There is a very proper use I think that can be made of more than

twenty millions of it. During the Civil War our customs receipts and

our receipts from internal taxes, which last had brought under tribute

almost every pursuit in life, were inadequate to the great drain

upon our Treasury caused by the Civil War. Our Congress, exercising

one of the powers of the Constitution, levied a direct tax upon the

States. Ohio paid her part of it, Indiana paid hers, and so did the

other loyal States. The Southern States were in rebellion and did

not pay theirs. Now we have come to a time when the Government has

surplus money, and the proposition was made in Congress to return this

tax to the States that had paid it. [Applause.] The State of Indiana

would have received one million dollars, which my fellow-citizens of

this State know would have been a great relief to our taxpayers in

the present depleted condition of our treasury. [Cheers.] I do not

recall the exact amount Ohio would have received, but it was much

larger. If any one asks, Why repay this tax? this illustration will

be a sufficient answer: Suppose five men are associated in a business

corporation. The corporation suffers losses and its capital is

impaired. An assessment becomes necessary, and three members pay their

assessments while two do not. The corporation is again prosperous and

there is a surplus of money in the treasury. What shall be done with

it? Manifestly, justice requires that the two delinquents should pay

up or that there should be returned to the other three the assessment

levied upon them. [Great cheering.] A bill providing for the repayment

of the tax was killed in the House of Representatives, not by voting

it down, but by filibustering, a majority of the House being in favor

of its passage. And those who defeated the bill by those revolutionary

tactics were largely from the States that had not paid the tax.

[Cheers.] I mention these facts to show that twenty millions of the

surplus now lying in the banks, where it draws no interest, might

very righteously be used so as to greatly lighten the real burdens

of taxation now resting on the people--burdens that the people know

to be taxes without any argument from our statesmen. [Applause and

laughter.] I am a lover of silence [laughter], and yet when such

assemblies as these greet me with their kind, earnest faces and their

kinder words, I do not know how I can do less than to say a few words

upon some of these great public questions. I have spoken frankly and

fearlessly my convictions upon these questions. [Cheers and cries of

"Good! Good!"] And now, unappalled by the immensity of this audience,

I will complete the accustomed programme and take by the hand such of

you as desire to meet me personally. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 27.

General Harrison's visitors this day came from Ohio and Pennsylvania.

Hancock and Allen counties, Ohio, sent over a thousand, including

the Harrison and Morton Battalion of Lima, commanded by Capt. Martin

Atmer, and the Republican Veteran Club of Findlay, Rev. R. H. Holliday,

President. The Chief Marshal of the combined delegations was Major S. F.

Ellis, of Lima, hero of the forlorn hope storming column which carried

the intrenchments at Port Hudson, La., June 15, 1863. Prominent members

of the Allen County delegation were Hon. Geo. Hall, Geo. P. Waldorf, S.

S. Wheeler, J. F. Price, W. A. Campbell, J. J. Marks, and Burt Hagedorn.

Major S. M. Jones was spokesman for the visitors.

General Harrison, with his usual vigor, replied:

_Gentlemen and my Ohio Friends_--The State of my nativity has again

placed me under obligations by this new evidence of the respect of her

people. I am glad to meet you and to notice in the kind and interested

faces into which I look a confirmation of the cordial remarks which

have been addressed to me on your behalf. You each feel a personal

interest and, I trust, a personal responsibility in this campaign.

The interest which expresses itself only in public demonstrations is

not of the highest value. The citizen who really believes that this

election will either give a fresh impulse to the career of prosperity

and honor in which our Nation has walked since the war, or will clog

and retard that progress, comes far short of his duty if he does not

in his own place as a citizen make his influence felt for the truth

upon those who are near him. [Applause.] You come from a community

that has recently awakened to the fact that beneath the soil which

has long yielded bounteous harvests to your farmers there was stored

by nature a great and new source of wealth. You, in common with

neighboring communities in Ohio and with other communities in our

State, have only partially realized as yet the increase in wealth

that oil and natural gas will bring to them, if it is not checked by

destructive changes in our tariff policy. This fact should quicken and

intensify the interest of these communities in this contest for the

preservation of the American system of protection. [Applause.]

