MEMPHIS, (TENN.), JAN. 1, 1835.

Cincinnati has been made famous by Mrs Trollope, whose aristocratic

feelings were offended by the pork-trade, which is here carried on

on a great scale. From her accounts many persons have thought that

every body in Cincinnati was a pork merchant, and the city a mere

slaughter-house. The fact is that Cincinnati is a large and beautiful

town, charmingly situated in one of those bends which the Ohio makes,

as if unwilling to leave the spot. The hills which border the _Belle

Rivière_ (Beautiful River, the French name of the Ohio) through its

whole course, seem here to have receded from the river bank, in order

to form a lofty plain, to which they serve as walls, whenever the Ohio

does not serve as a foss, and on which man might build a town above

the reach of the terrible floods of the river. Geologists, who have

no faith in the favours of the fabled Oreads, will merely attribute

this table-land to the washing away of the mountains, in the diluvian

period, by the River Licking, now a modest little stream, which,

descending from the highlands of Kentucky, empties itself into the Ohio

opposite Cincinnati. However this may be, there is not, in the whole

course of the river, a single spot which offers such attractions to the

founders of a town.

The architectural appearance of Cincinnati is very nearly the same with

that of the new quarters of the English towns. The houses are generally

of brick, most commonly three stories high, with the windows shining

with cleanliness, calculated each for a single family, and regularly

placed along well paved and spacious streets, sixty feet in width.

Here and there the prevailing uniformity is interrupted by some more

imposing edifice, and there are some houses of hewn stone in very good

taste, real palaces in miniature, with neat porticoes, inhabited by the

aristocratical portion of Mrs Trollope's hog-merchants, and several

very pretty mansions surrounded with gardens and terraces. Then there

are the common school-houses, where girls and boys together learn

reading, writing, cyphering, and geography, under the simultaneous

direction of a master and mistress.[AX] In another direction you see a

small, plain church, without sculpture or paintings, without coloured

glass or gothic arches, but snug, well carpeted, and well-warmed by

stoves. In Cincinnati, as everywhere else in the United States, there

is a great number of churches; each sect has its own, from Anglican

Episcopalianism, which enlists under its banner the wealth of the

country, to the Baptist and Methodist sects, the religion of the

labourers and negroes. On another side, stands a huge hotel, which

from its exterior you would take for a royal residence, but in which,

as I can testify, you will not experience a princely hospitality; or a

museum, which is merely a private speculation, as all American museums

are, and which consists of some few crystals, some mammoth-bones, which

are very abundant in the United States, an Egyptian mummy, some Indian

weapons and dresses, and a half-dozen wax-figures, representing, for

instance, Washington, General Jackson, and the Indian Chiefs, Black

Hawk and Tecumseh, a figure of Napoleon afoot or on horseback, a French

cuirass from Waterloo, a collection of portraits of distinguished

Americans, comprising Lafayette and some of the leading men of the

town, another of stuffed birds, snakes preserved in spirits, and

particularly a large living snake, a boa constrictor, or an anaconda.

One of these museums in Cincinnati is remarkable for its collection of

Indian antiquities, derived from the huge caves of Kentucky, or from

the numerous mounds on the banks of the Ohio, of which there were

several on the site of Cincinnati.[AY]

As for the banks they are modestly lodged at Cincinnati, but a plan of

a handsome edifice, worthy of their high fortune, and sufficient to

accommodate them all, is at present under consideration. The founderies

for casting steam-engines, the yards for building steamboats, the

noisy, unwholesome, or unpleasant workshops, are in the adjoining

village of Fulton, in Covington or Newport on the Kentucky bank of the

river, or in the country. As to the enormous slaughter of hogs, about

150,000 annually, and the preparation of the lard, which follows, the

town is not in the least incommoded by it; the whole process takes

place on the banks of a little stream called Deer Creek, which has

received the nickname of the Bloody Run, from the colour of its waters

during the season of the massacre, or near the basins of the great

canal, which extends from Cincinnati towards the Maumee of Lake Erie.

