CHAPTER VIII

GENOA. 1849

In spite of the many interests of his position as a great landowner and

the distractions of politics at a time of great political unrest, Lord

Hardwicke had never wavered in his love for his true profession of the

sea. In his own words, 'in piping times of peace he was loth to take

the bread out of his brother officers' mouths after he became a peer,'

by applying for active employment in the navy. He had, nevertheless,

always placed himself at the disposal of the Admiralty, where his wish

to serve his country at sea was well known. To his family he made no

secret of his ambition to resume his career in the service which had

been interrupted by his succession to the peerage. I have often heard

him say that his ideal of a happy death was to be killed by a round

shot on his own quarter-deck.

This longing for active service was, perhaps, a little relieved, but

was scarcely satisfied, by a short voyage he made in 1844 in command of

the _St. Vincent_, line-of-battle ship of 120 guns. That vessel formed

one of a small squadron which included also the _Caledonia_, _Queen_

and _Albion_, and sailed under Admiral Bowles upon an experimental

cruise of six weeks in order to determine the respective merits of

those ships.

It was, perhaps, the menacing aspect of European affairs which followed

the revolutions of 1848 which decided Lord Hardwicke again to seek

active service. He had certainly become restless, and his craving to

resume the profession which lay nearest his heart and once more to

command a battleship was daily growing stronger. Most of his friends

were opposed to that step; he had done so well and showed such aptitude

for politics, had lived so energetic and useful a life in his own

county of Cambridgeshire, that they felt so great a break in that life

as was involved in service abroad was a mistake. Moreover, Lord

Hardwicke had now a family of seven children, the eldest being only

about twelve years of age. Many were the counsels heard by his friends

to dissuade him from the step. His old friend John Wilson Croker was

among those who sought most urgently to persuade him to abandon the

idea, and the esteem and admiration in which he held Lord Hardwicke and

his devotion to Lady Hardwicke and to 'Lady Betty' (who often sat on

his knee) are plain in several letters of advice he wrote at this

juncture. But all was unavailing; Lord Hardwicke applied to the

Admiralty for a ship, and was given command of the _Vengeance_. Mr.

Croker rather unwillingly acquiesced in this course in the following

letter:

* * * * *

WEST MOLESEY: 9th Novr. '48.

'MY DEAR CHARLES,

'I cannot say that I like losing you from home at so important a

crisis, and I fear the good ship _Wimpole_ will have cause to regret

the absence of the padrone, and all the world will say that this is

proving the love of the profession with a Vengeance. But seriously,...

if dear Lady Hardwicke not only does not object, but becomes the

accomplice and partner of your exile, no one else has anything to

object, not even political friends, as you can leave a proxy. It may

also be an advantage to all the children, for it will perfect the young

ones and indeed all in the languages, and the two elder young ladies

will have opportunities of seeing what all the world desires to see.

Whatever you do, and wherever you go, you will be followed by the

affectionate solicitude of your old constant and most attached friend,

'J. W. CROKER.'

* * * * *

Lord Hardwicke sailed early in 1849 to join the Mediterranean Fleet

under Sir William Parker who was in command at that station. Lady

Hardwicke and her family were installed at Malta, where a hotel in the

Strada Forni was engaged for them.

In order to understand the insurrection at Genoa in April 1849, in the

quelling of which H.M.S. _Vengeance_ and its captain, the Earl of

Hardwicke, took so notable a part, it is necessary to take a short

retrospect of the history of Italy.

At the end of the Napoleonic Wars the opinion of Prince Metternich that

Italy is only a geographical expression was true enough. This cynical

minister of the Austrian Empire was the embodiment of the reaction

which set in after the fall of Napoleon.

Europe, worn out by the struggles first of the Revolution and then of

its conquering offspring, had one idea only--the reorganisation of the

different States and the suppression of all revolutionary movements.

The Powers therefore stood aloof from all interference in Italy and

Austria had a free hand.

By the Treaty of Paris in 1814, Savoy, Genoa and Nice were assigned to

Piedmont. This was not popular in Genoa which, hitherto a Republic, was

now handed over to Victor Emmanuel I, a reactionary of the most extreme

type. The old privileges of the Church and nobility were restored to

them. The Jesuits were allowed to overrun the country and were given

the control of education, and in the army all those who had served

under Napoleon were degraded. In fact the _ancien régime_ was restored

with interest to all those who had lost their privileges since 1793.

The hatred of France on the part of the reigning sovereigns of Italy

was a great strength to Austria. It was to the latter country that they

looked for their ideal of government. Such was the position when, in

1821, a rising took place in Piedmont for reform and a constitution,

and for the expulsion of the Austrians. It was not aimed at the King,

on the contrary the insurrectionaries professed the greatest loyalty.

Victor Emmanuel I, though a lover of his people, was not a lover of

their liberties, and the hopes of the Reformers lay in the Prince of

Carignano, a nephew of Victor Emmanuel, who afterwards ascended the

throne as King Charles Albert. This prince, though in sympathy with

reform, refused to go against the wishes of the King, who abdicated,

appointing the Prince of Carignano Regent. The constitution of Spain

was granted 'pending the orders of the new King.' This monarch, Carlo

Felice, Duke of Genoa and brother of Victor Emmanuel I, lost no time in

repudiating the constitution, which was also opposed by the Russian and

Austrian Governments.

Santarossa, who had been appointed Minister of War by the Regent, and

who was at the head of the insurrection, issued a proclamation in which

he expressed the views of the promoters of the movement. 'A Piedmontese

King in the midst of the Austrians, our inevitable enemies, is a King

in prison. Nothing of what he may say can or ought to be accepted as

coming from him. We will prove to him that we are his children.'

Liberty and freedom from Austrian influence was the cry, not disloyalty

to the ruling House of Piedmont. The rising of 1821 was not supported

in Lombardy, and was finally put down by the Austrian power.

Carlo Felice, the new King, suppressed all movement for reform and

maintained all the old prerogatives of class and caste. He, however,

proclaimed the Prince of Carignano his heir and successor, and the

latter succeeded to the throne as Charles Albert in 1831.

In every part of Italy there was revolt against mediæval government and

Austrian supremacy. In Naples after 1815 the Bourbon King had been

restored. Here the same demand for a constitution was put forward as in

Piedmont and accepted insincerely by the King. An Austrian force of

43,000 men soon relieved his conscience of any concession, and the

constitution was withdrawn.

Sicily, which under English influences during the Napoleonic War had

acquired a certain amount of constitutional freedom, was on the

restoration of the Bourbons thrown back, so far as government was

concerned, into the Middle Ages; with the same result as in the other

Kingdoms of Italy, insurrection, finally suppressed by Austrian power.

The same movement occurred in all the different States of Italy and in

all the basis of revolt was the same--a desire for unity, demand for a

constitution, and hatred of the Austrian power made more odious by the

severity of Metternich.

The forces of insurrection were stirred not only by the revolutionary

instigations of Mazzini, but also by the contributions of literary men,

the most notable of whom were Gioberti, Cesare Balbo, and D'Azeglio.

Gioberti aimed at unity, independence and liberty; the first two to be

obtained by a confederation of the various States under the Presidency

of the Pope, the last by internal reforms in each State. The ambitions

of Balbo were for a Kingdom of Italy. A confederation of States was to

him, as to Gioberti, the only practical solution. D'Azeglio, who

preached peaceful methods instead of violence, interviewed the King in

1845, and received the following reply: 'Let these gentlemen know that

they must keep quiet at present, there is nothing to be done, but tell

them that when the time comes, my life, the life of my children, my

army, my treasury, my all, will be spent in the Italian cause.' From

this time the King of Piedmont was regarded as the leader of the

Italian movement.

King Charles Albert, now a convert to liberalism, said: 'I intend to

make a form of government in which my people shall have all the liberty

that is compatible with the preservation of the basis of the Monarchy.'

In 1848, the King's hand was forced by the revolution in Vienna and the

five days' insurrection in Milan to declare war on Austria. At Milan

the liberal committees prohibited the use of tobacco which was a

monopoly of the Austrian Government. This led to a fracas which was the

immediate cause of the insurrection, and the Austrians were driven out

of Milan. Simultaneously with the movement in Lombardy there was a

rising in Venice, the Austrians were driven out and a Republic was

proclaimed. This proclamation was a great mistake, as it created

distrust between Venice and Piedmont. The war with Austria was carried

on with the utmost inefficiency by Charles Albert; he wasted every

opportunity and gave himself up to fasting and prayer, and defeated, he

had to submit to the terms of Radetzky to obtain an armistice which

stipulated for the evacuation of Lombardy, the Duchies and Venetia.

The Piedmontese Constitution was proclaimed March 1848. It established

two Chambers, gave a veto to the King, the prerogative of making peace

or war, and to the Chambers the control of expenditure.

The armistice ended March 12, 1849, and hostilities were renewed, and

the Italians were completely defeated at Novara. Charles Albert, who

had struggled bravely but incompetently, abdicated in favour of his son

Victor Emmanuel II. The new King signed the Treaty of Peace on March

26, 1849.

The war though disastrous was remarkable. For the first time an Italian

army had fought under the Italian flag with the distinct purpose of

establishing Italian unity.

The Venetian Assembly resolved that fusion with Piedmont was desirable.

