CHAPTER XVI.

THE TWELFTH TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.

_First Charter_, 1133. The Prior obtained from the King a Charter,

wherein, after providing for an independent election of a new prior

by the monks in the event of Rahere’s death, and after confirming the

privileges and possessions of the Priory, it was declared “I grant also

my firm peace to all persons coming to and returning from the fair, which

is wont to be celebrated in that place at the Feast of St. Bartholomew;

and I forbid any of the Royal Servants to implead any of their persons,

or without the consent of the Canons, on those three days, to wit the eve

of the feast, the feast itself, and the day following, to levy dues upon

those going thither. And let all people in my whole kingdom know that I

will maintain and defend this Church, even as my crown; and if any one

shall presume to contravene this our Royal privilege, or shall offend

the prior, the canons, clergy or laity of that place, he, and all who

are his, and everything that belongs to him, shall come into the King’s

power.”

In addition to the King’s “firm peace,” and the usual privileges, it came

to be believed that there were special miracles in store for those who

braved the perils of distant travel in making pilgrimage to the Festival

and Fair of St. Bartholomew. In Mr. Morley’s book will be found a long

enumeration of these. “What wonder (he asks) if to see the miracles

worked at the celebration of the Feast of St. Bartholomew, in the first

years after the foundation of his Priory in Smithfield, the people came

from far and near, and were to be found ‘shouldering each other’ as well

as ‘dancing and rejoicing’ in a concourse at the fair”?

1154-86. We have it on the authority of Stow that Henry II. granted to

the Priory the privilege of a fair to be kept yearly at Bartholomew tide

for three days, to wit the eve, the day, and next morrow; to which the

clothiers of all England and drapers of London repaired, and had their

booths and standings within the Church Yard of this Priory, closed in

with walls and gates, locked every night, and watched for safety of men’s

goods and wares. A Court of Piepowder was daily during the fair holden

for debts and contracts. But he adds a note in regard to the time of

the fair—“that forrens [foreigners] were licensed for three days; the

freedmen so long as they would, which was sixe or seven dayes.” It is

clear that the venerable historian had mixed and confounded various and

distinct events. I do not find other reference to this charter of Henry

II. except by Hone, who says this charter gave the mayor and aldermen

of the City criminal jurisdiction during the fair. The chief articles

of commerce at the fair about this period were cloth, stuffs, leather,

pewter, and live cattle.

1292. The first dispute between the City of London and the Priory of St.

Bartholomew regarding the fair arose this year. It was on the subject of

_Tolls_. The fair as we have already seen had spread beyond the Prior’s

bounds. The Custos of the City—for in 1288 Edward I. upon a quarrel with

the City seized its liberties, and Ralph Sandwich was appointed Custos

to collect the Tolls for the Sovereign—applied for half the tolls. The

Prior claimed the whole on the ground of ancient custom, &c. The King was

at Durham, and the matter coming before him on the approach of the fair,

made the following order:—

_Dominus Rex &c._—The Lord the King hath commanded the Custos and

Sheriffs in these words: Edward by the Grace of God, to the Custos and

Sheriffs of London, greeting. Whereas the Prior of St. Bartholomew, of

Smithfield in the suburbs of London, by the Charters of our progenitors,

Kings of England, claimeth to have a certain Fair there every year,

during three days viz. on the Eve, the Day, and on the morrow of St.

Bartholomew the Apostle, with all Liberties and Free Customs belonging

to the Fair; a contention hath arisen between the said Prior and you

the said Custos, who sue for us concerning the use of the liberties of

the said Fair, and the free Customs belonging to it. And hindrance

being made to the said Prior by you the said Custos, as the said Prior

asserteth, to wit, concerning a Moiety of the Eve and of the whole morrow

aforesaid, concerning this We Will, as well for us as for the aforesaid

Prior, that justice be done as it is fit, before our Treasurer and Barons

of the Exchequer, after Michaelmas day next within a month. We command

you that sufficient security be taken of the said Prior for restoring to

us on the said day the proceeds of the aforesaid fair, coming from the

moiety of the foresaid Eve and from the whole morrow, if the said Prior

cannot then show something for himself, why the said proceeds ought not

to belong to us. We command you that ye permit the same Prior in the

meantime, to receive the foresaid proceeds in form aforesaid; and thereto

you may leave this Brief. Witness myself at Durham the 9th day of Aug. in

the 20th year of our reign.