Cincinnati has, however, no squares planted with trees in the English

taste, no parks nor walks, no fountains, although it would be very

easy to have them. It is necessary to wait for the ornamental, until

the taste for it prevails among the inhabitants; at present the useful

occupies all thoughts. Besides, all improvements require an increase of

taxes, and in the United States it is not easy to persuade the people

to submit to this. (See _Note 20_.) Cincinnati also stands in need of

some public provision for lighting the streets, which this repugnance

to taxes has hitherto prevented.

Cincinnati has had water-works, for supplying the inhabitants with

water, for about 20 years; for an annual rate, which amounts to about

8 or 12 dollars for a family, each has a quantity amply sufficient

for all its wants. A steam-engine on the banks of the river raises

the water to a reservoir on one of the hills near the city, 300 feet

high, whence it is conducted in iron pipes in every direction. The

height of the reservoir is such that the water rises to the top of

every house, and fire-plugs are placed at intervals along the streets

to supply the engines in case of fire. Several of the new towns in

the United States have water-works, and Philadelphia, among the older

cities, has an admirable system of works, which, owing to a series of

unsuccessful experiments, have cost a large sum.[AZ] At this moment,

a plan for supplying Boston with water is under discussion, which

will cost several millions, because the water must be brought from a

distance. New York is also engaged in a similar work, the expense of

which will be about five millions. The Cincinnati water-works have

not cost much above 150,000 dollars, although they have been several

times completely reconstructed. It is generally thought in the United

States, that the water-works ought to be owned by the towns, but those

in Cincinnati belong to a company, and the water-rate is, therefore,

higher than in Philadelphia and Pittsburg. The city has three times

been in negotiation for the purchase of the works, and has always

declined buying on advantageous terms; the first time the establishment

was offered for 35,000 dollars, and the second time for 80,000; the

third time, 125,000 dollars were demanded, and 300,000 or 400,000 will

finally be paid for it. In this case, as in regard to lighting the

streets, the principal cause of the refusal of the city to buy was the

unwillingness to lay new taxes.

The appearance of Cincinnati as it is approached from the water, is

imposing, and it is still more so when it is viewed from one of the

neighbouring hills. The eye takes in the windings of the Ohio and

the course of the Licking, which enters the former at right angles,

the steamboats that fill the port, the basin of the Miami canal,

with the warehouses that line it and the locks that connect it with

the river, the white-washed spinning works of Newport and Covington

with their tall chimneys, the Federal arsenal, above which floats the

starry banner, and the numerous wooden spires that crown the churches.

On all sides the view is terminated by ranges of hills, forming an

amphitheatre yet covered with the vigourous growth of the primitive

forest. This rich verdure is here and there interrupted by country

houses surrounded by colonnades, which are furnished by the forest.

The population which occupies this amphitheatre, lives in the midst of

plenty; it is industrious, sober, frugal, thirsting after knowledge,

and if, with a very few exceptions, it is entirely a stranger to the

delicate pleasures and elegant manners of the refined society of our

European capitals, it is equally ignorant of its vices, dissipation,

and follies.

At the first glance one does not perceive any difference between the

right and left bank of the river; from a distance, the prosperity of

Cincinnati seems to extend to the opposite shore. This is an illusion;

on the right bank, that is, in Ohio, there are none but freemen;

slavery exists on the other side. You may descend the river hundreds of

miles, with slavery on the left and liberty on the right, although it

is the same soil, and equally capable of being cultivated by the white

man. When you enter the Mississippi you have slavery on both sides of

you. A blind carelessness, or rather a fatal weakness in the rulers,

and a deplorable selfishness in the people, have allowed this plague

to become fixed in a country where there was no need of tolerating its

existence. Who can tell when and how, and through what sufferings, it

will be possible to eradicate it?

I met with one incident in Cincinnati, which I shall long remember.