The Assembly at Milan came to a similar resolution.

Nowhere was the armistice, signed by Victor Emmanuel after the battle

of Novara, more unpopular than at Genoa. A deputation from the city

waited on the King immediately after Novara, urging the continuation of

the war. On March 27 a rumour that the Austrians were in the

neighbourhood and intended to enter the city lit the fires of revolt

which, fanned by the municipality and the clergy, broke out into open

insurrection on the 29th. Arms were distributed and a Committee of

Defence was formed composed of Constantino Rata, David Morchio, and

Avezzana. It was stated that the movement was not republican in its

nature, but sprang from a feeling of indignation with the King for

having concluded what the Genoese thought a disgraceful peace with

Austria.

The foregoing pages dealing with the history of Italy were necessary in

order to show the position of affairs in that country at the time when

the episode took place of which the following is the narrative. Three

of Lord Hardwicke's letters remain giving an account of his action at

Genoa. Simple, straightforward, clear, they give not only an admirable

picture of the events of those exciting days, but also show the

character of the man who, having to act on his own initiative, cast all

feeling of self-interest aside and did what he conceived was his duty,

with, as will be seen, the happiest results to the city of Genoa. This

heroic action--because an act undertaken in a good cause without fear

of consequences and at great personal risk is heroic--gained nothing

for Lord Hardwicke in his profession; indeed it militated against his

promotion in the service to which he was devoted; and though his

application for active service in the Baltic during the Crimean War was

refused on technical grounds, his action at Genoa was sedulously used

by certain parties against him. All the more honour to the man who

could risk so much for a great cause. He saved lives, he preserved from

destruction Genoa with its palaces and treasures, and he did indirectly

help forward the unity of Italy. In these days of quick communication,

independence of action is almost impossible. The nervous man at home

may spoil the bold man at sea; but it was not formerly so, and it has

been by the initiative and on the responsibility of the man on the

spot, that most of the great deeds have been done by our

fellow-countrymen. If Nelson had not had a blind eye at Copenhagen the

history of our country might have been different. If Lord Hardwicke had

been in closer communication with Sir William Parker, Genoa might have

been destroyed.

Lord Hardwicke had no sooner joined his ship in the Mediterranean than

difficulties arose in Italy, and it fell to the duty of the fleet to

protect the interests of Her Majesty's subjects living in the different

ports. In February 1849, owing to the unrest in Tuscany and the Roman

States, he was ordered to proceed in the _Vengeance_ to Leghorn.

The following were his instructions from Admiral Sir William Parker:

* * * * *

'The Grand Duke of Tuscany having quitted Sienna for the Port of San

Stefano, and a Provisional Government established itself at Florence,

'The Roman States having also declared themselves a Republic and

apprehensions being likewise entertained that some change of Government

is contemplated in the Kingdom of Sardinia--it is desirable that

British subjects and their property in those quarters should be duly

protected.

'It is therefore my direction that your Lordship proceeds in H.M. ship

_Vengeance_ under your command, to Leghorn where you may expect to find

the _Bellerophon_, and will learn from Captain Baynes the state of

affairs in that vicinity, and the latest intelligence from Genoa.

'If you find that fears are entertained of any disturbance threatening

the safety of the persons or property of Her Majesty's subjects at

Leghorn, you may prolong the stay of the _Vengeance_ there for a few

days, to give them additional confidence and security, unless you have

reason to apprehend that commotions are also expected at Genoa, in

which case, you should lose no time, weather permitting, in repairing

off that Port, where you may place the _Vengeance_ within the Mole

provided you deem her presence necessary for the protection of the

English and that the position is secure for Her Majesty's ship.

'You will apprise his Excellency Mr. Abercromby, H.M. Minister at

Turin, of your arrival off Genoa, and the nature of your orders,

acquainting his Excellency that _it is not desirable you should remain

longer than may be absolutely necessary for affording due protection to

British subjects._ And you will throughout carefully abstain from any

interference with the political affairs of the Kingdom of Sardinia or

any other foreign Power.

'Her Majesty's Consul, Mr. Yeates Brown, will, of course, visit your

Lordship on your arrival.

'If you consider the Mole at Genoa an objectionable position for Her

Majesty's ship you will make the best arrangement in your power for the

safety of the English, and then repair to Leghorn or the port of

Spezzia, as I hope it may be in my power shortly to send a steamer to

Genoa.

'If you find the services of the _Vengeance_ are not required at

Leghorn or Genoa, you are to rejoin my flag at this anchorage, unless

any increase of the smallpox in the _Bellerophon_ should render it

desirable for the latter to proceed to Malta to land the patients, in

which case you will relieve Captain Baynes in the duties at Leghorn and

direct him to join my flag as he passes to the southward.

'Your Lordship is to keep me informed of your proceedings and of the

passing events in your vicinity, by any opportunities that offer during

your absence, sending the state and condition of the _Vengeance_

monthly, and on returning to the south you will supply any of the ships

which may remain at Leghorn with such provisions as you can spare.

'(Signed) W. PARKER.'

NAPLES: 14th Feb. 1849.

* * * * *

Later in February the following letter was addressed to Lord Hardwicke

giving him further instructions and remarking on the general unrest in

Tuscany and the Roman States.

* * * * *

_Private._

'HIBERNIA,' NAPLES: 28th Feb. 1849.

'MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'The _Bulldog_ will join you after delivering the provisions which she

takes for the _Bellerophon_, and I hope will find Piedmont in a quieter

state than is rumoured here, and that your fever patients are recovered.

'You are to keep Commander Key if you think the presence of the steamer

necessary, and then send him back to Naples, touching on his route at

Leghorn.

'The Grand Duke of Tuscany has, I fear, made a fatal mistake in

quitting his dominions. He is now quartered in a very indifferent inn

at Mole and rests his hopes on being restored by the combined Catholic

Powers after they shall have reseated the Pope at Rome, but there are

as yet no signs of a military movement.

'The Romans threaten daggers if the Austrians, Neapolitans or Spaniards

enter their States, and if overpowered mean to burn the Quirinal, &c.,

I have not, however, much opinion of their prowess.

'I hope King Ferdinand has at last had the prudence to moderate his

terms of adjustment with the Sicilians, at least so far as to afford a

chance of their acceptance. Admiral Biuder and myself will proceed in 2

or 3 days to convey the ultimatum; I fear they will still be obstinate,

but if it is rejected the armistice will be denounced by the Neapolitan

General, and the Sicilians must trust to their own resources.

The _Prince Regent_ is expected at Mette to get a new Main-Yard. Sir

Charles Napier was at Gibraltar with his squadron on the 8th, and had

been joined by the _Rodney_ and _Vanguard._

'Believe me, dear Lord Hardwicke,

'Very truly yours,

'W. PARKER.'

* * * * *

A memorandum of the same date from Sir W. Parker informed Lord

Hardwicke that H.M. steam-sloop _Bulldog_ was to co-operate with his

Lordship in the event of any disturbances in Piedmont.

* * * * *

_Memo._

'HIBERNIA' AT NAPLES: 28th Feb. 1849.

'Having ordered Commander Key of H.M. steam-sloop _Bulldog_ to proceed

to Leghorn with a supply of provisions for the _Bellerophon_, he is

directed, after he shall have delivered them, to join your Lordship for

the purpose of rendering any protection or refuge that may be

desirable, to British subjects in the event of disturbances occurring

in Piedmont.

'You will therefore take Commander Key under your orders and employ the

_Bulldog_ accordingly as long as her presence appears necessary,

sending her back to Naples whenever you think her services can be

dispensed with, directing Commander Key to call at Leghorn on his

route, for the purpose of conveying any communications which his

Excellency Sir George Hamilton, H.M. Minister at Florence, or Captain

Baynes, the Senior Naval Officer may have to forward.

'W. PARKER, _Vice-Admiral_.'

* * * * *

On March 4, 1849, Sir W. Parker tells Lord Hardwicke to remain at Genoa

or at Spezzia.

* * * * *

_Private._

H.M.S. 'HIBERNIA,' NAPLES:

4th March 1849.

'MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'Accept my thanks for your two acceptable letters of this 24 and 28

ult. I wish I could send you an answer more deserving of them but we

are now getting under weigh for Palermo with the _Queen_, _Powerful_,

and _Terrible_ in C°., carrying the King's ultimatum of the terms of

adjustment with the Neapolitans, on which we have obtained some

favourable and necessary modifications altho' I doubt whether the

Sicilians will accept them. I think however that they ought to do so

and I shall do my best to induce them.

'I think it will be better that you should remain at Genoa or Spezzia

for the present, resorting to either place at your discretion.

'My family left me three days ago by the _Antelope_ for Malta or they

would unite in every kind wish with, my dear Lord Hardwicke,

'Yours very faithfully,

'W. PARKER.'

* * * * *

On March 12, 1849, the armistice with Austria ended, and the following

proclamation clearly shows with what eager hope the Genoese welcomed

war.

* * * * *

'GENOESE!

'Our brothers, who for seven months, have been groaning under the

Austrians, are waiting for us: Italy for many centuries has been called

the "Servant of the Stranger": banishment to the words! Perhaps the

country will desire great and terrible sacrifices from us; let us

prepare ourselves. Let us assist our brave Army which is about to renew

the wonders of her courage: remember that this is the second trial and

that it ought to be the last. Conquer or die.