While the question was thus pending the disputants grew so warm that

the City authorities arrested some of the monks, and confined them in

the Tun prison on Cornhill. They were released by command of the King,

but thereupon nine citizens forced the Tun and released all the other

prisoners, by way of resenting the royal interference. The rioters

were imprisoned in their turn, and a fine of twenty thousand marks was

imposed upon the City; but the civic authorities proposed a compromise,

and, for a further payment of three thousand marks, Edward consented to

pardon the offenders, and to restore and confirm the privileges of the

City.—_Frost_, pp. 10-11.

The result of the reference above ordered to the Barons of the Exchequer

&c. was unfavourable to the claim of the City, the Charter of the

Hospital was again confirmed. The question of the Tolls was not indeed

finally disposed of; but as it sleeps for a century or so, we must not

now depart from the course of our record—see 1445.

1305. Another and special incident arose at the fair of this year. I

will quote the eloquent description of Mr. Morley. On the eve of St.

Bartholomew, the first day of the fair in the year 1305, the traders

and pleasure-seekers, the friars and the jesters, clothiers, tumblers,

walkers upon stilts, hurried across the grass of Smithfield from the side

on which the fair was being held, to the Gallows under the Elms, where

officers of state and a great concourse of men awaited a most welcome

spectacle. The priory was indeed built on the site of the gallows; but in

that suburban gathering-place of the people—place of executions, place of

tournaments, place of markets, place of daily sport, place of the great

annual fair—one gallows-tree was not enough to satisfy a justice that

loved vengeance and had slight regard for life. Under the Elms of which

already mention has been made (Cow Lane now represents their site)—under

the Elms we read in a close roll, so early as the fourth year of Henry

III., gallows were built “where they had stood before.” An execution

during fair time on that ancient exhibition ground, was entertainment

rarely furnished to the public: for the Church forbade, among other work,

fulfilment of the sentence of the law on any holiday of festival; _and

a fair was a Saint’s Holiday_. But on this occasion, law was eager to

assure the execution of its vengeance. The redoubtable Wallace, hero of

the Scottish people, had been taken. The rugged patriot, strong of heart

and strong of hand, had been brought to London in his chains the day

before the fair was opened, and on the day of the opening of the fair was

arraigned and condemned at Westminster as a traitor, and without even a

day’s respite, at once sent on to his death. Under the Elms, therefore,

in Smithfield, stood all the concourse of Bartholomew fair, when William

Wallace was dragged thither in chains at the tails of horses, bruised,

bleeding, and polluted with the filth of London. The days had not yet

come when that first part of the barbarous sentence on high treason was

softened by the placing of a hurdle between the condemned man and the

mud and flint over which he was dragged. Trade in the fair was forgotten

while the patriot was hanged, but not to death; cut down, yet breathing,

and disembowelled, mummers and merchants saw the bowels burnt before the

dying hero’s face, then saw the executioner strike off his head, quarter

his body, and dispatch from the ground five basket-loads of quivering

flesh, destined for London, Berwick, Newcastle, Aberdeen and Perth.

Then, all being over, the stilt-walkers strode back across the field,

the woman again balanced herself head downwards on the points of swords;

there was mirth again round the guitar and tambourine, the clothiers went

back into the Churchyard, and the priest perhaps went through a last

rehearsal with the man who was to be miraculously healed in church on the

succeeding day!—“Memorials of Bartholomew Fair,” pp. 71-2.

1321. In this, the 14th Edward II. there was issued a writ inquiring

by what warrant the Priory held its rights over Bartholomew Fair. This

writ was part of the machinery of a general inquisition into the rights

claimed by subjects, which had in many cases been alienated without

license from the crown, and often gave rise to private oppression of the

people. The Prior pleaded the Royal Charters of his house and testified

upon oath that his predecessors had held such a three-day fair since

times beyond the reach of memory. The justification satisfied the King’s

Exchequer.

