CHAPTER XI

_1854-1856. MEEAN MEER_

Meean Meer--Death of Brigadier--Unpleasant recollections--First

telegraphic dispatch--A son--Simla--Canal--Uniform--Shalimar

Gardens--Lahore--Sebastopol--Dost Mahomed--Troops to Crimea--Aspect

of affairs--Santhal outbreak--Another survey--Journey to Simla--

Severe illness--A weary journey--Death of infant--Sick leave--Oude

annexed--A sad case--Sail for England--Our voyage--Arrive in

England--Aberdeen.

After a succession of orders and counter-orders, the 10th marched

away[142] from Wuzzeerabad; on the eighth day thereafter entered the

recently erected and spacious barracks of Meean Meer. On the extensive

plain where they stand, the Khalsa army assembled in 1845, prior to

the “invasion of India” by them, and prior to that date quarters there

existed for the troops of Runjeet Singh. On the same plain in 1846, the

victorious army under Lord Gough encamped, and so commanded Lahore,

situated some six miles distant. The name of the locality is that of

a saint, a native of Bukkur in Scinde, who flourished in the time of

Jehangir,[143] and whose tomb still remains in tolerable repair.

Among those who died in the early part of 1854 was the Brigadier

commanding,[144] an old officer whose service in India had extended

over about fifty years. He represented a class, then somewhat numerous,

of men who had proceeded to that country while as yet in their teens,

and thenceforward spent the whole or greater part of their lives in it.

The funeral was performed with full military honours; but what struck

us as incongruous and out of place was the suddenness with which, after

it had been completed, the strains of “The Dead March” were succeeded

by those of what were described as “rollicking” airs. Surely, under

such circumstances, it would be more appropriate were the troops

marched back in silence to their barracks.

Unhappily a painful state of “tension” had for some time previous

existed in relations between the officer in command and those

immediately under him; confidence was seriously impaired among all

grades; actions and “system” of the superior looked upon as capricious,

influenced by personal feelings, and, in some instances, tyrannical.

The outcome of all this was, in respect to those affected, a condition

very difficult to be borne, an existence approaching the miserable in

place of one of friendly communication after the manner of regiments in

general. Among the ranks there was reason to believe that attempts had

been made, and others contemplated, against the objectional life. The

following incident was suggestive under the circumstances of the time.

A soldier came to hospital; a man of good character, long service, and

known never to shirk duty. To the usual question, “What is the matter

with you?” he answered, “Nothing, sir.” Then, “What brings you here?”

“Because I am harassed and worried to death, and have come to ask if

you can give me a day or two’s rest.” His request was acceded to, and

so, in all probability, a serious crime averted.

In the middle of March a Lahore newspaper published what was the first

telegraphic[145] intelligence ever received in this part of India.

According to that intelligence, the Russian Ambassador to England had

taken his departure from London; France and England were dispatching

troops in view to joint action in support of Turkey, those from our

own country comprising twenty-two battalions, and so leaving only

eleven, exclusive of Household troops, in home garrisons. A month later

came the further news that all the forces in the United Kingdom were

under orders of readiness for service; that a powerful fleet had been

mobilised; the army materially augmented, several regiments recalled

from the West Indies, and the fleet dispatched to the Baltic.

On 30th of March a son[146] was born to me by my beloved wife, as

I wrote at the time--another hostage to Fortune, and very material

inducement for exertion on my part to earn, if possible, means

whereby to maintain and educate my children in such a manner as is

incumbent upon me. The state of her health required that with the least

practicable delay she should proceed to the hills. A house was engaged

at Simla for the season, and there she passed the greater part of the

hot months.

My health having given way, I proceeded to that sanatorium somewhat

later in the hot season. Forty miles from the plains, and 7,600 feet

above sea level, the climate of Simla is agreeably cool, but rain

so heavy that during the three months of summer the fall amounts to

100 inches. In the faces of declivities from rocks and mountain spurs

grew deodars and rhododendrons, intermingled with wild apple, cherry,

holly, walnut, etc.; orchids, ferns, ivy, and woodbine. Small but

rapid streams pursue their tortuous course over their rocky beds in

each narrow valley, and at a distance of some two or three miles are

two cascades of some 70 and 120 feet in height. Away in the distance

the magnificence of the snowy range, consisting of what seems like an

interminable succession of white glistening peaks, fixes the mind in

wonder and admiration; while in a clear day it is possible to see the

plains, together with the windings of the river Sutlej.

