatened by the mutinous 5th

Irregulars, and defended only by a small body of Rattray’s Sikhs. The

withdrawal of the Treasury from that station resulted in the official

ruin of the civilian concerned; but under the circumstances of the time

the verdict of opinion among those on the spot was that his action was

justified.

Among the refugees proceeding by steamer down country was Mrs. Mills,

whose husband, Major Mills, of the Bengal Artillery, had been shot

by his mutinous men while endeavouring to escape from Fyzabad, by

swimming the Gogra. This unfortunate lady had been wandering in the

jungle for nearly three months. She now was ill from hardships and

starvation; one child, an infant, had died, the remaining two were ill

with cholera; she herself nearly devoid of clothing, without servant

or other help, almost completely broken down; nor was it until a few

days ago that she learned the fate of her husband. A brother officer of

Major Mills, Captain Alexander, placed a suite of rooms in his house at

her disposal. In due time she and her children were so far restored in

health, and provided with clothing, that they continued their journey

towards Calcutta.

For some time past a detachment of the 5th Fusiliers occupied a

building connected with the Opium Stores in Patna, the rate of sickness

and mortality among the men composing it being so great as to equal 90

per cent. of deaths per 100 strength per annum. A visit to the place by

Colonel Fenwick and myself revealed the fact that the quarters assigned

to them were in all respects unsuited; while, therefore, the remaining

portion of the men were withdrawn, their place taken by men of the

10th, steps were taken, and successfully, to avert similar casualties

among the latter.

Still there came news of mutiny from stations far apart: from Assam

on the one hand, to Ferozepore on the other; while of regiments of

the Bombay Presidency, a similar spirit had extended to at least four

of their number. Indeed, so general had mutiny become that scarcely

a remark was made as the news of some fresh outbreak circulated; but

among officers and men of our regiment the desire was loudly expressed

to “get fairly at them in the field,” little if any account being taken

of relative numbers.

At this time my own physical state gave way under the weight of

arduous duties; several brother officers also were rendered temporarily

incapable of work; but at the earliest possible date we returned to our

respective spheres, determined to “put the shoulder to the wheel.” The

good news reached us that a further defeat had been inflicted upon the

Arrah mutineers by Major Eyre. The arrival of reinforcements by ship

from England had begun to cause wonder and some consternation among

the rebels. For reasons the nature of which did not transpire, certain

newspapers were temporarily suppressed. The immediate result of that

measure was that private letters took the place of the journals so

dealt with; groups of men assembled at the post office on the occasion

of morning delivery, news was interchanged, and thus a tolerable

knowledge maintained of events in progress at different stations.

From Azimghur came information that there the rebels had been attacked

and defeated by the Ghoorka troops of Jung Bahadur.[176] It was said

that a force consisting of 3,000 Cashmere troops, sent by Goolab

Singh, was approaching Delhi, in aid of the British, by whom the siege

of that city was being vigorously pressed on. Then came news that on

September 16 an entrance had been effected by the Cashmere Gate; 125

guns captured, though with a loss to our troops engaged of between

forty and fifty officers and 650 men killed and wounded. From Nagpore,

that the mutinous 50th N.I. had been attacked, and to a great extent

destroyed by the column advancing from Madras. From the Punjab, that

some fifty men of the 10th Cavalry and a number of mutineers of the

55th N.I. had been executed by order of Sir John Lawrence. In contrast

with these energetic measures were Proclamations by Government, full

of sympathetic expressions with regard to “the poor misguided men,” as

applied to the perpetrators of deeds already alluded to.

A few days passed, and then came information that very stirring events

were in progress; that Delhi was completely in the hands of our troops,

the king a prisoner, two royal princes shot by the hand of Hodson.[177]

The forces under Havelock and Outram had effected[178] an entrance

into the Residency of Lucknow, and so “relieved” the besieged garrison

of that city. The story of that “relief” was everywhere related with

pride. But the fact was deplored that the “relieving” force, as a

result of the losses sustained, had itself to add its numbers to the

besieged. Among the latter, casualties by shot and disease had, up to

the date of “relief,” included fifty-seven women and children. On the

following Sunday, collections were made in cantonment churches, for

the purposes of a fund being raised wherewith to aid sufferers by the

present rebellion.

