IN CONCLUSION

I

One of the best ways of finding out why a race is what it is, is to pick

out the words that preponderate in its speech and its literature, and

then try to define the special meaning it gives them.

The French people are one of the most ascetic and the most laborious in

Europe; yet the four words that preponderate in French speech and

literature are: Glory, love, voluptuousness, and pleasure. Before the

Puritan reflex causes the reader to fling aside the page polluted by

this statement, it will be worth his while to translate these four words

into _la gloire_, _l'amour_, _la volupté_, _le plaisir_, and then (if he

knows French and the French well enough) consider what they mean in the

language of Corneille and Pascal. For it must be understood that they

have no equivalents in the English consciousness, and that, if it were

sought to explain the fundamental difference between the exiles of the

_Mayflower_ and the conquerors of Valmy and Jéna, it would probably best

be illustrated by the totally different significance of "love and glory"

and "amour et gloire."

To begin with "la gloire": we must resign ourselves to the fact that we

do not _really know_ what the French mean when they say it--what, for

instance, Montesquieu had in mind when he wrote of Sparta: "The only

object of the Lacedæmonians was liberty, the only advantage it gave them

was glory." At best, if we are intelligent and sympathetic enough to

have entered a little way into the French psychology, we know that they

mean something infinitely larger, deeper and subtler than we mean by

"glory." The proof is that the Anglo-Saxon is taught _not_ to do great

deeds for "glory," while the French, unsurpassed in great deeds, have

always avowedly done them for "la gloire."

It is obvious that the sense of duty has a large part in the French

conception of glory: perhaps one might risk defining it as duty with a

_panache_. But that only brings one to another untranslatable word. To

put a _panache_--a plume, an ornament--on a prosaic deed is an act so

eminently French that one seeks in vain for its English equivalent; it

would verge on the grotesque to define "la gloire" as duty wearing an

aigrette! The whole conception of "la gloire" is linked with the

profoundly French conviction that the lily _should_ be gilded; that,

however lofty and beautiful a man's act or his purpose, it gains by

being performed with what the French (in a word which for them has no

implication of effeminacy) call "elegance." Indeed, the higher, the more

beautiful, the gesture or the act, the more it seems to them to call for

adornment, the more it gains by being given relief. And thus, by the

very appositeness of the word _relief_, one is led to perceive that "la

gloire" as an incentive to high action is essentially the conception of

a people in whom the plastic sense has always prevailed. The idea of

"dying in beauty" certainly originated with the Latin race, though a

Scandinavian playwright was left, incongruously enough, to find a phrase

for it.

The case is the same with "love" and "amour"; but here the difference is

more visible, and the meaning of "amour" easier to arrive at. Again, as

with "gloire," the content is greater than that of our "love." "Amour,"

to the French, means the undivided total of the complex sensations and

emotions that a man and a woman may inspire in each other; whereas

"love," since the days of the Elizabethans, has never, to Anglo-Saxons,

been more than two halves of a word--one half all purity and poetry, the

other all pruriency and prose. And gradually the latter half has been

discarded, as too unworthy of association with the loftier meanings of

the word, and "love" remains--at least in the press and in the

household--a relation as innocuous, and as undisturbing to social

conventions and business routine, as the tamest ties of consanguinity.

Is it not possible that the determination to keep these two halves apart

has diminished the one and degraded the other, to the loss of human

nature in the round? The Anglo-Saxon answer is, of course, that love is

not license; but what meaning is left to "love" in a society where it is

supposed to determine marriage, and yet to ignore the transiency of

sexual attraction? At best, it seems to designate a boy-and-girl fancy

not much more mature than a taste for dolls or marbles. In the light of

that definition, has not license kept the better part?

It may be argued that human nature is everywhere fundamentally the same,

and that, though one race lies about its deepest impulses, while another

speaks the truth about them, the result in conduct is not very

different. Is either of these affirmations exact? If human nature, at

bottom, is everywhere the same, such deep layers of different habits,

prejudices, and beliefs have been formed above its foundation that it is

rather misleading to test resemblances by what one digs up at the roots.

Secondary motives of conduct are widely divergent in different

countries, and they are the motives that control civilised societies

except when some catastrophe throws them back to the state of naked man.