The “inauguration”--otherwise commencement--of what was to be the great

canal uniting the Ganges and the Jumna was duly celebrated. The subject

of that canal was discussed in the public papers from different points

of view; the channel, while intended to irrigate many tracts that stand

in need of being so fertilised, would be used in places where such aid

to agriculture was not required, and in certain localities “malaria”

would appear where none now exists. It may be curious to compare those

predictions with the results of experience.

Somewhat later in the year a Cheap Postage Act came into operation in

India, according to the system adopted in England since 1841. Another

matter noted at the time had reference solely to the army; namely, that

an entire change took place in the uniform of soldiers and officers,

one item relating to which was that thenceforward the infantry were

directed to leave the upper lip unshaven,--in other words, to grow

moustachios.[147]

In the middle of October my wife and children arrived from the hills.

With health restored she was able to enjoy rides and other excursions

around our station, the crisp morning air of the Punjab restoring to

her cheeks, as to those of others that had become pallid, the rosy

tinge natural to them. The frequency with which field-days and other

great military displays took place--for our force numbered 13,000

fighting men--gave her, with other ladies, opportunities of being

present on such occasions, and entertainments of sorts furnished us

with an object or excuse to visit what were then the well-kept and

ornamental gardens of Shalimar, the original planning of which is

credited to Sultan Beg, an “Admiral of the Fleet” to Shah Jehan.

Occasional visits had to be made to Lahore, the history of which city

presenting many points of interest, a few particulars relating thereto

may be interpolated in this place. Surrounded by a line of ramparts

now dismantled and rapidly going to decay, sufficient remains to

indicate the great strength of the original fortifications. At regular

intervals there are gateways, at each of which a strong guard was

formerly posted for defence. Through one such gate we entered, and were

immediately in a labyrinth of narrow and crowded streets. The houses,

built partly of brick, partly of sandstone, are three and four stories

in height, their fronts more or less elaborately ornamented by carvings

of different kinds, but all such devices presenting evidence of decay.

What formerly was the palace of Dyhan Singh is now a pay office for

British troops. The Shish Mahal, or Glass Palace, is much defaced;

the precious stones of its mosaic work taken away, the spaces at one

time occupied by them giving to the whole an aspect of dilapidation

even beyond what has actually taken place. What was the audience hall,

however, remains in good repair, the walls and roof ornamented by

mirrors of various sizes, some set in silver frames, others in those of

gold, the whole interspersed with paintings done in the most gorgeous

colours. But how changed the style of occupants now from that which in

days gone by harmonized with such surroundings! As we entered, there

sat upon the marble floor a motley crowd of Sikhs, men and women, old

and young, their costumes betokening that they were of the labouring

classes; the mission that brought them hither to receive, at the hands

of representatives of the great Company Bahadur, pensions for sons,

husbands, or fathers who fell in battle against that wonderful and

mysterious abstraction known to “the masses” of India only by that

designation. In close vicinity to the Shish Mahal was a large mosque,

very similar in style and appearance to the Jumna Musjid at Delhi; it

was now occupied as a magazine. Thence we proceeded to the gateway

where a few years ago Rajah Nao Nehal Singh lost his life,--whether by

accident or design is still by some few persons considered doubtful.

Adjoining that gate stands the tomb of Runjeet Singh, on entering which

we found two priests ready to give whatever aid the Feringhee might

stand in need of. Under a coverlet of green cloth the Grunth, or Holy

Book of the Sikhs, was carefully preserved; but the cloth was raised

for us, so that we might look upon the sacred volume. In a shrine under

an unfinished dome within the temple or tomb, the ashes of Runjeet were

preserved, the shrine itself concealed under a green cloth; the walls

of the mausoleum covered with paintings and other representations of

Sikh mythology. In another building, though of less artistic appearance

than that mentioned, were preserved the ashes of Nao Nehal Singh and of

Soochet Singh; between the two shrines containing them lay covered as

before the Grunth.