Thereafter news of successes at different points against the rebels

came in rapidly. Thus from Delhi a force had gone in pursuit of one

party of them; in Central India the 52nd N.I. was broken up by the

Madras column; near Sherghotty the Ramghur Battalion annihilated; in

the vicinity of Mirzapore a body of mutineers defeated by a small force

comprising the 5th Fusiliers and 17th Madras N.I. At this time the

“Pearl” Brigade, under command of Captain Sotheby, arrived at Dinapore;

two companies of the 10th, under Major Longden, started towards

Benares, there to be ready for emergencies. At intervals disaffection

occurred in portions of the 32nd N.I., occupying various positions in

neighbouring districts. Now came news that the last fragment of that

corps had broken into mutiny and fled; their object to unite with the

rebel force beyond the Soane, commanded by Koer Singh.

Information was received that a body of mutineers 4,000 strong,

with twelve guns, was in progress from Oude to make an attack on

the Treasury at Chupra, and afterwards to threaten our small body

of effectives at Dinapore. Then we learned that Rajah Maun Singh,

of Gorruckpore, hitherto believed to be “loyal,”--he having given

protection to some ladies whose husbands had been murdered by the

sepoys,--had joined the rebels with a force of 9,000 men. As a

counterpoise to such items, the troops under Colonel Greathead,

descending by the Grand Trunk Road, had defeated the sepoys, inflicting

heavy loss upon them, subsequently possessing himself of Alighur,

together with its guns and stores. A significant indication of the

tendency now being assumed by bazaar opinion was that native bankers,

who in the first outbreak of the mutiny sent their treasure to

Calcutta, are having it brought back to their places of business.

We were at this time in a position to estimate the strength of

reinforcements already sent, and in process of being dispatched from

England, to re-establish authority in India. These comprised eleven

regiments of Light Cavalry; fifty-five battalions of Infantry; four

troops of Horse Artillery; eleven companies of Foot Artillery; seven

Field Batteries; four companies of Engineers, equal to a total of

87,000 men. With these there were fourteen medical officers, over and

above those pertaining to regiments and other bodies.

As each successive body of troops arrived, officers belonging to them

were invited to our mess; thus we gathered something in regard to the

tenor of opinion in England in reference to events in progress around

us. Very different was the impression so conveyed, of views entertained

at home, from what under the actual circumstances of the time was to be

expected. From the long distance, the sepoy was looked upon as mild and

harmless in disposition, but driven to revolt by acts of oppression to

which he had been long subjected,--those acts, however, not definitely

stated; Sir John Lawrence and General Neil were said to be cruel and

otherwise objectionable persons; the policy of “clemency” all that

was estimable, and to be desired. The contrast between the views so

expressed, and actual occurrences such as have been already mentioned,

taking place almost before our very eyes, gave rise to comments, some

of them more expressive than sympathetic.

Meanwhile the progress of events went on. A body of mutinous sepoys

had found their way from Delhi to Bithoor, the residence of the Nana.

There they were attacked by a force sent for the purpose from Cawnpore,

under the command of Colonel Wilson, their stronghold destroyed, guns,

ammunition, and other stores contained in it captured. At Raneegunge

the Headquarter portion of the 32nd N.I.[179] was disarmed by Colonel

Burney, their commanding officer, to whom was given up also the

treasonable correspondence being carried on by the sepoys belonging

to it. At Agra the camp was attacked by a body of rebel cavalry,

estimated at 1,500 strong. The picquet of the 9th Lancers, comprising

not more than twenty-four troopers, under command of Captain French and

Lieutenant Jones, charged and cut its way through them; but in so doing

the first-named officer was killed, the second wounded. The station

of Chupra in our near vicinity being threatened, the “Pearl” Brigade,

under Captain Sotheby, R.N., was ordered by the Civil Commissioner

of Patna to proceed for its protection--a new experience for a naval

officer to be ordered by a civilian. At our own station reinforcements,

comprising a portion of the 82nd Regiment, were a welcome addition to

our weak garrison. Particulars were published of the cost in casualties

at which the troops under Havelock attained the relief of the Lucknow

garrison; namely, sixteen officers killed and forty-five wounded; of

soldiers, 400 killed and 700 wounded, equal to nearly one-third of the

force engaged. No wonder that in their turn the remnants became part of

the besieged garrison.

The party of the 10th already at Benares was held in readiness to enter

Oude, and there act as occasion might require against assemblages of

mutineers. At Jounpore, a body of rebels were attacked by the Ghoorkas,

who severely defeated them, killing or disabling some 250 out of 1,200

of their strength. Some ghastly indications of events in progress were

furnished by floating bodies in the Ganges, these being seen during

several successive days, as with vultures or other foul birds perched

upon and tearing their flesh they were carried past our station. Among

them were six white bodies, lashed together by ropes, suggesting the

means by which the victims had been destroyed.

By the end of October, Sir Colin Campbell started from Calcutta to

assume direct command of the troops actively engaged against the enemy.