1334. In this, the 7th Edward III. a new Charter of the fair was

granted to the Hospital of St. Bartholomew confirming the old rights

and reassuring the King’s firm peace to all persons travelling towards,

staying in, or returning from the fair; also forbidding any servants of a

royal or episcopal court to implead any of their persons “or without the

consent of the prior and canons on those three days ... to exact tolls

either without the City or within it, whether in the passage of roads or

bridges, but let all proceeds that arise according to the usage of fairs

belong to the canons of the aforesaid church.” This latter provision

clearly had reference to the claims of the City. See 1376.

It was a review of these and similar facts which induced Mr. Morley

to remark that in early times, if not from the beginning, there were

practically two fairs held in Smithfield—one within and one without the

Priory bounds. The outer fair, he adds, “was possibly composed of the

mere pleasure givers and pleasure seekers, who attended on the company

of worshippers and traders then attracted to the priory, and whose tents

were pitched in the open market of Smithfield, outside the gates, not [?

but] free from toll to the Church. Within the gates, and in the Priory

churchyard, the substantial Fair was held” (pp. 61-2).

1348. In the preceding century license had been given by Edward I. to the

brethren of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew in Smithfield to cover with

stone and wood the stream running through the midst of the hospital to

Holborn Bridge, “on account of the too great stench proceeding from it.”

The large influx of persons at the Fair must have made matters worse. In

the year 1348 the pestilence broke out in London at the time of the fair,

and ended about fair-time in the following year. During the interval

between fair and fair, so great had been the mortality that, in addition

to the burials in churches and other churchyards, _fifty thousand_ bodies

had been buried in the graveyard of the Carthusians, adjoining the fair

ground. Mr. Morley may well assume that it must have been the great

object of interest and terror to the slender throng of men who hardly

dared assemble; and who—missing from the annual crowd so many familiar

faces—spoke to each other with a feeble hope of the apparent lifting of

the plague. “What mirth was there in that handful of the living camped

so near the silent congregation of the dead?” See 1593.