In the last week of October came news that the Russian camp before

Sebastopol had been forced, but with a loss to the allied forces of

2,500 in killed and wounded. Many of us, besides the interest natural

to the important events then taking place in the Crimea, had personal

acquaintances among the actors in the drama of war there in progress,

and were moreover conscious of an existing possibility that we also

might be transferred to that sphere of action--a possibility looked at

from various points of view, according to circumstances, pecuniary and

matrimonial, of individual officers.

The Indian papers of the day gave currency to a report that our quondam

ally and prisoner Dost Mahomed had been making endeavours, by means

of vakeels, to sound the Indian Government in regard to an alliance,

offensive and defensive; intimating at the same time the possibility

of his coming to terms with Russia, should his proposal be rejected.

But according to the views expressed at the time, little danger was

apprehended in the North-West,--that is, from Russia,--on account of

the natural mountain barrier that serves as a defence in that direction.

Early in 1855 news reached us that Inkerman had been won[148] by our

troops, though at a cost to those engaged of 2,600 in killed and

wounded out of 6,000, the 57th being among the heaviest sufferers.

Several regiments[149] had already been sent direct from India to

the Crimea; the 10th expecting to follow to the same destination,

officers and soldiers composing it held themselves prepared for such an

emergency, which however did not occur. Among ourselves the chances of

service nearer at hand were freely discussed, as were possible risks

that might attend the further withdrawal of troops from India. That a

state of unrest existed was declared from day to day in the columns of

the local papers, and was evident to all who chose to pay attention to

palpable indications. Few, if any, of us at the time gave a thought to

the conditions to which that unrest was due, nor to the outbreak in

which it was so soon to culminate.

All ranks and grades pertaining to regiments were interested in the

varying phases of public affairs, their personal comfort, convenience,

and possible prospects being likely to be affected thereby. For some

time past Persia had treated British representatives with growing

marks of disrespect, and now the circumstance led to the withdrawal

from Teheran of the Commissioner of Her Majesty at that capital.

There were, moreover, suspicions of an intended movement on Herat,

in accordance, as believed, with Russian instigation; consequently,

the early dispatch of an expedition was looked upon as a probable

contingency,--the object, according to one set of views, to “assist”

the Shah; according to another, to coerce him. Speculation was indulged

in as to the regiments most likely to be so employed, “ours” being

considered one of the most likely to be so. Our arrangements were made

accordingly; but a year had to elapse before war was actually declared.

In the month of July (1855) came the unexpected news that the Santhals

had broken out in rebellion. We asked each other, Who are the Santhals?

They were a half-savage tribe inhabiting the Rajmahal Hills; nor was

it possible at the time to ascertain the ostensible cause of their

outbreak. The troops sent against them consisted of a local corps,[150]

composed of their own tribesmen, the natural result being that they

fraternised with the rebels. The next “force” dispatched to quell the

outbreak was a body of sepoys of the 7th N.I.,[151] and they, it was

reported, fired over the heads of the rebels, their officers using

their fists upon the men who did so.[152] Meanwhile the rebellion

spread; depredations and murders were committed wholesale. Martial law

was proclaimed in the disturbed districts; troops were employed during

seven months against men armed to a great extent with bows and arrows;

at last the guerilla warfare was brought to a close. The inaction of

the sepoys on the occasion alluded to became significant some time

thereafter when the great mutiny occurred.

The death of the Czar and accession to the Russian throne of Alexander

were the most important items of intelligence brought by the mail

arriving early in April; another, his expressed determination to

continue the war with vigour. Other items of intelligence noted at the

time as having more or less important bearings upon affairs in India,

included the withdrawal of Lord Aberdeen from the Ministry and the

appointment of Lord Palmerston as his successor; the death of Joseph

Hume, who, it was remembered, had begun his career in the Burmese war

of 1824-26; and lastly, the cross-fire between Admiral Sir Charles

Napier, on his return from Cronstadt, and Sir James Graham, the First

Lord of the Admiralty. Then came details of the attacks on the Mamelon

and Malakoff Towers, and of the losses incurred by our troops, more

especially by the 57th. Following thereon, intelligence arrived of the

outbreak of cholera among the allies in the Crimea, and of the death

thereby of Lord Raglan.