Travelling by “dâk,” and having with him an escort of inconsiderable

strength, he narrowly escaped capture by the mutineers of the 32nd

N.I., who lay in wait in the vicinity of the Soane, his escape being

due to the fleetness of his “gharry” horses. After that incident the

same party of mutineers doubled back and endeavoured to enter Oude by

crossing the Ganges near Patna, but were defeated in their attempt by

the armed river steamer _Koladyne_.[180]

In bitterly sarcastic terms the policy of “clemency” towards and

sympathy expressed for the “misguided” sepoy found utterance after this

manner in the _Friend of India_:[181]--

“Pity the sorrows of a mild Hindoo, whose tottering steps have brought

him to your door,

To murder you he did what man could do, and can you blame him that he

did no more?

Ripped from the body of your outraged wife, he tossed your unborn babe

upon his pike!

Yearns not your heart to save and sooth the life of one who thirsts

again to do the like?

You do not kill the serpent in your path, you do not crush the bug

when you have caught him;

And why bear malice ’gainst one who hath but turned on you the arms

whose use you’ve taught him.

Those arms at present I have flung away, finding that somehow we

miscalculated;

And that we should have picked a luckier day to glut us with the blood

we hated.

And now I stand expectant at your gate, trusting for pardon and

fraternal love:

Of serpent wisdom you have shown of late not much; show me the

softness of the dove.

And then I promise you, as time shall suit, the rich reward you’ll

have deserved to share,

The untiring hate of a remorseless brute, the poison of the reptile

that you spare.”

While Peel’s “Shannon” Brigade, so recently with us, was in progress

from Allahabad to Cawnpore, it became united to the 53rd and a party

of the 93rd Regiments. The combined force was seriously engaged at

Futtehpore with a strong body of mutineers, and although successful

in defeating them severely, after a conflict of two hours’ duration,

the victory was at the cost of many lives, among them Colonel Powell,

formerly a brother officer in the 57th. The mutineers of the 32nd N.I.,

unable to cross into Oude, had again taken up a position on the Soane;

there they were attacked and defeated by Rattray’s Sikhs, though not

without severe proportional loss among the latter. The party of the

10th from Benares came in contact with and routed a body of the Oude

rebels at Atrowlea. Meanwhile the forces under Sir Colin Campbell were

fighting their way from Cawnpore towards Lucknow.

Martial law had for some time past existed at Dinapore. In accordance

with that effective code a Court-Martial was ordered to assemble for

the trial of a sepoy of 14th N.I., on the charge of taking part in

the massacre of our men at Arrah, as already mentioned. Before that

tribunal the man was duly tried; by it convicted and sentenced to

suffer death by being blown from a gun. Early in the day following a

strong guard of the 10th took charge of the doomed man, to whom, in

the usual way, the sentence of the court was read. He was immediately

marched to the rear of the barracks, where preparations were complete

for carrying into effect the dreadful penalty. His step was firm,

though his countenance expressed despair and terror; his hands

quivered, lips moved as if in prayer. While being secured in the fatal

position, he seemed dazed; the heart-beat reduced to a mere flutter; a

bandage tied over his eyes, he faintly said, “_Hummara kussoor nahin

hye_”--it is not my fault. The officiating assistant stood aside, the

hand of the Provost Marshal was raised, there was a loud report, and

shreds of humanity flew in various directions. A scene to be witnessed

only under compunction of circumstances. Mutineer prisoners brought to

the station for that purpose had in all cases fair and open trial.

Welcome was the news that during the night between November 22 and

23 the besieged garrison of Lucknow had been withdrawn therefrom by

the force under Sir Colin Campbell, and was being escorted towards

Cawnpore. At the same time accounts reached us of the attack by the

Gwalior contingent on the last-named station; of their temporary

success by reason of numbers, and of their defeat with heavy loss in

men and guns by the Commander-in-Chief. Worn out by fatigue,--for

he was physically a delicate man,--General Havelock fell a victim

to cholera shortly after reaching the outskirts of Lucknow. In the

vicinity of Jounpore a small British force came in contact with the

Oude rebels. On that occasion our Ghoorka allies were said to have

expressed a wish not to fight any more, and to have shown their

reluctance accordingly. Then came information that a large number of

ladies and children from those besieged, together with a considerable

body of sick and wounded soldiers, had arrived safely at Allahabad from

Cawnpore, _en route_ to Calcutta.

Recollections of Thirty-nine Years in the Army Gwalior and the Battle of Maharajpore, 1843; the Gold Coast of Africa, 1847-48; the Indian Mutiny, 1857-58; the expedition to China, 1860-61; the Siege of Paris, 1870-71; etc. · 第 13 / 36 章