It is said by some of our opponents that a protective tariff has

no influence upon wages; that labor in the United States has nothing

to fear from the competition from pauper labor; that in the contest

between pauper labor and high priced labor pauper labor was always

driven out. Do such statements as these fall in line with experiences

of these workingmen who are before me? [Cries of "No, no!"] If that

is true, then why the legislative precautions we have wisely taken

against the coming of pauper labor to our shores? It is because

you know, every one of you, that in a contest between two rival

establishments here, or between two rival countries, that that shop

or that country that pays the lowest wages--and so produces most

cheaply--can command the market. If the products of foreign mills

that pay low wages are admitted here without discriminating duties,

you know there is only one way to meet such competition, and that

is by reducing wages in our mills. [Applause.] They seek to entice

you by the suggestion that you can wear cheaper clothing when free

access is given to the products of foreign woollen mills; and yet

they mention also that now, in some of our own cities, the men, and

especially the women, who are manufacturing the garments we wear

are not getting adequate wages, and that among some of them there

is suffering. Do they hope that when the coat is made cheaper the

wages of the man or woman who makes it will be increased? The power

of your labor organizations to secure increased wages is greatest

when there is a large demand for the product you are making at fair

prices. You do not strike for better wages on a falling market. When

the mills are running full time, when there is a full demand at good

prices for the product of your toil, and when warehouses are empty,

then your organization may effectively insist upon increased wages.

Did any of you ever see one of the organized efforts for better wages

succeed when the mill was running on half time, and there was a small

demand at falling prices in the market for the product? [Applause.]

The protective system works with your labor organization to secure

and maintain a just compensation for labor. Whenever it becomes

true--as it is in some other countries--that the workingman spends

to-day what he will earn to-morrow, then your labor organizations

will lose their power. Then the workman becomes in very fact a part

of the machine he operates. He cannot leave it, for he has eaten

to-day bread that he is to earn to-morrow. But when he eats to-day

bread that he earned last week or last year, then he may successfully

resist any unfair exactions. [Applause.] I do not say that we have

here an ideal condition. I do not deny that in connection with some

of our employments the conditions of life are hard. But the practical

question is this: Is not the condition of our working people on the

average comparatively a great deal better than that of any other

country? [Applause and cries of "Good! Good!"]

If it is, then you will carefully scan all these suggestions before

you consent that the work of foreign workmen shall supply our market,

now supplied by the products of the hands of American workmen. I thank

you again. The day is threatening and cool, and I beg you to excuse

further public speech. [Applause.]

At night 200 Pennsylvanians, who came to Indiana to aid in developing

the natural gas industry, called upon General Harrison at his residence,

under the direction of a committee composed of Capt. J. C. Gibney, J.

B. Wheeler, and Geo. A. Richards. Their spokesman was Wm. McElwaine, a

fellow-workman.

General Harrison addressed them and said:

_Gentlemen_--It is very pleasant for me to meet you to-night in

my own home. The more informal my intercourse can be made with my

fellow-citizens the more agreeable it is to me. To you, and all others

who will come informally to my home, I will give a hearty greeting. I

am glad to see these representatives from the State of Pennsylvania

whose business pursuits have called them to make their home with us

in Indiana. The State of Pennsylvania has a special interest for me

in the fact that it was the native State of a mother who, though

nearly forty years dead, still lives affectionately in my memory. I

welcome you here to this State as those who come to settle among us

under new conditions of industrial and domestic life, to bring into

our factories and our homes this new fuel from which we hope so much,

not only in the promotion of domestic comfort and economy, but in

the advancement of our manufacturing institutions. Your calling is

one requiring high skill and intelligence and great fidelity. The

agent with which you deal is an admirable servant but a dangerous

master, and through carelessness may bring a peril instead of a

blessing into our households and into our communities. I am glad that

Indiana, so long drained upon by the States west of the Mississippi,

has at last felt in your coming from that stanch, magnificent

Republican commonwealth some restoration of this drain, which has

made the struggle for Republican success in Indiana doubtful in our

previous elections. It is time some of the States east of us, having

such majorities as Pennsylvania, were contributing not only to our

business enterprise and prosperity, but to the strengthening of the

Republican ranks, which have been depleted by the invitations which

the agricultural States of the West have extended to our enterprising

young men. I welcome your here to-night, and will be glad to have a

personal introduction to each of you. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 29.