'And now, Genoese, my work is finished, I am preparing to depart in a

short time; presenting myself to the King and parliament, I can tell

them with safety without being contradicted: Genoa is tranquil.

'DOMENICO BUFFA,

'Minister of Agriculture, &c. &c., for the City of Genoa.'

GENOA: 14th March 1849.

* * * * *

The renewal of hostilities was quickly followed by the crushing defeat

of Piedmont at the battle of Novara. On the abdication of Charles

Albert and the succession of Victor Emmanuel to the throne, the new

King signed the Treaty of Peace on March 26, 1849. The terms of this

treaty were considered disgraceful by the Genoese and were the

immediate cause of the rebellion in that city.

From this point Lord Hardwicke's letters tell the tale.

* * * * *

GENOA: April 12, 1849.

'MY BELOVED S.,

'I may quote the old ditty of "Now the rage of battle endeth" and find

time to sit down and collect my thoughts, to write to you my dearest

wife. I shall always consider myself most fortunate in having been the

means of ending this serious conflict, saving from ruin a beautiful

city and its inhabitants from all the calamities of civil war. Whatever

may be said or thought hereafter of this affair I shall invariably feel

that it is _the best act of my life_.

'April 11.--The forces of the King of Sardinia did on Wednesday make a

public entry into the town and presently took possession of it to the

satisfaction of the citizens, who now look (as they feel) that a load

of terror has been taken from them, and that the tyranny that hung over

them is removed. There are, no doubt, some honest and dreamy minds that

feel and imagine that Italy is still to groan under the yoke of the

oppressor, but ere long that dream will dissipate when the true

position of Genoese affairs is known, and that the city was on the

point of being reduced to a heap of ruin because a few blackguards had

deceived the Genoese that they might profit by the confusion and misery

of its inhabitants.

'I have many anecdotes to tell, and you may easily imagine that in such

a state of things, a fierce attack being made on the town by shot,

shell and troops, I passing from side to side, sometimes standing in

batteries under fire and firing, sometimes on horseback to find the

General, landing at night &c., could not do this without some risk.

Moreover the _Vengeance_ being in the Mole was directly between the

batteries engaged, and all the shot passed over or fell round her. Then

shell burst over her and tore up her decks, musketry was at times

bestowed on us sufficiently to make me order the sentries on board and

the officers of the watch under cover; but no one was hurt, and it is

all over, so you will have your fear and your anxiety immediately put

under, by the joy for the safety of all.

'(We never know here when to have letters ready, for conveyances start

out every moment. I find I _can_ send you a line, so I shall, but no,

on second thoughts I believe I'd better wait for the regular packet,

ten to one the person going to Malta will only take the regular

packet.) I believe I'd better write you a little narrative of myself

and the old ship--"Britannia's Pride and France's Terror."

'For some time past (as you will have learnt from my previous

correspondence) matters in the city had been drawing towards that point

on which decisive measures are forced on both parties. What was

believed by some good citizens in Genoa to be _buffonata_, was in

reality working up the public mind to revolutionary feelings against

all law and authority. A national or civic guard existed in the town

under the new Constitution of Sardinia (for they had a constitution and

free institutions) composed of the citizens of all grades and numbering

about 8000 men.

'The municipal council with the Syndic or Mayor at their head, together

with the General of the Civic Guard carried on the Government of the

town, and put themselves at the head of a movement, which had for its

pretence the support of the King in a war against Austria, and a

preparation of the City of Genoa for defence against the common foe.

'After the defeat of the King of Novara by the Austrians and the

conclusion of an armistice, the articles of a Treaty became known which

the Genoese thought disgraceful. There was now the sacred pretence for

keeping up and augmenting a spirit of disaffection towards the

Government, and a demand was made by the municipality on General Asarta

(who commanded for the King here with a garrison of about 5000 men) to

give up the forts and defences of Genoa to the Civic Guard, and serve

out arms to the people; this was said to be for the purpose of

resisting all who joined in the aforesaid Treaty, and to defend the

city against the Austrians. General Asarta appears throughout the whole

of this affair to have conducted himself with great weakness. He gave

up Bigota and Specola, the two most important forts, to the National

Guard and distributed to the people 1400 muskets.

'This was about the state of affairs when I began to interest myself in

the state of Genoa. Seeing the populace in large numbers armed and

giving up their work, the National Guard assuming an air of more

importance, and constant drumming and parading and reviewing going on,

I saw clearly what all this was fast coming to. And on calling on La

Palavacini I seriously spoke of the prospects of Genoa, she laughed and

called it _Buffonata_; but as you will see in the sequel the laugh of

the lady was shortly changed, as were all smiling faces in Genoa.

'On the morning after, I paid a visit to my friend the old Admiral (who

is a Genoese), and on enquiring "What news have you to-day?" he

answered with a gloomy look that it was bad; that the acts of the

General were great faults, and he feared much that having once dealt

with the insurrectionists on terms of equality, they would acquire

confidence, &c. On the following morning the British Consul came on

board to me and begged me in the name of General Asarta and the

Intendente Generale, or Civil Governor of the Dukedom of Genoa, to come

at once to the ducal palace to consult with them on the state of

affairs. (By the bye I have omitted to mention that the day previously

the National Guard had seized the Civil Governor and General Fenetti,

the second in Command, in the streets and cast them into prison, but a

few hours after, released the Civil Governor.)

'I am of opinion that the advice of a foreigner is always offensive

even if asked for, and not likely to be taken; I therefore determined

to give no advice, but to go to them, and state, that I held them

responsible for the security and peace of the town.

'Before, however, going I determined to see the old Admiral (whom I had

a good opinion of, but I found I was in error). I told him what I

thought of advice by a foreigner on such occasions and that my English

ideas were decided in such a case, to defend all the property of the

Crown to the last, and make no further concessions.

'He said, "Go for God's sake." I went and gave no advice, but formally

stated to the King's officer that I held them responsible; they begged

me to put down in writing what I said, which I did.

'That very afternoon General Asarta fled from the ducal palace to the

military arsenal, and withdrew his troops from the outposts and

concentrated his fire in and around the arsenal, leaving his wife and

three daughters in the hands of the Municipality.

'On the following morning I went on shore, and on landing at the

dockyard I met the old Admiral, he was very low in spirits and informed

me that he had information that an attack was intended (immediately) on

the dockyard for the purpose of getting hold of the shot and cannon and

instruments of war. I expressed a hope that he had made all necessary

arrangements for defence of the dockyard, and that he was prepared to

defend it to the last. He answered that he was ready and would do his

duty, he was then dressed _en bourgeois_. After leaving the dockyard I

went to visit General Asarta at the military arsenal. I found him with

2000 men in and about the building, and two howitzers mounted on a

terrace which overlooks the street leading to the dockyard.

'He told me that he had thought it better to concentrate his forces,

and that as the arsenal contained a large quantity of arms, he had made

it his headquarters, that concession had gone to its limit, and that he

was determined if attacked to defend his position, but that he would do

nothing to provoke an attack.

'I, considering the present position of affairs, commended the course

he proposed, more particularly as General La Marmora with 20,000 men

was advancing on the City; and that he with his advanced guard was not

more than twenty-four hours' march from Genoa.

'From this time matters took a more serious and determined course. The

Genoese had by degrees screwed themselves up to do something, but they

did not know what. The mob, now armed, soon began to feel that they

must either work or plunder, and as they had arms in their hands, with

the municipality and the General of the Guards committed to revolt

against the authority of the Crown, they were easily worked on to begin

the affair. Whilst reading the newspapers at the public room, I was

roused from my ease by the _generale_ being beat through the streets. I

took my way to the dockyard, where, on arriving, I found a fieldpiece

brought up against the gate. At this moment the gates were opened and

the mob rushed in, a few muskets were fired, I have since found by

people looking out of the windows, and the pillage of arms and shot

began. I met the Admiral, still out of uniform. I was ashamed to look

at him; I put my hands before my face and passed him without speaking.

'I went on board the ship and from her deck witnessed the attack of the

National Guards and mob on General Asarta's headquarters. Their easy

victory over the Admiral stimulated them to act against the General; a

fire of musketry and cannon was opened from both sides and was

maintained for nearly an hour, when the city party retreated leaving

the guns in the hands of the General and twenty-one men dead--how many

women was never known.

'The General lost two killed and three women. Among the killed was a

colonel of one of his own regiments. The city was now fairly up, the

tocsin was rung, everybody took up arms, barricades were thrown up

everywhere, and troops bivouacked in the streets. Sentinels, both male

and female, stood at the barricades, and priests in their proper

garments shouldered the musket. This evening a barbarous murder of a

Colonel of Carbineers was committed by the armed populace; he after the

attack on the arsenal put on a plain coat, and walked out to see his

wife who was alone at his home in the town. He was recognised by the

people, they led him to a church where twenty-one bodies of the slain

were laid out, they ordered him to count the bodies audibly. He did so.

They then said, "We want twenty-two and you shall be the

twenty-second." With that he was pierced with bayonets and shot at.

From this mode of treatment he was an hour and a half before death

released his sufferings. His wife was hunted from house to house till

she found shelter on board the _Vengeance_.