_New Charter._—Edward III. under date August 1, 1376, granted to

the Prior, &c., the following charter, which has heretofore escaped

observation, probably because in the records of the City it had

been endorsed as a “Writ to proclaim the Fair of the Prior of Saint

Bartholomew in Smethefelde,” whereas it is seen to be a most important

grant or confirmation of previous charters. I give a full translation,

marking certain passages with italics:—Edward by the grace of God King

of England and of France, and Duke of Ireland, to the Mayor and sheriffs

of London and Middlesex, Greeting. Whereas among other liberties and

quittances granted to our beloved in Christ the Prior and Convent of the

church of Saint Bartholomew of Smethefelde, London, by charters of our

progenitors, former Kings of England, which we have confirmed, it is

granted to the same—That they may have all manner of freedom for ever,

and that the church aforesaid shall be as free as any church in the whole

of England that is most free, and as free as our demesne chapel, which

church also our said progenitors granted to will, maintain and defend in

manner like as our very crown; and, moreover, _they gave firm peace to

those coming to the Fair that is much frequented at the feast of Saint

Bartholomew_ in the said place of Smethefelde, So that in those three

days’ space, namely, the eve of the feast, or the day itself, or the day

following, from such comers, whether without the City or within, _or in

passing along the ways or over the bridges, no one shall require any

customs_, but that all things which arise out of the right of fairs shall

be to the said church and the Canons serving God there, and that is any

one shall presume in any thing to contravene this Royal privilege, or

shall offend the Prior Canons or laymen of that place, he and his men,

and all that he has, shall devolve into our Royal right: and also lord

Richard, formerly King of England, our progenitor, by his letters ordered

the then sheriffs of London and Middlesex, and all their bailiffs, that

they should neither vex nor allow to be vexed the foresaid Canons of the

church of saint Bartholomew (which is our demesne chapel) concerning

their fair which they have at the feast of the same church, nor require

from those coming to the Fair of saint Bartholomew for the purpose of

selling or buying, whether without the City or within, or also in passing

along the ways or over the bridges, customs or services, or anything

that may diminish the liberty of the said church of saint Bartholomew—as

in the charters, letters and our confirmation aforesaid more fully is

contained: _and now we have understood that some by sinister covin and

conspiracy previously had between them have knavishly designed to hinder

merchants and others who wish to come and have been wont to come to the

said fair with their merchandise, so that they cannot come thither and

do their business therein_, as well to the loss of them the Prior and

Convent and overthrow and weakening of their right as to the manifest

letting and hindrance of our common people: We, duly heeding the fervent

devotion and affection which our foresaid progenitors had towards the

said church, as by the charters and letters aforesaid more fully doth

appear, and willing (as we are bounden) to maintain and defend the said

fair, _which for so long time hath endured_ and was granted by our said

progenitors to the honour of God in subvention of Holy Church, and all

other rights and privileges, lest in our time they perish, have taken

into our special protection and defence the said Prior and Canons, and

their men and servants, and merchants whomsoever and others wishing to

come with their goods and things to the said fair, there tarrying and

therefrom returning whither they will; and so we command you to maintain,

protect and defend the said Prior and Canons, their men and servants,

merchants and others whomsoever coming to the said fair with their goods

and things, there tarrying and therefrom returning, and to permit the

Prior and Convent to hold their said fair in form aforesaid, and to

receive and have freely and without any hindrance, from those coming to

the said fair and returning therefrom, _the customs and all other the

profits which pertain to them in right of the said fair_ according to the

form of the charters, letters and confirmation aforesaid, and as they

ought to hold the same fair and to have and receive the customs and other

things which pertain to that fair, and as they and their predecessors

have until now held that fair and have been wont to have and receive the

customs and other things which to that fair pertain. And, concerning

any pleas or other things to the said fair for the said three days

appertaining, do you in no wise intermeddle, neither requiring any thing

for customs and other things to that fair appertaining, nor hindering,

molesting, nor in any way aggrieving the Prior and Canons of the said

place as to the receiving of the customs and profits aforesaid, nor, as

much in you lies, permitting them to be molested or aggrieved. And if

any shall presume to diminish the customs and rights of the said fair,

then be you in aid to the said Prior and Canons, or their bailiffs of the

said fair, when hereupon you shall be requested by them or any one of

them, by such ways and methods as shall seem to you the more expedient,

to compel and distrain those who would diminish the said customs and

rights to yield and pay the said customs and rights to the said Prior

and Convent: and this do you in no wise omit. And, that those all and

every the premises may come to the knowledge of all, and that no one,

of what state or condition soever he be, under grave forfeiture to us,

and under the peril incumbent thereon, may presume in any manner to

practise any covin or any other acts calculated to disturb in any way

that fair or the profit of the fair, or the merchants or others, so that

they cannot lawfully, without damage and in peace come to that fair with

their merchandise, and do their business there, and return therefrom, do

you cause the same to be publicly proclaimed, observed and held within

your bailiwick and districts, where it shall seem to you most expedient,

as often as and when hereupon by the said Prior and Convent, or any

one of them, you shall on our behalf be requested. Witness Ourself at

Westminster the first day of August in the fiftieth year of our reign of

England, but of our reign of France the thirty-seventh. Faryngton.

¶ This proclamation was made.

_Miracle Plays._—This Fair of St. Bartholomew was long the scene of

“miracle plays.” The Company of Parish Clerks—an incorporated company

or gild who had charge of the records, the burials, and afterwards of

the births in London, during a very long period—played at Skinners’ Well

(near Smithfield) before Richard II. and his Queen and Court, towards the

close of the fourteenth century; and early in the following they played

before Henry IV. at the same place, during eight days, “Matter from the

Creation of the world.” The early plays at this fair are believed to have

been representations of great miracles ascribed to St. Bartholomew. Later

came the “mysteries,” and finally the “moralities,” out of which our

modern drama has been developed. All these in their turns were presented

at this once famous fair.

_Slaves._—In this same Fair of Smithfield, as well before as after the

period upon which I am now writing, men and women—_i.e._, slaves and

captives—were sold among the articles of merchandise. And on a part of

the site over which the fair extended, after the accession of Henry

IV., men and women were burnt alive as heretics. The martyr fires were

usually kindled on that spot of ground outside the Priory gates, over

which the lighter portion of the fair spread—ground occupied by the

holiday makers, and the tumblers, jesters, and dancers by whom they were

entertained.