Ohio and Illinois did honor this day again to the Republican nominee.

From Cleveland came 800 voters; their organizations were the Harrison

Boys in Blue--200 veterans of the Civil War--commanded by Gen. James

Barnett; the Garfield Club, led by Thomas R. Whitehead and Albert M.

Long; the Logan Club, headed by Capt. W. R. Isham, and the German

Central Club. Prominent in the delegation were Hon. Amos Townsend, John

Gibson, and Major Palmer, the blind orator. Gen. E. Myers spoke for the

Buckeyes. The city of Normal, McLean County, Illinois, sent a delegation

of 200 teachers and students of the State Normal School, including 70

ladies. Student William Galbraith spoke for his associates.

General Harrison, in response, said:

_Gentlemen and Friends_--The organizations represented here this

morning have for me each an individual interest. Each is suggestive of

a line of thought which _I_ should be glad to follow, but I cannot, in

the few moments that I can speak to you in this chilly atmosphere, say

all that the names and character of your respective clubs suggest as

appropriate. I welcome those comrades in the Union army in the Civil

War. [Cheers.]

Death wrought its work in ghastly form in those years when,

patiently, fearlessly, and hopefully, you carried the flag to the

front and brought it at last in triumph to the Nation's capital.

[Cheers.] Death, since, in its gentler forms, has been coming into

the households where the veterans that were spared from shot and

shell abide. The muster-roll of the living is growing shorter. The

larger company is being rapidly recruited. You live not alone in the

memories of the war. Your presence here attests that, as citizens, you

feel the importance of these civil strifes. You recall the incidents

of the great war, not in malice, not to stir or revive sectional

divisions, or to re-mark sectional lines, but because you believe

that it is good for the Nation that loyalty to the flag and heroism

in its defence should be remembered and honored. [Cheers.] There is

not a veteran here, in this Republican Club of veterans, who does not

desire that the streams of prosperity in the Southern States should

run bank-full. [Cheers.]

There is not one who does not sympathize with her plague-stricken

communities, and rejoice in every new evidence of her industrial

development. The Union veterans have never sought to impose hard

conditions upon the brave men they vanquished. The generous terms of

surrender given by General Grant were not alone expressions of his

own brave, magnanimous nature. The hearts of soldiers who carried

the gun and the knapsack in his victorious army were as generous as

his. You were glad to accept the renewal of the Confederate soldier's

allegiance to the flag as the happy end of all strife; willing that he

should possess the equal protection and power of a citizenship that

you had preserved for yourselves and secured to him. [Cheers.] You

have only asked--and you may confidently submit to the judgment of

every brave Confederate soldier whether the terms are not fair--that

the veteran of the Union army shall have, as a voter, an equal

influence in the affairs of the country that was saved by him for

both with the man who fought against the flag, and that soldiers of

neither army shall abridge the rights of others under the law. [Great

cheering.] Less than that you cannot accept with honor; less than that

a generous foe would not consent to offer.

To the gentlemen of the John A. Logan Club let me say: You have

chosen a worthy name for your organization. Patriot, soldier, and

statesman, Logan's memory will live in the affectionate admiration of

his comrades and in the respect of all his opponents. His home State

was Illinois, but his achievements were national.

To these German-American Republicans I give a most cordial welcome.

You have been known in our politics as a people well informed upon all

the great economic questions that have arisen for settlement. You have

always been faithful to an honest currency. [Cheers.] The enticements

of depreciated money did not win you from sound principle. You bravely

stood for a paper currency that should be the true equivalent of coin.

[Cries of "Good! Good!"] Those who, like your people, have learned

the lessons of thrift and economy in your old-country homes, and

have brought them here with you, realized that above all things the

laborer needed honest money that would not shrink in his hands when

it had paid him for an honest day's toil. And now, when another great

economic question is pressing for determination, I do not doubt that

you will as wisely and as resolutely help to settle that also.