'There have been, of course, a number of similar and even more

revolting crimes committed, but I shall not speak of this more. General

La Marmora has shot all his men that have taken the lead in plunder or

rapine, and imprisoned the remainder, and I hope and believe that

nothing of this sort now goes on.

'In this state of affairs I next morning went to visit General Asarta,

having previously called at the ducal palace to see his wife and

children. I got access to them, but found her carefully guarded, and,

in fact, a hostage in the hands of the mob for the conduct of her

husband. It was a painful interview, the manner of her guards towards

her was in my presence respectful, but cold and severe; she and her

children have escaped all personal injury but have been plundered of

all they possess.

'I was met at the gate of the arsenal by Captain Cortener, an artillery

man that I knew, in tears; from him I learnt the disgraceful surrender

of the troops, and that the General with 5000 men was to evacuate the

town in 24 hours. I found the General had lost his head, he hardly knew

me, and so I rendered him the last service in Genoa, that of sending a

carriage to take him the first stage to Turin, leaving his wife and

three daughters in the hands of General Avezzana, the head of the

revolt.

'Every preparation was now made by the Municipality and National Guards

for the defence of the place against the King's Forces, approaching

under the command of a young and energetic General. I amused myself

with visiting all their posts, and observed that in the affairs of war,

there were very few among them who knew anything about it.

'Great importance was given to barricades--the word seemed to be

ominous of security--they reconstructed them now, building them of the

fine paving stones of the Place, with sand filled between the stones.

They had embrasures in them in which they mounted one or two heavy

pieces of ordnance; but all this time they were neglecting the forts

and walls of the town--their real defence; and I saw what would happen,

and it did happen, viz. that the town wall was carried easily by

escalade.

'The man now holding the military command was one General Avezzana, a

Piedmontese, of low origin I should think; he was an adventurer, had

been concerned in former revolutionary affairs in Italy, and had about

twenty years ago gone to America, where he married a Miss Plowden, an

Irish emigrant in New York. He seems, between the two avocations of a

military and a commercial life, to have made some money. Last year when

Italy and France began this revolutionary concord, he, loving troubled

waters, came over to Genoa and by some means got the King of Sardinia

to give him the appointment of General of the _Guardia Civica_ of

Genoa, a force of nearly 10,000 men of all arms, having cavalry and

artillery included in the force. This force included the noble, the

shop-keeper, and the small trader, and even people having no stake in

the town beyond the occupation of a lodging. It was under the orders,

constitutionally, of the Crown in the first place, and then of the

Mayor, or Syndic, and his council.

'Genoa now stood alone with its own Government and its own army, at war

with its legitimate Monarch the King of Sardinia. They hoisted the

Sardinian flag nevertheless, but without the Royal Arms in the centre.

'In addition to this force there were in the town persons who had been

by degrees arriving for a long time past, people who form the _Guardia

Mobile_ of Italy, and have gone from town to town exciting discontent,

about 2000 in number of all nations, under officers French and Poles.

In addition, about 30,000 muskets with ammunition in abundance had

fallen into the hands of the Genoese on the taking of the arsenal, so

that women and boys were armed. This was the state of things early on

the morning of the 3rd of April; during the 2nd, a Provisional

Government had been formed for the Duchy of Genoa and the Genoese flag

paraded through the streets. This Government consisted of Albertini, a

scoundrel and a blackguard, Reta, and Avezzana.

'I contemplated the state of things with deep interest. On the

afternoon of the 3rd, as I was walking slowly from post to post towards

the Porta della Lanterna I heard the crack of a musket, followed by

eight or nine in rapid succession; there was great stir in the streets

immediately and the _generale_ was beat, and the tocsin began to sound.

I passed on rapidly towards the Porta della Lanterna from which point

the firing had now become rapid, and meeting a man who had received a

musket ball flesh wound, I asked him the news; he said that La

Marmora's _bersaglieri_ or light troops, had got over the wall.

'I now turned back towards the town and was much questioned at the

first barricade by the people; when I told them that General La Marmora

had got into the suburb, there was a universal flight from the

barricade, which made me laugh exceedingly, and did not give me a very

high opinion of the valour of the Genoese insurrectionary troops, but

it was only the first panic, and they recovered from it.

'At this moment a gun was fired from the head of the old Mole, and as

its direction was towards the _Vengeance_, I went on board.

'Now to give you an idea of the powers I had as a spectator of the

coming conflict, I must tell you that the Mole of Genoa is

semicircular, all the land rises in hills and terraces from the water,

and the ship lay in that part of the semicircle next the Porta della

Lanterna, and not above 300 to 400 yards from the whole field of

battle. You will see what a good view I had of all the affair, and that

all the shot from the opposing batteries passed over, or round the ship.

'On arriving on board, I saw that the light troops of General La

Marmora were carefully and slowly descending from the heights, and

driving in the outposts of the citizens; it was very pretty to see the

way in which these men conducted the proceedings. First of all, they

are very picturesque troops, having on their heads a hat which has a

long flowing feather (which is a gamecock's tail dyed green); figure to

yourself the rifle men in the _Freischutz_, and you have the men before

you. Singly and silently did these men advance, peeping over every

wall, making every bank a cover, and killing or wounding at almost

every shot; while the citizens were crouching in confused groups, and

as a man of the group fell from the unseen shot, the rest ran away,

fired on from ten to twelve points, and thus dispersed. On all this I

looked as upon a map. The consequence of all this was, that in about

three hours 120 light troops, the general, La Marmora in person, which

was all of his army that had arrived, took possession of the suburb of

Genoa up to the first barricade of the town; but behind, and cut off,

was the fortress of the gate, the key of Genoa, which the National

Guards still held.

'About this time as the troops of La Marmora were seen on the heights,

the town battery on the Mole had opened its fire, but no reply could be

made to it; as yet La Marmora had no guns over the wall.

'About 1 o'clock P.M. three cheers and a shot from a gun showed that he

had mounted his first piece of ordnance on the height above the gate.

During the night the fire was kept up between this one gun and the guns

on the town mole head.

'I must now pause to let you know that many refugees were on board, and

as the fight thickened, I had no doubt that the morrow would fill the

ship with folks of all nations and both sexes.

'During the night a portion of La Marmora's advanced guard had arrived,

and a battalion of light troops as well as one of infantry had got over

the wall. He now made his attack on the gate, which was soon taken;

some few escaped to the seaside and hid themselves in the rocks, but

the greater part were killed. He also pressed forward along the road

towards the city's first strong position, but his men got on but

slowly, for the houses and points that afforded cover were well

contested, and he lost many men.

'However, now he had got possession of the batteries of the Lanterna,

mounting 19 guns, 68- and 32-pounders, with which he began to thunder

away about 1 o'clock on the town. Before dark La Marmora had possession

of all between the Lanterna and the Doria Palace, but here his

difficulties increased; the fighting was severe during the whole of

this day, and for the last five hours General La Marmora did not

advance a foot. At about two o'clock in the afternoon General La

Marmora sent an aide-de-camp to me, to beg to see me.

'I was on shore at the time looking at how the rebels got on at their

advanced post, but as soon as I was informed I went to him. He was out

on horseback at his attacking point, so asking for a horse, I mounted

and rode towards his post of attack. I met him returning. We were very

well fired on with round shot on our return, but as he and I rode

together two shots struck on each side of us, which led me to remark to

him that they fired well; he told me that that battery was commanded by

a deserter from their artillery.

'In this ride back with him I got at all his intentions with regard to

the city.

'He told me he had 25,000 men coming up, that there was no mode of

warfare that he would not visit on the city, shot, shell, night attack,

and I added, "What say you to pillage," he replied, "I cannot guarantee

the contrary."

'After dismounting at his headquarters, a room in the gateway, he

begged me to look out for the Sardinian fleet expected, and to deliver

to the Admiral two letters.

'I then, after visiting his batteries, went on board. Whilst standing

in the battery of the Lanterna his men, after begging me to bob under

the parapet and then trying to pull me down, were surprised to hear

that on board ship, bobbing was tabooed to me, and therefore we were

not accustomed to do so, but, as I told them, I had not the least

objection to their doing so. Both sides fired very well and with great

rapidity, and at this time La Marmora had thirty guns and mortars

bearing on the town, to which the town was replying with about forty,

so there was a very respectable cannonade carried on.

'At about 6 P.M. he took the Doria Palace, the fire from his artillery

forcing the city people to leave it. He now established his advanced

posts for the night in the Doria Palace. This day had put more than 120

refugees on board the ship, but she was not so comfortable as we

expected. I was full; and for three nights never pulled off my clothes,

indeed I could not find a square foot to rest on, in either cabin.

'I really, my dear, must leave out all the interesting details of my

arrangements and difficulties with your sex, the state of things such

as this beggars description! I was anxious to give shelter to all, and

in the afternoon, before I saw the General, it began to grow rather

warm in Genoa. I called at the house of my Genoese lady friends, and

such as had not already fled I induced to take shelter on board. At one

lady's house the fair owner was in such a state of indecision I could

bring her to no resolution, as a shell passed or fell near her house

she would wring her hands and cry out, "What shall I do? My beautiful

furniture! My beautiful house!" but she never said one word about her

husband who was in a fort above the town, which fort I knew must soon

be attacked, or her infant child who was with her. At last on my

telling her I must go, as I had much to do, she came and was taken on

board; but I must leave this part of the play to be told _viva voce_.