_Tolls._—1445. At the close of the thirteenth century there had arisen

a dispute between the City of London and the Prior regarding the tolls

of this Fair, which was then decided in favour of the Priory. When the

matter came up for adjudication again does not seem clear. The fair had

continued to grow, and its greatest expansion was in the direction of the

City. Indeed, at this or a later period, it extended down the West side

of Aldersgate nearly as far as St. Martin’s-le-Grand, or to St. Paul’s

itself. On the other side the jurisdiction of the City extended only to

Smithfield Bars. In 1399 Henry IV. had granted to the Citizens of London

the office of gathering tolls in Smithfield. Probably in consequence of

this arrangements were come to between the Priory and the City. Certain

is it that forty-six years later, or in 1445 (23rd Henry VI.), four

persons were appointed by the Court of Aldermen as keepers of Bartholomew

Fair and of the Court of Piepowder. In that Court, therefore, the City

then became represented as joint lord of the Fair with the Priory, the

lordship of the City being founded on its right over the ground beyond

the jurisdiction of the Canons. See 1538 and 1593.

_Dissolution of Monasteries._—1538. This is an eventful year in the

history of the Fair—the Dissolution of the Monastery was declared. The

Fair itself indeed remained—it was the Priory which created it that had

melted away.

Reviewing the fair as it had existed during the four centuries passed

since its origin—but many of the details of which I have necessarily

passed over in the preceding outline—we may adopt the picture thus freely

drawn by Mr. Morley: Thus we have in the most ancient times of the Fair a

church full of worshippers, among whom were the sick and maimed, praying

for health about its altar; a graveyard full of traders, and a place of

jesting and edification, where women and men caroused in the midst of the

throng; where the minstrel and the story-teller and the tumbler gathered

knots about them; where the sheriff caused new laws to be published by

loud proclamation in the gathering places of the people; where the young

men bowled at nine pins, while the clerks and friars peeped at the young

maids; where mounted knights and ladies curvetted and ambled, pedlars

loudly magnified their wares, the scholars met for public wrangle, oxen

lowed, horses neighed, and sheep bleated among their buyers; where great

shouts of laughter answered to the Ho! Ho! of the devil on the stage,

above which flags were flying, and below which a band of pipers and

guitar beaters added music to the din. That stage also—if ever there was

presented on it the story of the Creation—was the first wild-beast show

in the fair: for one of the dramatic effects connected with this play,

as we read in an ancient stage direction, was to represent the creation

of beasts by unloosing and sending among the excited crowd as great a

variety of strange animals as could be brought together; and to create

the birds by sending up a flight of pigeons. Under foot was mud and

filth, but the wall that pent the city in shone sunlit among the trees;

a fresh breeze came over the surrounding fields and brooks, whispering

among the elms that overhung the moor glittering with pools, or from the

Fair’s neighbour, the gallows! Shaven heads looked down on the scene from

the adjacent windows of the buildings bordering the Priory enclosure; and

the poor people whom the friars cherished in their hospital, made holiday

among the rest. The curfew bell of St. Martin’s-le-Grand, the religious

house to which William the Conqueror had given with its charter the

adjacent moorland, and within whose walls there was a sanctuary for loose

people, stilled the hum of the crowd at nightfall, and the Fair lay dark

under the starlight.

Change produces change; and so other events followed at this period. For

instance, the disputations of the scholars in the Mulberry Garden at the

time of the Fair ceased after the suppression of the Monastery. John Stow

had witnessed these when a lad, and he furnishes the following account

of the same, and of some events preceding: “As for the meeting of the

schoolmasters on Festival Days at Festival Churches, and the disputing

of the scholars logically, &c., whereof I have before spoken, the same

was long since discontinued; but the arguing of the schoolboys about

the principles of grammar hath been continued even till our time; for

I myself, in my youth, have yearly seen, on the eve of St. Bartholomew

the Apostle, the scholars of divers Grammar schools repair unto the

Churchyard of St. Bartholomew ... where upon a bank boarded about under

a tree, some one scholar hath stepped up, and there hath opposed and

answered till he were by some better scholar overcome and put down; and

then the overcomer taking the place did like as the first. And in the end

the best opposers and answerers had rewards, which I observed not but it

made good schoolmasters and also good scholars diligently against such

times to prepare themselves for the obtaining of this garland. I remember

there repaired to these exercises amongst others, the masters and

scholars of the free schools of St. Paul’s in London, of St. Peter’s at

Westminster, of Thomas Acon’s Hospital, and of St. Anthonie’s Hospital;