As the great German chancellor, that student of human government

and affairs, turning his thoughtful study toward the history of

our country since the war, has declared that in his judgment our

protective tariff system was the source of our strength, that by

reason of it we were able to deal with a war debt that seemed to be

appalling and insurmountable, I do not doubt that you, too, men who

believe in work and in thrift, and so many of whom are everywhere

sheltered under a roof of their own, will unite with us in this

struggle to preserve our American market for our own workingmen, and

to maintain here a living standard of wages. [Cheers.]

To these students who come fresh from the class-room to give me a

greeting this morning I also return my sincere thanks. I suggest to

them that they be not only students of books and maxims, but also of

men and markets; that in the study of the tariff question they do not

forget, as so many do, that they are Americans.

I thank you all again for your visit. I regret that I am not able

to give you, in my own home, a personal and more cordial greeting. My

house is not large enough to receive you. [A voice, "Your heart is!"]

Yes, I have room enough in my heart for all. [Great cheering.] I am

very sincerely grateful for these evidences of your personal regard.

Out of them all; out of the coming of these frequent and enthusiastic

crowds of my fellow-citizens; out of all these kind words; out of

these kind faces of men and women; out of the hearty "God-speeds" you

give me, I hope to bring an inspiration and an endowment for whatever

may be before me in life, whether I shall walk in private or public

paths. [Great cheering.]

The largest delegation of the day, numbering over a thousand business

men, arrived from Chicago, after stopping _en route_ at several

important points, where their orators, Gen. H. H. Thomas, George

Drigg, and Judge John W. Green, made speeches. Their notable political

organizations were the First Tippecanoe Club of Chicago, 100 veterans

of 1840, led by Dr. D. S. Smith; the Logan Club, and the Twelfth Ward

Republican Club, led by Charles Catlin, E. S. Taylor, Wm. Wilkes, and

Joseph Dixon. Judge Green and Dr. Smith delivered addresses.

General Harrison, responding, said:

_My Illinois Friends_--It is a source of great regret to me that

we are not able to make your reception more comfortable. The chill

of this September evening and of this open grove is not suggestive

of the hospitable and cordial welcome that our people would have

been glad to extend to you. Our excuse for this time may be found

in the vastness of this assemblage. I am pleased to have this fresh

and imposing evidence of the enthusiasm and interest of the Illinois

Republicans. [Cheers.] There is nothing in the great history of

the Republican party that need make any man blush to own himself a

Republican. [Cheers.] There is much to kindle the enthusiasm of all

lovers of their country. We do not rest in the past, but we rejoice in

it. [Cheers.] The Republican party has so consistently followed the

teachings of those great Americans whose names the world reveres that

we may appropriately hold a Republican convention on the birthday of

any one of them. [Cheers.] The calendar of our political saints does

not omit one name that was conspicuous in peace or war. [Cheers.] We

can celebrate Jackson's birthday or the anniversary of the battle of

New Orleans because he stood for the unity of the Nation, and his

victory confirmed it in the respect of the world. [Great cheering.]

There is no song of patriotism that we do not sing in our meetings.

There is no marble that has been builded to perpetuate the glory

of our soldiers about which we may not appropriately assemble and

proclaim the principles that we advocate. [Cheers.] We believe in our

country, and give it our love and first care. We have always advocated

that policy in legislation which was promotive of the interests and

honor of our country. [Cheers.] I will not discuss any particular

public topic to-day, as the conditions are so unfavorable for out-door

speaking. Let me thank you again for this cordial evidence of your

interest and for the personal respect which you have shown to me.

I hope you will believe that my heart is deeply touched in these

manifestations of the friendliness of my fellow-citizens. If in

anything I shall come short of the high expectations and hopes they

have formed, it will not be because I do not feel myself put under

the highest obligations by these evidences of their friendly regard

to do my utmost to continue in their respect and confidence. [Great

cheering.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 2.

The fourteenth week of General Harrison's public receptions opened

this date with the arrival of an enthusiastic Republican club from

the distant city of Tower, Minn., most of whose members were engaged

in the iron industry. They left a huge specimen of Vermilion range

iron ore--weighing over 500 pounds--in the front yard of the Harrison

residence. Prominent in the delegation were Dr. Fred Barnett, Capt.