'At about half-past eight this evening, having served the poor

frightened refugees with the best fare I could give them, finding that

La Marmora's fire was very serious against the city, and that to-morrow

it would be twice as severe, seeing the wretched state of the poor

Genoese women on board, and the more dreadful state in prospect for

them in the town, I took the resolution of, at all hazards to myself

and without consulting anyone, to try and stop this state of things; I

ordered my gig to be manned.

'I must here, my love, break off my narrative till next post; the

steamer will wait no longer and my dispatches must go on board.

'Adieu, my love.

'I am, ever your devoted

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

GENOA: April 20, 1849.

'MY BELOVED S.,

'I have no sooner dispatched my letter to you this afternoon than I

again take up my pen to carry on the narrative of the recent events

here.

'I left off at the point where I determined to interfere and start for

the shore in my boat. It was fortunately a fine night, a few low light

clouds floated in the atmosphere, the roar of artillery, so close that

the ship shook at every discharge, the roaring hiss of the shot, the

beautiful bright fuse of the bomb-shell, as it formed its parabola in

the air, sometimes obscured as it passed through a cloud and again

emerged, gave an active and anxious feeling to my mind. I could not but

feel that I had a great and a good work in hand, I was soon on shore,

the only gate in the city that was guaranteed to be open I pulled for;

it was directly under the fire of the Boys' Home, two round shots

struck the ground as I landed passing close over our heads. Desiring my

coxswain to pull the boat back among the shipping and out of the line

of fire, I walked to the gate and beat against it with the butt end of

my sword; it was opened by one of the few officers of the Civic Guard

who now wore his uniform. Saying a few civil words to him I passed on

up the street to the ducal palace. This city was at this moment worth

contemplating.

'Usually crowded with both sexes in rapid motion and gay laughing

conversation, it now was like the city of the dead, its silence only

disturbed by the explosion of the shells or a wall struck by shot, and

the occasional reports of musketry in quick succession.

'I had to pass three barricades before reaching the Palace, the two

first were deserted, on passing the third a bayonet was presented to my

breast. On looking up I found the other end was in the hands of a

pretty delicate woman. I pushed the weapon aside and giving her a

military salute, passed on. I got easy access to the Municipal Body.

'It is not easy to give in writing a perfect idea of this night's

scenes. You must carry in your head the state of Genoa; the people who

formed the municipality were persons who had only read of war, they had

never seen its terrors before; they were fathers and husbands, men of

property, all within the city walls; they were the heads of the revolts

in the first instance, about soon to become the followers or slaves of

the armed rebel, or die.

'The present state of things favoured my plan. I was received by four

of the good people who sat quietly waiting for others, and about twenty

people, among whom was the Bishop of Genoa, were soon in the room. I

opened my mission to them and drew as strong a picture as I was able,

obliged to speak French, of the position, and then asked them if they

agreed to my view of that part of this case. They concurred in all I

said.

'It was to the effect that the military power was outside and inside.

That the one inside was most to be feared, and that no question existed

at this moment to warrant a resistance which would destroy the city,

give the wives and children to rapine, and their homes to pillage,

without a chance of success on their side.

'I next put before them their duty, which was at once to set a good

example; to rally the respectable people, and people of property in the

town, and separate themselves from foreigners and niggards; next, to

surrender the city to the King's general, and not to sit to see it

destroyed without a struggle to save themselves from ruin and disgrace.

To all this they gave a ready assent; but how to act was the question.

'I said, "If you have confidence in me let us act together," and moving

to the table I took up a pen and began to write on a sheet of paper,

when lo! a visitor made his appearance that aided me much in my

intentions. A shell knocked off the top of the chimney and perforated

the wall, exploding in the chimney of the ante-room to the one we were

in. The effect was great, but I coolly said, "Oh pooh, only a

shell--let us go on," and the fear and excitement which had for a

moment prevailed subsided, my words and manner restoring confidence and

stopping observations. La Marmora's messenger did me good service, for

on finishing my draft of a treaty it was generally approved of; but

they added an additional clause giving an amnesty to all for recent

offences. This clause I objected to, but being in haste to see what

General La Marmora would say to me, I deferred all discussion till my

return.

'I got quickly down to my boat and pulled across the mole to the Porta

della Lanterna, and found no interruption from the sea to the works

above, till I came to the gate; here of course I had to wait till all

the forms were gone through which state of war required. I found the

General had gone to St. Pierre de la Regina, two miles off for the

night; no wonder, for nineteen 68- and 32-pounders were firing from the

lantern battery, and a fire of ten or twelve guns returning the salute

from the town on this point alone.

'Away I trudged, and, after some lost time, found the General in his

bed. He had been up like me three nights, this was my third, and was

ill with fatigue and anxiety. I prefaced all I had to offer by an

apology for putting myself forward in such a case. I made my proposals

for the surrender of the city. He was most frank and manly in his

answer. He said he thought all I said and offered was most fair, and if

I would add a clause for the disarming of the population he would sign.

This was a great step; I saw the man liked me and that I could deal

with him. I saw too that he was a gentleman, a soldier and a humane

man. I now determined in my own mind that the city should surrender,

and I hoped on my own terms. So I went to work with a good will. I was

soon back again with the municipality, and sat in their room till four

in the morning fighting in debate clause by clause of my articles.

'By this time the lawyers had come, Avezzana the general had arrived,

and it was hard work. I got all the clauses passed even to the

disarming of the people, but the great tug was a general amnesty which

they demanded. On this point I was determined.

'Imagine my debating this with the proscribed whose case was life and

banishment, or death!

'First fury and anger and threats were used against me; then

supplication and tears. I was firm. I said I could never ask of any one

that which I myself would not grant; that I thought the city of Genoa

highly criminal; that some punishment must be and ought to be inflicted

on it; but that I would be fair and merciful in what I did, and that I

would find out from the General La Marmora what his most lenient views

were in regard to the leaders of the revolt. At five I was at the

landing place of the Porta della Lanterna, when as soon as I landed,

the Piedmontese sentry fired right at me at about three yards'

distance, and ran as fast as he could, the ball passed quite close to

my right. I came up with him, and took his musket from him, shaking it

I found it had just been discharged. I taxed him with firing at me, he

owned it saying his regiment had arrived in the night and he was just

put on as sentry. He heard he was surrounded with enemies so he fired

at the first man he saw. I frightened him by pretending to drag him

before the General, but laughing let him go. The fact was, as he

stated, he was in a devil of a funk, and so thinking to make short work

did not challenge before firing. I was surprised at finding a sentry on

this spot, he had been put there since I was last there.

'I found La Marmora at the Lanterna; he now drew up a paper in

accordance with mine, giving life and property to all, with a promise

to intercede with the King to-morrow; the punishment of the leaders to

as few as possible; with this I again returned to the ducal palace.

'Before leaving him he proposed to cease his fire on the city till my

return. I told him in reply I did not ask him to do so, however as soon

as I left him his fire ceased. This was most humane on his part, for it

was full an hour and a half before I got the town batteries to cease

their fire. La Marmora, however, began a fierce attack with musketry,

&c., on the advance post of the town.

'This my last visit to the Municipality was the most painful of all,

for I had to sit apart and allow them to fight among themselves. I

stated that what I had laid before them was the ultimatum, that I could

and would ask no more, and that if they did not agree to this I should

take my leave; that the fire would be resumed with increased vigour and

that the destruction of the city and blood of its inhabitants must lie

at their door.

'They then proposed to me, finding I was inexorable, to go in a body to

the General if I would go with them. I consented and took them over in

the barge. On my way I informed them that I would not help them in

their appeal to General La Marmora with regard to entire amnesty, but

that I would join them in gaining time; on which it was agreed to press

for 48 hours of cessation of arms, and that a deputation from the city

might go to the King at Turin.

'On going into the presence of the General I drew aside and sat on a

bed, whilst the deputation urged their claims, and as in Italy

everybody is eager and full of gesticulation, the noise and confusion

was tremendous. I had not seen this for we were treating under fire and

all were silent, those who had the best nerves were the speakers. If

you want to make peace treat under fire; for me it will become a maxim.

However after about two hours' wrangle, the General came up to me and

said, "Are you not 'accord' with me? that you do not speak," so much

had I gained of his mind that he would not act without me. In short I

may now say, the 48 hours were granted. The deputation went to Turin,

they got 48 hours more, and the city was surrendered on my treaty, the

King granting an amnesty to all but twelve persons named, and they had

been allowed to escape.

'During all this time a severe engagement had been carried on at the

advanced posts. The Doria Palace had been taken by the King's troops

the evening before. Batteries had been erected against it by the rebels

and the contest was most fierce, all the morning batteries were firing

on both sides with high guns. An attack by escalade was preparing

against Fort Bogota, a sally had been made from it to destroy La

Marmora's works, more troops were coming up, and occupying ground on

the east side of the town. My business now was to exert myself to make

the fire to cease on all sides.

'My love, I must leave my narrative for another letter, I find it takes

more time even to relate it shortly than I thought. I must write my

despatch to the Admiral and write to you a short note.

'H.

'Excuse faults, I've no time to read it over.'

* * * * *

GENOA: April 27, 1849.