To understand the difference between the Latin and the Anglo-Saxon idea

of love one must first of all understand the difference between the

Latin and Anglo-Saxon conceptions of marriage. In a society where

marriage is supposed to be determined solely by reciprocal inclination,

and to bind the contracting parties not only to a social but to a

physical lifelong loyalty, love, which never has accepted, and never

will accept, such bonds, immediately becomes a pariah and a sinner. This

is the Anglo-Saxon point of view. How many critics of the French

conception of love have taken the trouble to consider first their idea

of marriage?

Marriage, in France, is regarded as founded for the family and not for

the husband and wife. It is designed not to make two people individually

happy for a longer or shorter time, but to secure their permanent

well-being as associates in the foundation of a home and the procreation

of a family. Such an arrangement must needs be based on what is most

permanent in human states of feeling, and least dependent on the

accidents of beauty, youth, and novelty. Community of tradition, of

education, and, above all, of the parental feeling, are judged to be the

sentiments most likely to form a lasting tie between the average man and

woman; and the French marriage is built on parenthood, not on passion.

An illustration of the radical contradiction between such a view of

marriage and that of the English races is found in the following

extract from a notice of a play lately produced (with success) in

London:

"After two months of marriage a young girl discovers that her husband

married her because he wanted a son. _That is enough. She will have no

more to do with him._ So he goes off to fulfil a mining engagement in

Peru, and she hides herself in the country...."

It would be impossible to exaggerate the bewilderment and disgust with

which any wife or husband in France, whether young or middle-aged, would

read the cryptic sentences I have italicised. "What," they would ask,

"did the girl suppose he had married her for? And what did she _want_ to

be married for? And what is marriage for, if not for that?"

The French bride is no longer taken from a convent at sixteen to be

flung into the arms of an unknown bridegroom. As emancipation has

progressed, the young girl has been allowed a voice in choosing her

husband; but what is the result? That in ninety-nine cases out of a

hundred her choice is governed by the same considerations. The notion

of marriage as a kind of superior business association, based on

community of class, of political and religious opinion, and on a fair

exchange of advantages (where one, for instance, brings money and the

other position), is so ingrained in the French social organisation that

the modern girl accepts it intelligently, just as her puppet grandmother

bowed to it passively.

From this important act of life the notion of love is tacitly excluded;

not because love is thought unimportant, but on account of its very

importance, and of the fact that it is not conceivably to be fitted into

any stable association between man and woman. It is because the French

have refused to cut love in two that they have not attempted to

subordinate it to the organisation of the family. They have left it out

because there was no room for it, and also because it moves to a

different rhythm, and keeps different seasons. It is because they refuse

to regard it either as merely an exchange of ethereal vows or as a

sensual gratification; because, on the contrary, they believe, with

Coleridge, that

"All thoughts, all passions, all delights,

Whatever stirs this mortal frame,

All are but ministers of Love,

And feed his sacred flame,"

that they frankly recognise its right to its own place in life.

What, then, is the place they give to the disturbing element? They treat

it--the answer might be--as the poetry of life. For the French, simply

because they are the most realistic people in the world, are also the

most romantic. They have judged that the family and the state cannot be

built up on poetry, but they have not felt that for that reason poetry

was to be banished from their republic. They have decided that love is

too grave a matter for boys and girls, and not grave enough to form the

basis of marriage; but in the relations between grown people, apart from

their permanent ties (and in the deepest consciousness of the French,

marriage still remains indissoluble), they allow it, frankly and amply,

the part it furtively and shabbily, but no less ubiquitously, plays in

Puritan societies.

It is not intended here to weigh the relative advantages of this view of

life and the other; what has been sought is to state fairly the reasons

why marriage, being taken more seriously and less vaguely by the French,

there remains an allotted place for love in their more precisely ordered

social economy. Nevertheless, it is fairly obvious that, except in a

world where the claims of the body social are very perfectly balanced

against those of the body individual, to give such a place to passion is

to risk being submerged by it. A society which puts love beyond the law,

and then pays it such heavy toll, subjects itself to the most terrible

of Camorras.

French Ways and Their Meaning · 第 40 / 43 题