Elisha Marcom, S. F. White, Chas. R. Haines, John Owens, W. N. Shepard,

N. H. Bassett, S. J. Noble, J. E. Bacon, J. B. Noble, Frank Burke, W. H.

Wickes, Chas. L. White, A. Nichaud, D. McKinley, and Page Norris; also

Geo. M. Smith and W. H. Cruikshank, of Duluth.

Immediately following the reception of the Minnesota visitors came two

large delegations from Fulton and Marshall counties, Indiana. The Fulton

leaders were J. H. Bibler, Dr. W. S. Shafer, Dr. E. Z. Capell, Arthur

Howard, Samuel Heftly, Henry Mow, C. D. Sisson, Arch Stinson, J. F.

Collins, A. F. Bowers, W. J. Howard, and T. M. Bitters, of Rochester.

M. L. Essick was their spokesman. Among the prominent members of the

Marshall County delegation were M. W. Simons, John W. Parks, J. W.

Siders, Edward McCoy, M. S. Smith, John V. Astley, Enoch Baker, I.

H. Watson, and Abram Shafer, of Plymouth. H. G. Thayer delivered the

address.

General Harrison said:

_My Indiana Friends_--This is a home company to-day. Usually our

Indiana visitors have met here delegations from other States. I am

sure you will understand that I place a special value upon these

evidences of the interest Indiana Republicans are taking in the

campaign. Whatever the fate of the battle may be elsewhere, it is

always a source of pride to the soldier and to his leader that the

part of the line confided to their care held fast. [Applause.] I feel

that I ought also to acknowledge the friendliness and co-operation

which has been already extended to us in this campaign by many who

have differed with us heretofore. [Applause.] It is encouraging to

hear that the prosperous and intelligent farmers of Marshall and

Fulton counties have not been misled by the attempt to separate the

agricultural vote from the vote of the shop. It has seemed to me

that the Mills bill was framed for the purpose of driving from the

protection column the agricultural voters, not by showing them favor,

but the reverse--by placing agricultural products on the free list,

thus withdrawing from the farmer the direct benefits he is receiving

from our tariff laws as affecting the products of his labor, hoping

that the farmers might then be relied upon to pull down the rest

of the structure. I am glad to believe that we have in Indiana a

class of farmers too intelligent to be caught by these unfriendly

and fallacious propositions. [Applause.] I had to-day a visit from

twenty or more gentlemen who came from the town of Tower, in the

most northern part of Minnesota, where, within the last four years,

there has been discovered and developed a great deposit of iron ore

especially adapted to the manufacture of steel. Within the four years

since these mines were opened they tell me that about a million tons

of ore have been mined and sent to the furnaces. They also mentioned

the fact that arrangements are already being made to bring block coal

of Indiana to the mouth of these iron mines, that the work of smelting

may be done there. This is a good illustration of the interlocking of

interests between widely separated States of the Union [applause]--a

new market and a larger demand for Indiana coal.

The attempt is often made to create the impression that only

particular classes of workingmen are benefited by a protective tariff.

There can be nothing more untrue. The wages of all labor--labor upon

the farm, labor upon our streets--has a direct and essential relation

to the scale of wages that is paid to skilled labor. [Applause.] One

might as well say that you could bring down the price of a higher

grade of cotton cloth without affecting the price of lower grades

as to say that you can degrade the price of skilled labor without

dragging down the wages of unskilled labor. [Applause.] This attempt

to classify and schedule the men who are benefited by a protective

tariff is utterly deceptive. [Applause.] The benefits are felt by all

classes of our people--by the farmer as well as by the workmen in

our mills; by the man who works on the street as well as the skilled

laborer who works in the mill; by the women in the household, and by

the children who are now in the schools and might otherwise be in the

mills. [Applause.] It is a policy broad enough to embrace within the

scope of its beneficent influence all our population. [Applause.]

I thank you for your visit, and will be glad to meet any of you

personally who desire to speak to me. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 3.

The Porter-Columbian Club, a local organization named in honor of

Governor Porter, with a membership of 700 workingmen, paid their

respects to General Harrison on this night, commanded by their President

and founder, Marshall C. Woods, who delivered an address.

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