'MY DEAREST S.,

'I have so long neglected to pursue the narrative of events at this

place, that I fear you will think I had forgotten both you and it, but

in truth since the troubles have ceased, I have been so well employed

in writing and disciplining this ship, this each day takes me till 1

P.M., that I have not found the days too long. But now I am out of the

port, for I weighed this morning with _Prince Regent_ for a little

exercise, I shall finish this short narrative of past events.

'I think I had acquainted you of the completion of the armistice and

terms, signed by all parties, for surrendering and accepting the

surrender of the town. Having therefore seen the deputation of the town

off for Turin, my next most anxious endeavour was to cause the battle

to cease, which had been carried on at the advanced posts with great

smartness. I therefore once more took to my boat to begin the arduous

duty of separating the combatants. General La Marmora sent

aide-de-camps, but it took time before they could reach all points from

which cannon were firing, not on the town but all the points of attack.

The first stop I put on the firing was by landing on the mole and

taking a 32 lb. gun that was being worked against the Doria Palace. I

landed with my six gigs, and they drove them with their swords from the

gun, which I ordered to be drawn and all the ammunition to be thrown

into the sea. But my coxswain thought the powder too good, and when I

again got into the boat I found it all stowed away in her. Of course a

body of muskets mustered against us to drive us away, in turn, with

fixed bayonets. I walked quietly up to them, and after being informed

how the case stood, with a little grumbling they went quietly away.

'From hence I went to the naval arsenal; here I was warned at the

entrance, by sentry, to take care, for the houses that commanded the

basin and storehouses were full of armed men, placed there in readiness

to attack the arsenal with a view to release the galley slaves. I went

in, however, and saw the Commander of the Bagnio, and looked at the

means of defence that might be offered if attacked; he told me he was

quite deserted, but if matters came to the worst he would make an

attempt to defend the prison. From the Arsenal I went directly to the

headquarters of the rebel General. Here elbowing my way amid a host of

armed brigands and people of the lower and lowest class of Genoese I

found the general, Avezzana, seated at a table in a moderate sized

room. As soon as I was offered a seat at his table, a crowd of armed

folk filled the room and pressed hard upon us. He was haughty and

distant in his manner; I said that I had just seen the deputation off

for Turin and that as an armistice was agreed on for forty-eight hours

I begged he would at once do all in his power to cease the firing on

his side; he was out of humour and said: "When General La Marmora

does!" He then charged me with being a partisan. I said I feared I was,

and belonged to a party in the world that loved order and government.

"Oh ah!" said he, "but you have taken on you and thrown the ammunition

of the people into the sea"--on which there was a shout as he raised

his voice in finishing his sentence. I saw my ground was critical and

that much depended on myself, so I quietly but audibly said, "Yes, I

did so, and shall do the same whenever I find the like; I have not

toiled for two nights and days to save the property of the poor, the

widow from affliction, and the orphan from wretchedness (I might have

said more) and now for the sake of a few cartridges to allow more blood

to be shed, when you have signed a peace." This was a blow he did not

expect, for he had not told the people he had signed, but on the

contrary went out and harangued at the barricades talking stuff about

liberty, death, patriotism and all other fine things. He quietly

listened though, and began to question me as to many things he said I

had done against the people. On this I rose, took up my hat and in a

haughty tone said, "I don't come here to be questioned, but to make

peace, so I wish you good morning."

'There was a murmur, and then a civil speech from those about me to

pray I would be seated, when suddenly the tone of questioning was taken

up by a young man in a blue and red uniform, standing close to the

General in a most intemperate manner. To him I civilly said I would not

be questioned, and rose, took my hat and departed. They made a lane for

me; the young man followed me and grasping my hand said, "I beg your

pardon, I know I was very hot, but I have had two horses killed under

me this morning." I said I thought that ought to make him cool, on

which he laughed and said, "I am not a Genoese, I am a Frenchman." He

then told me he was sent by the Republicans in France to aid the cause

of liberty in Italy.

'I said, "Well, if you wish to see me, come on board to-morrow at 9." I

never saw him again.

'I remained on shore visiting several points where the fire had been

most active, and about 3 P.M. all was silent, the battle was over, and

I came on board to my crowd of women and children. You may suppose I

was well tired. I had not had my clothes off for 3 nights, and only a

plank and an hour or two the nights previous to the last. I, however,

took the head of my table at 6 o'clock; it was a beautiful evening, and

with the Genoese ladies and Captain Tarlton to take care of me I sat

out in the stern gallery till 10 P.M., when Tarlton told me he had a

bed made for me in a spare cabin below. In this I got a good night's

rest in spite of the diabolical witlow; the witlow is so unromantic a

wound that I shall leave it out of the narrative for the future. The

next morning I was with General La Marmora at daylight and from him I

went to the municipality. I found them in a sad plight, full of terror.

The Syndic, or Mayor had been threatened in the night. Albertini, a

leader of the revolt, one of the worst of ruffians I am told, entered

his bedchamber at midnight with money orders and proclamations ready

drawn out, and with a pistol to his head forced him to sign them. I had

a long conversation with them on the state of affairs, I found that the

Red Republicans had shown themselves in reality.

'I advised them to send out confidential emissaries to all the National

Guards of a respectable character that could be found, to come to the

ducal palace; to get the mob on pretences of various kinds out of it,

and at once begin to endeavour to rally the better spirits within the

town. They promised me they would do so. They then showed me an

excellent paper they had drawn up, containing the truth in regard to

the armistice and present position of affairs. They were afraid to

publish it, for Avezzana had told another story. I suggested that such

a paper, published with the signatures of all the European Consuls,

would have an excellent effect. They thought it the best, but again

were afraid of being thought the authors; so I then offered that it

should be mine and I could at once try and get the consuls to sign it.

You can hardly conceive the relief even this small act, and truth

having a chance of being told, seemed to give them. I went straight to

the French Consul and found him at home, showed him the paper which he

seemed to approve, said I might leave it to him and he would summon the

Consuls and do the needful. He did nothing. Leon Le Favre, brother to

Jules Le Favre, editor of the _Nationale_, Red Republican; but more of

him by and bye.

'I now went on board to breakfast, having the day previous had a letter

from Sir William Abercromby, our Minister at Turin, begging me to do

all I could for the King of Sardinia in his distress; and the letter

containing a positive request that I would prevent all the Sardinian

vessels from entering Genoa, as they are bringing more Reds and

Lombards to assist the revolt; and having had one of my cutters fired

on with grape in relieving guard the evening before, I determined to

move the _Vengeance_ into the inner mole, where I could work the ship

effectually, if I chose, to prevent the entrance of anything into the

harbour for disembarkation. While in the act of moving the ship I

received the serious news from the Municipality, that it was the

intention of the Reds, with Albertini and Campanelli at their head, to

at once open the Bagnio and let loose the galley slaves; begging at the

same time that I would take it on myself to prevent this, as it could

only be in contemplation for purposes easily conceived, though dreadful

to contemplate.

'I now placed the ship in a position to command with her guns the

dockyard and houses opposite to it. She had opposed to her a 20-gun

battery in the dock-yard and Bagnio, and a 20-gun battery on the

opposite side to the dockyard, one of 15 guns on the bow, and various

small masked batteries on various heights about the ship; not naming

the great forts on the heights. But be it remembered that these works

were ill-manned, and none provided with trained artillery men. Having

secured the ship and got her ready for action, not loading guns, I

never loaded a gun while at Genoa, I went on shore and found that the

Governor of the prison had received his summons to open the doors, and

had refused. He was glad to see me, we now settled his plan of defence

as far as he was able, and to my astonishment he struck chains off

fifty _forçats_ and put a musket into their hands. He made excellent

arrangements for defence, and assured me he could rely on these men. I

had them drawn up and found they all understood the weapon. I told them

if they behaved well, &c. &c. &c. I now informed him that at the first

report of a musket fired from a point agreed on, I should land with 150

marines, and my gun boats would enter the mole and would sweep with

grape the houses and wharfs, while the ship could do as she pleased. I

am praised in a public letter from Sir William Parker for this, the

only act that was not neutral and that would, had the Reds acted, have

brought the _Vengeance_ into the whole affair. To end the affair at

once these acts of mine stopped the whole thing, and broke up the Red

gang in Genoa.

'It also had another effect; it cleared my ship of every soul. As soon

as we anchored and prepared for battle, every soul fled the ship and

got away through Marmora's army to St. Pierre de la Regina, where they

were quite safe.

'Just after the sun had set this evening and it was growing dark enough

not to know green from blue, a steamer at full speed was seen entering

the port, and to my horror La Marmora's nineteen gun battery at the

lighthouse, while she was passing close under _Vengeance's_ bows,

opened fire upon her, putting two 30 lb. shots through her hull. In an

instant all the batteries opened on him, I thought all my efforts in a

moment destroyed. In a fit I jumped into the first boat, and shoved on

board the Frenchman, sending an officer to La Marmora's batteries to

beg them to leave off firing. To end this story, the officer at La

Marmora's battery had mistaken the French for the Sardinian flag, and

fired on it. The mistake cleared up, to my joy the volcano ceased

vomiting, but here was more fat in the fire. I sat down to my dinner at

six once more in peace and _tête-à-tête_ with Tarlton talking over our

affairs with the gusto given by a superior appetite to a shocking bad

dinner, when in burst the two French captains, one of the _Tonnerre_ a

frigate in the port, and the other the captain of the packet.