whereof the last named commonly presented the best scholars and had the

prize in those days. This priory of St. Bartholomew being surrendered to

Henry the Eighth, those disputations of scholars in that place surceased;

and was again, only for a year or twain, revived in the Cloister of

Christ’s Hospital, where the best scholars, then still of St. Anthonie’s

school, howsoever the same be now fallen both in number and estimation,

were rewarded with bows and arrows of silver, given to them by Sir Martin

Bower, goldsmith. Nevertheless however, the encouragement failed—the

scholars of St. Paul’s meeting with those of St. Anthonie’s would call

them Anthonie’s Pigs, and they again would call the others Pigeons of

Paul’s because many pigeons were bred in St. Paul’s Church, and St.

Anthonie was always figured with a pig following him; and mindful of the

former usage, did for a long season disorderly provoke one another in the

open street with ‘_Salve_ tu quoque, placet mecum disputare?’—‘Placet.’

And so proceeding from this to questions in grammar, they usually fell

from words to blows with their satchels full of books, many times in

great heaps, that they troubled the streets and passengers; so that

finally they were restrained with the decay of St. Anthonie’s school.”

It was during this reign of Henry VIII. that Grotwell (or Cartwell),

himself a common hangman—for there were then many of this occupation, and

plenty of employment—was hanged with two others, for robbing a booth at

the Fair. They were executed in the wrestling place at Clerkenwell.

I may resume the historical narration. When the King had taken the

estates of the greater monasteries, they were put under the management of

a Royal Commission, with Sir Richard Rich—under the style of Chancellor

of the Court of Augmentations—at its head. The Prior’s house became Lord

Rich’s town mansion; and with this mansion in Great St. Bartholomew

there had been assigned to him and his for ever, the Close of the said

late monastery or priory called Great St. Bartholomew Close, and all the

limits and precincts of the said Close; also all those closes, edifices,

called the fermery, the dorter, the frater, the cloisters, the gallery,

the hall, the kitchen, the buttery, the pantry, the old kitchen, the

woodhouse, the garner, and the Prior’s stable, of the said late monastery

and priory belonging; and also all that water and the aqueduct and

water-course coming from the conduit-head of St. Bartholomew in the

manor of Canonbury.

By the same Letters Patent the King farther granted to Sir Richard Rich,

knight, his heirs and assigns, “all that Our Fair and Markets, commonly

named and called Bartholomew Fair, holden and to be holden every year

within the aforesaid Close called Great St. Bartholomew Close, and in

West Smithfield aforesaid to continue yearly for three days,” &c. And

also all the stallage, piccage, toll, and customs of the same Fair and

Markets; and also all our Courts of Piepowders within the same; also the

scrutiny of weights and measures and things exposed to sale, and the

Assize of bread, wine, and ale, and other victuals. This grant included

the tolls of the Cloth Fair, but not, of course, the rights of the City

to the tolls for the fair outside St. Bartholomew’s enclosure.

_Growth of London._—1590. During the reign of Elizabeth various attempts

had been made to stop the growth of London. Proclamations had been issued

forbidding under heavy displeasure the building of new houses. But the

Elizabethan era was an important one in the development of commerce, as

it had been in the fostering of learning; and with the development of

commerce there came a greater influx of strangers into the city. Thus it

came about that more houses in the city were imperative. It was found

that the lines of trade marked at Bartholomew Fair by the standings of

the clothiers and others, would yield more money as streets of houses

than as streets of booths, and so, before the close of the century, as

Stow tells us, “notwithstanding all proclamations of the prince, and also

the act of parliament, in place of booths within the churchyard (only

let out in the fair time and closed up all the year after) be many large

houses built, and the north wall towards Long Lane taken down, and a

number of tenements are there erected for such as will give great rents.”

This last line of trading-houses was substituted for the profitless dead

wall. Parallel with it, through the ground vacant of building north of

the church, which that wall had enclosed, parallel also with one of the

church walls, a street of considerable houses occupied the site and kept

the name of Cloth Fair.

