The future historian will look over the pages of the Russian newspapers
for May and June with considerable emotion, for it was then that the
agitation for the drive was being carried on. Almost every article,
without exception, in all the governmental and official newspapers, was
directed against the Bolsheviki. There was not an accusation, not a
libel, that was not brought up against us in those days. The leading
role in the campaign was played, of course, by the Cadet bourgeoisie,
who were prompted by their class instincts to the knowledge that it was
not only a question of a drive, but also of all the further developments
of the revolution, and primarily of the fate of government control. The
bourgeoisie's machinery of "public opinion" revealed itself here in all
its power. All the organs, organizations, publications, tribunes and
pulpits were pressed into the service of a single common idea: to make
the Bolsheviki impossible as a political party. The concerted effort and
the dramatic newspaper campaign against the Bolsheviki already
foreshadowed the civil war which was to develop during the next stage of
the revolution.
The purpose of the bitterness of this agitation and libel was to create
a total estrangement and irrepressible enmity between the laboring
masses, on the one hand, and the "educated elements" on the other. The
liberal bourgeoisie understood that it could not subdue the masses
without the aid and intercession of the middle-class democracy, which,
as we have already pointed out, proved to be temporarily the leader of
the revolutionary organizations. Therefore, the immediate object of the
political baiting of the Bolsheviki was to raise irreconcilable enmity
between our party and the vast masses of the "socialistic
intellectuals," who, if they were alienated from the proletariat, could
not but come under the sway of the liberal bourgeoisie.
During the first All-Russian Council of Soviets came the first alarming
peal of thunder, foretelling the terrible events that were coming. The
party designated the 10th of June as the day for an armed demonstration
at Petrograd. Its immediate purpose was to influence the All-Russian
Council of Soviets. "Take the power into your own hands"--is what the
Petrograd workingman wanted to say plainly to the Social-Revolutionists
and the Mensheviki. "Sever relations with the bourgeoisie, give up the
idea of coalition, and take the power into your own hands." To us it was
clear that the break between the Social-Revolutionists and the
Mensheviki on the one hand, and the liberal bourgeoisie on the other,
would compel the former to seek the support of the more determined,
advanced organization of the proletariat, which would thus be assured of
playing a leading role. And this is exactly what frightened the
middle-class leaders. Together with the Government, in which they had
their representatives, and hand in hand with the liberal and
counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie, they began a furious and insane
campaign against the proposed demonstration, as soon as they heard of
it. All their forces were marshalled against us. We had an insignificant
minority in the Council and withdrew. The demonstration did not take
place.
But this frustrated demonstration left the deepest bitterness in the
minds of the two opposing forces, widened the breach and intensified
their hatred. At a secret conference of the Executive Committee of the
Council, in which representatives of the minority participated,
Tseretelli, then minister of the coalition government, with all the
arrogance of a narrow-minded middle-class doctrinaire, said that the
only danger threatening the revolution was the Bolsheviki and the
Petrograd proletariat armed by them. From this he concluded that it was
necessary to disarm the people, who "did not know how to handle
fire-arms." This referred to the workingmen and to those parts of the
Petrograd garrison who were with our party. However, the disarming did
not take place. For such a sharp measure the political and psychological
conditions were not yet quite ripe.
To afford the masses some compensation for the demonstration they had
missed, the Council of Soviets called a general unarmed demonstration
for the 18th of June. But it was just this very day that marked the
political triumph of our party. The masses poured into the streets in
mighty columns; and, despite the fact that they were called out by the
official Soviet organization, to counteract our intended demonstration
of the 10th of June, the workingmen and soldiers had inscribed on their
banners and placards the slogans of our party: "Down with secret
treaties," "Down with political drives," "Long live a just peace!" "Down
with the ten capitalistic ministers," and "All power to the Soviets." Of
placards expressing confidence in the coalition government there were
but three one from a cossack regiment, another from the Plekhanov group,
and the third from the Petrograd organization of the Bund, composed
mostly of non-proletarian elements. This demonstration showed not only
to our enemies, but also to ourselves as well that we were much stronger
in Petrograd than was generally supposed.