'I won't try to paint with my poor pen the scene, but I was highly

amused and in such imperturbable good humour, that even the captain of

the _Tonnerre_, calling me a party man and attacking me as if I had

fired at his nasty flag, did not make me call him what I might with

truth have done, a Red. He would not eat, or drink, or do anything but

fume. At last I coolly said "_Eh bien, Monsieur, c'est votre faute_."

"Why, how, what you mean, Monsieur?" "That you have set the example of

_Tricolor_, and desire all the world to adopt it, and are now angry

because blue and green are so much alike, that after the sun has set

one colour cannot be known from the other"; on which the Captain of the

packet said _Bon!_ and laughed heartily; he was a good little man and

made light of the whole affair. The French have insisted on the extreme

of satisfaction in this case.

'The next morning I was with the municipal body at 5 A.M. I found them

in the lowest possible state of despondency and terror, although there

was a change for the better in the appearance of the National Guard.

They with anxious looks led me to their chair, shut the doors and then

revealed to me in low tones that the state of affairs was worse. Of

this I felt sure that it would either end in a pillage and a massacre,

or cease from that moment.

'They placed before me a letter of Avezzana's addressed to the

municipal body, threatening them with energetic measures if they did

not advance the revolt by more activity. I found he and Albertini had

instituted a tribunal, Albertini as president, with power of life and

death with instant execution. Guillotines were built; these poor devils

were waiting their doom. I sent for him, by a civil message, of course,

I taxed him roundly with his intentions and bad faith. He, cowed,

answered in a subdued tone. In short, the game was up, he that day

tried to put an insult on me through the flag, failed again, got aboard

an American ship and fled that night.

'I can't go on with this story any longer, I have written it to its

positive finish to amuse you, my dearest wife. I have told it very ill,

it may form, when we meet, a subject for an evening's conversation,

when I can fill up gaps, explain incongruities, but not read my own

handwriting.

'If you show it to anyone, take care it is only to a mutual friend or

sister; it is not fit to meet the eye of a critic or indeed of anyone,

but it is a note of the time from which a statement might with some

further details be made.

'I have not said a word of loss of life. The King of Sardinia has about

100 killed, 15 officers and 300 wounded. What the loss on the side of

the revolt is, no one can tell. My surgeons attended the wounded, sent

by me; all the time the hospitals were full, but they said more were

carried home than went there. They must have buried their slain in the

night, for I have seen many women who have never seen their sons or

husbands since the day the firing began.

'The Doria Palace and houses round it show the chief destruction. The

town has suffered little, it did not last long enough to make

impression on stone and marble houses. Five shell fell into the Ducal

Palace, and six into the great hospital, the rest are scattered about,

so that the damage only meets the eye here and there.

'I have a satisfaction in feeling that I shortened the punishment of

the beautiful city.

'Its frescoes and its pictures, given to the bomb and the sack, would

have been forgotten in Europe, and its ancient splendour might only

have been talked of as existing before the bombardment of 1849.

'I say this to you only, and now shall hold my peace for the future.

'Yours ever,

'H.

'PS.--Packet sails at 6; hour 5 P.M. April 30.'

* * * * *

These graphic letters, which were never intended to see the light,

clearly show the important part taken by Lord Hardwicke as mediator

between the insurgents and the King's army. They show him cool under

fire and intrepid in action. Humane he certainly was, and it was the

feeling for the city and its inhabitants which prompted him to take

action outside the strict limits of his duty. Nothing succeeds like

success, and all this was accomplished without a gun being loaded on

board the _Vengeance_. If Lord Hardwicke had had to 'sweep with grape

the houses and the wharfs' as he threatened to do, the fat would have

been in the fire and the question of interfering in the affairs of a

foreign nation might have been raised. The knowledge, however, of his

determined character, and that he would not hesitate to shoot should

the necessity arise, was sufficient to deter the rebels from carrying

out their threat to open the prison doors and let loose the convicts on

the town.

A striking proof of the part the _Vengeance_ took in foiling the

schemes of the rebels is afforded in the pages of a little book written

at the time by one who was in sympathy with the Revolution. It is

entitled 'Della Rivoluzione di Genova nell April del 1849. Memorie e

Documenti di un Testimonio Oculare. Italia 1850.' 'The capitulation

which shortly took place,' says the author, 'was his [Lord Hardwicke's]

work (_opera sua_) and that of the English Consul in concert with the

municipality.' He had accomplished a great work to the satisfaction of

all parties with the exception of a few agitators.

The fact that a few days after these events Lord Hardwicke was able to

gather at his board in convivial entertainment not only the Generals

and Staff of Victor Emmanuel's army, but also the Syndic and Municipal

Body of Genoa, is a proof of the complete success of his undertaking.

'I gave a grand dinner to 73 persons, consisting of the English

residents, General de la Marmora and 6 of his generals, all his

colonels of regiments and his staff. The two Admirals, all the Captains

of the Sardinian Navy, the Syndic and Municipal Body of Genoa, 4

Judges, all the following Consuls and some of my officers.

'It was admirably done, an excellent dinner very well served indeed.

The room was decorated with the Queen's arms and naval trophies,

together with two Bands of music. When the Queen's health was drunk at

9 o'clock, the ship was brilliantly illuminated, the yards manned and

she fired a royal salute. The whole gave great satisfaction here, the

heads of the revolt, the Conqueror and Mediator dined together, and La

Marmora gave as his toast, "Success to the City of Genoa."'

So it was a day of shaking hands and conviviality under the shade of

the British flag.

It was not until August 6, 1849, that a treaty of peace between

Piedmont and Austria was finally settled; by its terms the Piedmontese

had to pay a war indemnity of 75,000,000 francs. The National

Parliament, however, hesitated to ratify the treaty, and the King was

obliged to dissolve Parliament and make a personal appeal to the

country. The result was satisfactory and the treaty received the

necessary ratification. Piedmont was not in a condition to renew

hostilities with so powerful a foe as Austria, and for the moment had

to play a waiting game. In the meantime the King, in spite of the

reactionary spirit which was abroad, honourably maintained the

liberties of the country, and in the courageous appeal to his people he

gave a pledge of his intentions.

'The liberties of the country run no risk of being imperilled through

the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, for they are protected by

the venerated memory of my father, King Charles Albert; they are

entrusted to the honour of the House of Savoy; they are guarded by the

solemnity of my own oath: who would dare to have any fear for them?'

The liberty which was now firmly rooted in Piedmont gave umbrage to the

other states of Italy, especially in Naples, where Ferdinand II

established a tyranny. It was at this time that Mr. Gladstone, after

having visited Naples, published his famous letters to Lord Aberdeen

summing up the position as 'The negation of God created into a system

of government.' Under the influence of Cavour, Piedmont became the

centre of the movement for Italian unity and Garibaldi took for his

watchword, 'Italy and Victor Emmanuel.'

Every endeavour was made by the leaders of the Italian movement to

interest Europe in their cause. Much had been done in this direction at

the Paris Congress of 1856. Piedmont had taken part in the Crimean War

by contributing 15,000 men to the allied army. Napoleon was known to be

sympathetic to the Italian cause, and in 1859, on Austria calling on

Piedmont to disarm, war was declared.

The successes of Magenta and Solferino, as far as Northern Italy was

concerned, gave Lombardy to Piedmont, but left Austria in the

possession of Venice. Napoleon, who was by no means a whole-hearted

supporter of Italian Unity, had designs of his own, and therefore did

not press the campaign to its ultimate conclusion which, as Cavour had

hoped, should have been the total exclusion of Austria from Italian

territory. A great step, however, had been gained, and Victor Emmanuel

showed his accustomed wisdom in accepting the position for what it was

worth and waiting on events. This course was soon to be justified.

Cavour did not live to see the success of his policy. He died in 1861,

five years before the war between Germany and Austria, in which Italy

took a part against her ancient foe, gave the opportunity of freeing

the Peninsula from Austrian rule. On the outbreak of the war attempts

were made through the mediation of Napoleon to sever Italy from her

alliance with Germany, Austria offering to voluntarily cede Venice.

Victor Emmanuel, however, wisely stood firm to his alliance, and the

war ended in the complete discomfiture of Austria, and Sadowa must rank

with Magenta and Solferino as one of the decisive battles in the

Liberation of Italy. By the Peace of Prague Venetia was ceded through

Napoleon to Italy, and on November 7, 1866, Victor Emmanuel made his

entry into the city as King.

Rome was still a difficulty; there the Pope, supported by French

bayonets, held out for his temporal powers against free Italy which

wanted Rome for its capital, and Garibaldi's expedition of 1867 was a

failure. 'In the name of the French Government, we declare that Italy

shall never take possession of Rome,' were the brave words of the

President of the French Ministry on the eve of the Franco-Prussian War.

In 1870, after his first defeat, Napoleon failed to secure the help of

Italy, and Rome being denuded of foreign troops fell an easy prey to

the army of the King. Thus it was through the agency of Prussia that

Italy secured Liberty. The statecraft of Cavour and the patience and

self-control of Victor Emmanuel gained what the impetuous bravery of

Garibaldi and the revolutionary efforts of Mazzini could never have

realised. Each, however, had done his part. The spirit of a people to

accomplish great things must be aroused to create the energy which the

master-hand must hold in check.