In the early days of September, the serious illness of my wife at

Simla rendered it necessary that I should proceed thither without

delay. On the journey all went well, till on arriving at the river

Beas--the Hyphasis of the ancients--the palkee in which I was being

conveyed across, by means of a boat, was by some mischance permitted

to fall into the stream, after which accident, time so pressed that

without interruption I continued my journey. Arrived at the foot of

the hills, I mounted a horse, and, lantern in hand,--for night had now

closed in,--I proceeded along the rough footpath which then was the

only representative of a road. Soon the darkness was absolute; the

roughness of the pathway had increased; the thick jungle was close

to me on either side. Then it was that my steed stumbled and fell;

myself and lantern were on the ground; my light extinguished. In this

condition of things I perforce remained a considerable time, until a

party of pedestrians, having at their head a torch-bearer, came upon

me. I was glad to return with them to the nearest staging bungalow, and

there remain till morning. Next day I resumed my journey. I reached my

destination tired and feeling much indisposed.

Five days thereafter I was seized with what proved to be a most serious

illness. One day of intense headache, another of shivering, then

prostration, then delirium, after which a blank of more than a couple

of weeks. Such were the results of this untoward journey. During those

days and nights of delirium, a succession of very horrible dreams,

hallucinations or mental wanderings haunted me, one of the most painful

being that everything in my room--bed, tables, chairs, etc.--was alive,

and that I myself was double; at the same time I was haunted with an

intensely strong desire to die. In the third week of my illness my

state was so far improved that I was able to sit up in bed, but only

for a few minutes in the day. During this trying and anxious time to

my dear wife, she had to tend me, not only by day, but also at night;

her servant, the wife of a soldier, assisting her. It was in these

circumstances that she gave birth to a son on October 7.

Weak in body, and ill as I was, my wife far from recovered, with the

additional charge of a baby to that of a sick husband, we left Simla on

October 26; in due time arrived at Umballah, and on November 4 joined

my regiment there, it being _en route_ to Dinapore. The following day

I underwent the ordeal of having the uvula cut off, that organ having

become so elongated during the severity of my illness as by constantly

irritating the throat to add to the severe cough and lung complication

which formed part of my illness. Much of our march was by road already

traversed. Our usual hour of starting ranged from three to four in the

morning; we had to rise at least an hour before that time, and I well

remember how on such occasions my dear wife, herself very ill-fitted

by reason of the weak state of her health, prepared for me a cup of

egg-flip, and so enabled me to bear removal from my camp bed to the

dooly in which I travelled. But as we marched from day to day, health

so far recovered that I became able to walk some little distance at a

time by means of a stick. My left lower limb was much the weaker of

the two, but at first I failed to perceive that it was to some degree

paralysed.

On Christmas Day our young infant was observed to be somewhat ill.

With great rapidity his symptoms increased in severity, and on the

last day of the year death came as a relief to his sufferings. As soon

as practicable after the severity of his illness declared itself, we

hurried on from camp to the dâk bungalow at Barode, and there the dear

innocent babe passed away to his rest. The thought of leaving the

remains of our loved one in the jungle was horrible; we accordingly

procured such a coffin as could be roughly put together by the bazaar

carpenter, and with our melancholy burthen pushed on to Benares,

where we arrived at 1 a.m. on New Year’s Day. It was not, however,

until sunset of the same day that arrangements for the interment

were completed, and the remains reverently committed to earth in the

Military Cemetery.

Four months elapsed, illness still prostrated me. Recovery was little

likely to occur while I remained in India; consequently there was

no alternative but to proceed on sick leave to England. On arriving

at Calcutta, much difficulty was experienced on obtaining temporary

accommodation, the hotels and other establishments being full. After

some delay quarters in Fort William were assigned to me; furniture and

equipment obtained on hire, and so I waited until official routine had

been gone through, and authority granted for my departure.

For some time past the contemplated annexation of Oude was known

throughout the military stations of India. The carrying out of that

intention was naturally looked forward to as likely to result in

a force being assembled, and perhaps engaged on active service.

