The Democratic Conference, called by Tseretelli and his
fellow-combatants in mid-September, was totally artificial in character,
representing as it did a combination of Soviets and organs of
self-government in a ratio calculated to secure a preponderance of the
fusionist parties. Born of helplessness and confusion, the Conference
ended in a pitiful fiasco. The professional bourgeoisie treated the
Conference with the greatest hostility, beholding in it an endeavor to
push the bourgeoisie away from the positions it had approached at the
Moscow Conference. The revolutionary proletariat, and the masses of
soldiers and peasants connected with it, condemned in advance the
fraudulent method of calling together the Democratic Conference. The
immediate task of the fusionists was to create a responsible ministry.
But even this was not achieved. Kerensky neither wanted nor permitted
responsibility, because this was not permitted by the bourgeoisie, which
was backing him. Irresponsibility towards the organs of the so-called
democracy meant, in fact, responsibility to the Cadets and the Allied
Embassies. For the time being this was sufficient for the bourgeoisie.
On the question of coalition the Democratic Conference revealed its
utter insolvency: the votes in favor of a coalition with the bourgeoisie
slightly outnumbered those against the coalition; the majority voted
against a coalition with the Cadets. But with the Cadets left out, there
proved to be, among the bourgeoisie, no serious counter-agencies for the
coalition. Tseretelli explained this in detail to the conference. If the
conference did not grasp it, so much the worse for the conference.
Behind the backs of the conference, negotiations were carried on without
concealment with the Cadets, whom they had repudiated, and it was
decided that the Cadets should not appear as Cadets, but as "Social
workers." Pressed hard on both right and left, the bourgeois democracy
tolerated all this dickering, and thereby demonstrated its utter
political prostration.
From the Democratic Conference a Soviet was picked, and it was decided
to complete it by adding representatives of the professional elements;
this Pre-Parliament was to fill the vacant period before the convocation
of the Constituent Assembly Contrary to Tseretelli's original plan, but
in full accord with the plans of the bourgeoisie, the new coalition
ministry retained its formal independence with regard to the
Pre-Parliament. Everything together produced the impression of a pitiful
and impotent creation of an office clerk behind which was concealed the
complete capitulation of the petty bourgeois democracy before the
professional liberalism which, a month previously, had openly supported
Korniloff's attack on the Revolution. The sum total of the whole affair
was, therefore, the restoration and perpetuation of the coalition with
the liberal bourgeoisie. No longer could there be any doubt that quite
independently of the make-up of the future Constituent Assembly, the
governmental power would, in fact, be held by the bourgeoisie, as
despite all the preponderance given them by the masses of the people the
fusionist parties invariably arrived at a coalition with the Cadets,
deeming it impossible, as they did, to create a state power without the
bourgeoisie. The attitude of the masses toward Milyukov's party was one
of the deepest hostility. At all elections during the revolutionary
period, the Cadets suffered merciless defeat, and yet, the very
parties--i.e., the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviks--which
victoriously defeated the Cadet party at the elections, after election
gave it the place of honor in the coalition government. It is natural
that the masses realized more and more that in reality the fusionist
parties were playing the role of stewards to the liberal bourgeoisie.
Meantime, the internal situation was becoming more and more complicated
and unfavorable. The war dragged on aimlessly, senselessly and
interminably. The Government took no steps whatever to extricate itself
from the vicious circle. The laughable scheme was proposed of sending
the Menshevik Skobeloff to Paris to influence the allied imperialists.
But no sane man attached any importance to this scheme. Korniloff gave
up Riga to the Germans in order to terrorize public opinion, and having
brought about this condition, to establish the discipline of the knout
in the army. Danger threatened Petrograd. And the bourgeois elements
greeted this peril with unconcealed malicious joy. The former President
of the Duma, Rodzyanko, openly said again and again that the surrender
of debauched Petrograd to the Germans would not be a great misfortune.
For illustration he cited Riga, where the Deputy Soviets had been done
away with after the coming of the Germans, and firm order, together with
the old police system, had been established.
Would the Baltic fleet be lost? But the fleet had been debauched by the
Revolutionary propaganda; ergo the loss was not so great. The cynicism
of a garrulous nobleman expressed the hidden thoughts of the greater
part of the bourgeoisie, that to surrender Petrograd to the Germans did
not mean to lose it. Under the peace treaty it would be restored, but
restored ravaged by German militarism. By that time the revolution would
be decapitated, and it would be easier to manage. Kerensky's government
did not think of seriously defending the capital. On the contrary,
public opinion was being prepared for its possible surrender. Public
institutions were being removed from Petrograd to Moscow and other
cities.
In this setting, the Soldiers' section of the Petrograd Soviet had its
meeting. Feeling was tense and turbulent, Was the Government incapable
of defending Petrograd? If so, let it make peace. And if incapable of
making peace, let it clear out. The frame of mind of the Soldiers'
section found expression in this resolution. This was already the
heat-lightning of the October Revolution.
At the front, the situation grew worse day by day. Chilly autumn, with
its rains and winds, was drawing nigh. And there was looming up a fourth
winter campaign. Supplies deteriorated every day. In the rear, the front
had been forgotten--no reliefs, no new contingents, no warm winter
clothing, which was indispensable. Desertions grew in number. The old
army committees, elected in the first period of the Revolution, remained
at their places and supported Kerensky's policy. Re-elections were
forbidden. An abyss sprang up between the committees and the soldier
masses. Finally the soldiers began to regard the committees with hatred.
With increasing frequency delegates from the trenches were arriving in
Petrograd and at the sessions of the Petrograd Soviet put the question
point blank: "What is to be done further? By whom and how will the war
be ended? Why is the Petrograd Soviet silent?"