The force must be there, ready to propel the State when times are ripe.

The discontent which showed itself at Genoa after the battle of Novara,

the ideals which animated the thousand who sailed with Garibaldi to

free Sicily, were both of them valuable assets to the nation.

That there were men who for their own ends took advantage of the

situation cannot be doubted, and the revolutionaries in Genoa were of

this kind. The ruin they might have brought on the city of Genoa and

the difficulties they would have put in the way of Victor Emmanuel had

they been successful are easily imagined.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII

In view of the reflections made upon Lord Hardwicke's conduct at Genoa

which I have considered in the preceding chapter, I have thought it

well to print, without further comment, copies of certain documents

which were found among his papers. These, I think, leave no doubt as to

the light in which that conduct appeared to those best able to judge of

it.

A letter from General La Marmora: dated 'La Lanterna,' 9 April, '49.

Three o'clock.

STATO MAGGIORE, QUARTIER GENERALE,

della 6° Divisione, addi 1849.

OGGETTO.

'MILORD,

'J'aurai des dépêches très importantes à vous communiquer. Si ce n'est

pas une indiscretion je vous priérai de passer un moment ici d'autant

plus que j'espère le Sindic de la ville voudra y venir aussi ainsi que

je l'ai invité.

'Votre très humble serviteur,

'ALPHONSE LA MARMORA.'

* * * * *

Letter from the Syndic of Genoa to Lord Hardwicke.

'MILORD,

'Le Syndic de la Ville de Gênes s'empresse à votre demande de vous

envoyer les copies des projets de capitulation entre les représentants

de la Ville sousdite et le Général La Marmora contr[e]-signées par vous

à l'original, et cela d'une manière toute confidentielle et sans aucun

caractère d'autenticité, le Municipe ne pouvant pas, (dès que tout est

rentré dans l'ordre,) se mêler d'aucune chose qui directement ou

indirectement puisse avoir trait à la politique.

'Agréez, Milord, les sentimens de haute estime et de reconnaissance que

nous et la Ville entière vous devons par la part généreuse que vous

avez pris pour la conciliation de nos différences.

'De V Sè Milord,

'Très-humble et très obéissant serviteur

'le Syndic

'A. ROFUMOTTI.'

GÊNES: 12 Avril, 1849.

A MILORD HARDWICK,

Commandant le Vaisseau

de S. M. Britannique,

_La Vengeance_.

* * * * *

Letter from General de Launay, Minister for Foreign Affairs to Victor

Emmanuel II, King of Sardinia, conferring the Cross of the Order of St.

Maurice and St. Lazarus upon Lord Hardwicke.

SECRÉTAIRERIE D'ETAT POUR LES AFFAIRES ÉTRANGÈRES.

TURIN: le 22 Avril, 1849.

'MILORD,

'J'ai eu l'honneur de faire connaître au Roi, mon auguste Souverain,

les importans services que vous avez rendus à Son Gouvernement pendant

les graves évènemens qui ont affligé la ville de Gênes et

l'empressement efficace avec lequel vous avez puissamment secondé Mr le

Général de La Marmora pour y ramener l'ordre. Sa Majesté, prenant en

bienveillante considération l'activité que vous avez déployée pour

empêcher toutes nouvelles bandes de factieux de pénétrer dans la place

et de se joindre aux rebelles, ainsi que les mesures promptes et

énergiques que vous avez adoptées pour prévenir la mise en liberté des

forçats, détenus dans le bagne, que les révoltés voulaient armer, a

pris la détermination de vous donner, Milord, un témoignage éclatant de

Sa satisfaction Royale, en vous conférant la croix de Commandeur de Son

Ordre religieux et militaire des Saints Maurice et Lazare.

'Persuadé que vous trouverez, Milord, dans cette marque flatteuse de la

bienveillance du Roi, une preuve du prix que Sa Majesté attache au

service important que, suivant les intentions toujours si amicales de

l'Angleterre, Son ancienne et fidèle alliée, vous avez rendu à Son

Gouvernement dans les circonstances pénibles ou il s'est trouvé, je

m'empresse de vous envoyer ci-joint la décoration qui vous est destinée.

'En me réservant de vous transmettre votre diplôme aussitôt que la

Grande Maîtrise de l'Ordre de St Maurice me l'aura fait parvenir, je

vous prie d'agréer, Milord, les assurances de ma considération très

distinguée.

'G. DE LAUNAY.'

A LORD HARDWICKE,

Commandant le Vaisseau

Anglais '_Vengeance_,' &c. &c.

* * * * *

Despatch from Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker, commanding the

Mediterranean Fleet, to Lord Hardwicke.

'CALEDONIA' AT MALTA:

26 April, 1849.

'MY LORD,

'I have this morning received your Lordship's letters Nos. 11 and 12,

of the 18th and 20th insts. detailing your proceedings with reference

to the late events of Genoa, reported in your despatches of the 2nd,

7th and 10th April.

'I am satisfied that your Lordship's energies and personal exertions

have been anxiously exercised for the preservation of order, and the

humane object of preventing destruction, pillage and other atrocities

in the City, and I fully appreciate the advantages which the Community

has derived by their deliverance from a state of anarchy and the

lawless acts of an unprincipled rabble.

'I therefore freely approve the arrangements made by your Lordship at

the request of the Municipality, to protect the town as well as Her

Majesty's subjects from brigandage. And also your commendable

intercession with the Sardinian General on behalf of the individuals

compromised for political acts, trusting that there has not been any

actual infraction of the neutral position of Her Majesty's ship, or

undue interference in the political contention of the opponents.

'I am, My Lord,

'Your very humble servant,

'W. PARKER, _Vice-Admiral_.'

* * * * *

Letters from Viscount Palmerston, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the

Lords of the Admiralty, enclosing copy despatch from the Marquis of

Normanby, Her Majesty's Ambassador in Paris.

FOREIGN OFFICE: April 24, 1849.

'SIR,

'I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to transmit to you for the

information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty a copy of a

despatch from H.M. Ambassador at Paris, stating that the French

Minister for Foreign Affairs has expressed his conviction that during

the late insurrection at Genoa, that City was in a great measure saved

from pillage and destruction by the energetic attitude assumed by

H.M.S. _Vengeance._

'I am, Sir, &c.

'(Signed) H. A. ADDINGTON.'

H. G. WARD, ESQ.

* * * * *

FOREIGN OFFICE: April 30, 1849.

'Sir,

'I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to request that you will acquaint

the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that his Lordship has received

from H.M. Minister at Turin, a copy of a despatch addressed by the Earl

of Hardwicke to Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker, dated the 18th inst.,

giving an account of the measures which he took to promote the

surrender of Genoa to the Forces of the King of Sardinia, and I am to

state to you at the same time for the information of their lordships,

that Lord Hardwicke's conduct on this occasion seems to Lord Palmerston

to have been highly praiseworthy, and Lord Palmerston is of opinion

that the Earl of Hardwicke, by his promptitude, energy and decision

saved the City of Genoa from the calamities of further bombardment, and

prevented a great effusion of blood and much destruction of property

and life.

'I am, &c.,

'(Signed) H. A. ADDINGTON.'

H. G. WARD, ESQ.

* * * * *

PARIS: April 19, 1849.

LORD,

'Monsieur Drouyn De Lhuys has more than once expressed to me his

conviction that during the late troubles at Genoa that City was in

great part saved from pillage and destruction by the energetic attitude

assumed by the British Naval Force in that port. The Minister read to

me extracts both from Monsieur Bois le Conte and from Monsieur Léon

Favre the French Consul at Genoa, stating that there were moments when

the lives and properties of the peaceable inhabitants would have been

in great danger but for the dread inspired by the position taken up by

H.M.S. _Vengeance_ and the efficient support given by Lord Hardwicke to

the Consular Authorities. Monsieur Drouyn De Lhuys said there had been

no distinction whatever between the two Commanders of the two nations

except inasmuch as the British Naval Force at that time in the Port of

Genoa was of so much more commanding a character.

'I am, &c.,

'(Signed) NORMANBY.'

* * * * *

Extracts from 'An Episode of Italian Unification' by General Alfonso la

Marmora.

'Lord Hardwicke conducted himself to me like the honourable man that he

is, expert in dealing with men and circumstances. He did not propose

unacceptable conditions to me; indeed, he charged himself with the task

of persuading the Municipality to submit to the conditions which I

might impose, for the welfare of Genoa itself, and the permanent

re-establishment of order.

'On the 9th another complication developed. I have said that the

English Captain placed his ship opposite the docks to prevent the

liberation of the convicts. Avezzana allowed two days to pass without

protesting against this menace: then he addressed to the aforesaid

commander a letter of truly radical insolence, ordering him to vacate

the harbour before 6 P.M. and declaring that _if by that hour he were

not gone he should be sunk by the batteries of the people, and so teach

the Queen of Great Britain that it did not suffice to entrust her

men-of-war to men of high lineage unless they were also men of

judgment._

'Lord Hardwicke, like a man of sense and good feeling, contented

himself with acknowledging the receipt of the insulting letter, being

determined not to stir a finger to leave his drawn position.

'He submitted copies of the correspondence to me and to all the

representatives of the friendly powers.'