_Plague._—1593 (53rd of Elizabeth). The plague being now prevailing in

the city, the queen issued a proclamation on 6th August, about three

weeks before the usual time of the fair, in substance as follows:—Whereas

there was a general resort of all kinds of people out of every part of

the realm to the said fair; but that (on this occasion) in the usual

place of Smithfield there should be no manner of market for any wares

kept, nor any stalls or booths for any manner of merchandise, or for

victuals, suffered to be set up; but that the open space of the ground

called Smithfield, be only occupied with the sale of horses and cattle,

and of stall wares, as butter, cheese, and such like in gross, and not by

retail, the same to continue for the space of two days only.

And for the vent of woollen cloths, kerseys, and linen cloth, to be all

sold in gross and not by retail; the same should be brought within the

close-yard of St. Bartholomew (afterwards known as the Cloth Fair) where

shops were there continued (_i.e._ not deserted by reason of the plague)

and have gates to shut the same place in the nights, and then such to be

offered to sale, and to be bought in gross and not by retail; the same

market to continue but three days—that is to say Even, the Day of St.

Bartholomew and the Morrow after.

And that the sale and vent of leather be kept in the outside of the ring

of Smithfield, as had been accustomed, without erecting of any shops or

booths for the same, or for any victualler or other occupier of any wares

whatsoever.

And that notice hereof be given to such of H. M.’s good subjects as for

lack of knowledge of this H. M.’s princely ordonnance might resort to

London to sell or buy small wares by retail, and there receive infection,

and carry the same into their countries, H. M. commanded that the Lord

Mayor of London should cause this proclamation to be presently published

in all the usual places in the City, in the time of two or three

market days, and to be also Proclaimed by the Sheriffs of Middlesex,

Kent, Surrey, and Essex, in some places of those Counties near to the

said City, whereby none might resort to the City at this Feast of St.

Bartholomew, by pretence of any Fair, but such as should have cause to

sell or buy the commodities in gross.

Imprisonment, without bail, during the Queen’s pleasure, or further

punishment, was to be the penalty for the infraction of this ordinance.

Mr. Morley, reviewing this proclamation, says the inference to be drawn

from it was that the fair, as a place of wholesale commerce, was not

to be suppressed without more injury to trade than the fear of plague

would force the Queen’s advisers to inflict. But this consideration must

be qualified by the fact that the chief risk came from the throng of

pedlers, hawkers, stall-keepers, showmen, and holiday-makers from the

country round about; and that the soberer resort of merchants to the

fair, while it was certainly in one respect a greater good, was in the

other respect also a lesser evil. Also, there was a wealthy nobleman

at court unwilling to part with a year’s tolls from the Cloth Fair and

the Close, and able to urge actively, from motives of self-interest,

considerations that were, at the same time, not wanting in justice.

1596. A formal agreement was made between Lord Rich and the Corporation

of London, establishing a composition of the tolls of the fair; and, as

to jurisdiction, placing both parties nearly in the relative position

occupied by the Priory and the Corporation in 1445.

_A Foreigner’s View of the Fair._—1598. Paul Hentzner, a German tutor,

travelled this year through Germany, France, Italy, and England, and kept

an “Itinerarum,” of which many editions have been published. I quote the

following description of Bartholomew Fair from the Aungervyle Society’s

translation (1881):—“It is worthy of observation that every year upon

St. Bartholomew’s Day, when a fair is held, it is usual for the Mayor,

attended by the twelve principal Aldermen, to walk in a neighbouring

field dressed in his Scarlet Gown, and about his neck a Golden Chain,

to which is hung a Golden Fleece, and besides that particular ornament,

which distinguished the most noble Order of the Garter ... himself and

they on horseback; upon their arrival at a place appointed for that

purpose, where a tent is pitched, the mob begin to wrestle before them,

two at a time; the conquerors receive rewards from the magistrates. After

this is over, a parcel of live rabbits are turned loose among the crowd,

which are pursued by a number of boys who endeavour to catch them, with

all the noise they can make. While we were at this show, one of our

company, Tobias Salander, Doctor of Physic, had his pocket picked of his

purse, with nine crowns _du soleil_, which without doubt was so cleverly

taken from him by an Englishman who always kept close to him, that the

Doctor did not the least perceive it.”

[Illustration]

[Illustration]

Fairs, past and present · 第 16 / 24 章