My own incapacity to take part in any such service was a severe

disappointment. When, added to my physical condition, the fact that

pecuniary affairs had not yet emerged from a state of difficulty, and

that prospects were far from bright as to health being ever restored

sufficiently to enable me to meet responsibilities attached to me as

“bread-winner,” the general survey of the position in which I stood was

decidedly depressing. In one respect it was a relief to me to learn

that all chances of service had been averted; that Oude had been

annexed without the necessity for sacrificing life--at that time at

least.

In the suite of rooms adjoining ours in Fort William an officer was

suddenly seized with cholera, the attack rapidly progressing to his

death. After that event his young wife, who had been constant in her

attentions to him, observed his fingers move spasmodically, as often

happens in such cases; thereupon she rushed to the medical officer in

attendance, exclaiming frantically, “He lives, he lives; why say you

that he is dead?” Nor was it easy to convince her that her hopes were

vain,--that he had gone to his rest. The scene was altogether a very

painful one to witness, though one by no means uncommon in India.

Suffering as I was from physical weakness, and conscious of the

possibilities that might happen to those dependent upon me, in the

probable contingency which now presented itself vividly to my mind,

the fact that for some days I became prostrated under the influences

then prevailing was no surprise to myself. On the 5th of March the

_Marlborough_, in which we had embarked the previous afternoon, started

in tow of a steamer; but what between breakdowns and other mishaps, it

was not until the 17th--St. Patrick’s Day--that our homeward voyage

really began.

The voyage was by no means propitious, for, as noted at the time

various causes of discomfort and inconvenience were at work. Scarcely

had we got to sea before the woman engaged to attend our children

became ill, and so gave up her work; mumps and whooping-cough affected

nearly every child on board; my eldest had a tedious attack of fever;

my wife became ill, partly from arduous attendance on the children,

partly from the unwholesome conditions on board. Gradually there

had become perceptible a stench, which in its intensity affected

seriously the health of the people on board, and rendered discoloured

the white-lead paint throughout the vessel, the plated dishes, and

articles in personal wear. Pumps were set to work and kept continually

in use; myriads of maggots were thus taken up with the bilge-water,

proving the existence in the depths of the vessel of animal matter in

a state of decomposition. A formal representation by the officer[153]

commanding the invalids on board and myself to the captain was made on

the subject, with a request that he would put in at Delagoa Bay. That

representation was ignored; and so the remaining portion of the voyage

had to be got over, the conditions just mentioned having, as expressed,

“to wear themselves out.”

On the 1st of July we passed the Azores at so short a distance from

them that we were able to enjoy the view of those beautiful islands.

Nearing Plymouth, our ship was boarded by a venerable pilot, who,

though seventy years of age, was actively employed in his responsible

and arduous vocation. On the 14th of that month we reached Gravesend,

and there disembarked; my wife infirm in health, two of our children

unrecovered from their attacks of illness while on board, myself with

one limb disabled, my physical condition to a great extent wrecked. In

due course the ordeal of a Medical Board was gone through; the members

of that body were able to appraise the significance of that condition,

but in accordance with “the system” of the day were unable to recommend

leave of absence for any longer period than three months--a period

obviously insufficient for restoration to health and activity.

A few weeks were spent in travelling in search of health. The fact

being evident that further leave must be applied for in due time, the

climate of Aberdeen was selected as one suited to my then condition;

in that city, accordingly, we remained for several successive months,

with result as anticipated, that the bracing winter air proved to be

health-restoring and invigorating, though the period during which I

was permitted to enjoy it was insufficient for its full benefit being

obtained. In various ways civility was shown to us by residents. On the

winter “session” at Marischal College being opened, a kind invitation

was sent to me by Dr. Pirie to attend his lectures. Little thought I at

the time how soon some of the valuable teaching communicated in those

lectures was to be practically applied.

Recollections of Thirty-nine Years in the Army Gwalior and the Battle of Maharajpore, 1843; the Gold Coast of Africa, 1847-48; the Indian Mutiny, 1857-58; the expedition to China, 1860-61; the Siege of Paris, 1870-71; etc. · 第 11 / 36 章