I had observed at the hotel table a man of about the medium height,

stout and muscular, and of about the age of sixty years, yet with the

active step and lively air of youth. I had been struck with his open

and cheerful expression, the amenity of his manners, and a certain

air of command, which appeared through his plain dress. "That is,"

said my friend, "General Harrison, clerk of the Cincinnati Court of

Common Pleas"--"What! General Harrison of the Tippecanoe and the

Thames?" "The same; the ex-general, the conqueror of Tecumseh and

Proctor; the avenger of our disasters on the Raisin and at Detroit;

the ex-governor of the Territory of Indiana, the ex-senator in

Congress, the ex-minister of the United States to one of the South

American republics. He has grown old in the service of his country,

he has passed twenty years of his life in those fierce wars with the

Indians, in which there was less glory to be won, but more dangers to

be encountered, than at Rivoli and Austerlitz. He is now poor, with

a numerous family, neglected by the Federal government, although yet

vigourous, because he has the independence to think for himself. As

the Opposition is in the majority here, his friends have bethought

themselves of coming to his relief by removing the clerk of the court

of Common Pleas, who was a Jackson man, and giving him the place, which

is a lucrative one, as a sort of retiring pension. His friends in the

East talk of making him President of the United States. Meanwhile we

have made him clerk of an inferior court." After a pause my informant

added, "At this wretched table you may see another candidate for the

presidency, who seems to have a better chance than General Harrison; it

is Mr McLean, now one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the United

States."

Examples of this abandonment of men, whose career has been in the

highest degree honourable, are not rare in the United States. I had

already seen the illustrious Gallatin at New York, who, after having

grown old in the service of the republic, after having been for forty

years a legislator, a member of the cabinet, a minister abroad,

after having taken an active part in every wise and good measure of

the Federal government, was dismissed without any provision, and

would have terminated his laborious career in poverty, had not his

friends offered him the place of president of one of the banks in

New York. The distress of President Jefferson in his old age is well

known, and that he was reduced to the necessity of asking permission

of the Virginia legislature to dispose of his estate by lottery;

while President Monroe, still more destitute, after having spent his

patrimony in the service of the State, was constrained to implore the

compassion of Congress; and these are the men to whom their country

owes the invaluable acquisitions of Louisiana and Florida. The system

of retiring pensions is unknown in the United States. No provision is

made for the old age of eminent men who accept the highest offices in

the State, although it is impossible for them to lay up anything out of

their comparatively moderate salaries, and several of them have seen

their fortunes disappear with their health in the public service. The

public functionaries are treated like menial servants; the system of

domestic life is such in the United States, that every American, in

private life, treats the humblest of his white domestics with more

respect, than most of them show, in public life, to officers of the

highest rank. On every occasion and in a thousand forms, the latter

are reminded, that they are nothing but dust, and that a frown of the

people can annihilate them.

This treatment of their public officers by the Americans is the

mathematical consequence of the principle of popular sovereignty;

but I consider it as consistent neither with reason nor justice. If

it is true, that nations have an imprescriptible right to regulate

the conduct of the depositaries of power conformably to their own

interests, it is equally true, that men of superior abilities and worth

have a natural and sacred right to be invested with high powers and

functions. If it is criminal to sport with the welfare of the mass, it

is no less so to trample under foot the wise and good. And if those

whom talents and zeal for the public good call to important posts, are

repulsed by the prospect of ingratitude and contempt, to what hands

shall the care of the commonwealth be confided? What will then be the

fate of the sovereign people? There is no less despotism in a people,

who, impatient of all superiority, repays the services of illustrious

citizens only with neglect, and capriciously throws them aside, like so

much garbage, than in an Asiatic prince, who reduces all to the same

level of servitude, treats all with the same insolence and brutality,

and considers virtue and genius overpaid by the honour of being

permitted to kneel on the steps of his throne.

In conformity with the prevailing ideas on the subject of offices

and officers, no sort of provision has been made for the protection

of the latter. They are removeable without any kind of pretence or

formality, without being informed of the ground of their removal, and

without any reason being given to the public. In this way a terrible

rod of tyranny hangs over them, although under the mild and moderate

administration of former Presidents little use was made of it; but,

since the accession of General Jackson, a regular system of removal

from office has been sanctioned, and office has become the reward of

party-services; it has been publicly declared, that the _spoils of

victory belong to the conquerors_. President Jackson has filled all

the custom-houses and post offices with his creatures, and this policy

has gained over some States, counties, and towns; at every change of

opinion, the State changes its executive officers; the legislators

change their secretaries, printers, and even their messengers; the

courts, their clerks; the towns, their treasurers, their inspectors of

markets, weights and measures, and even their scavengers and watchmen.

Men in office now understand, that the preservation of their places and

the bread of their families are hazarded at every municipal, State,

or Federal election, according as they hold of the town, State, or

general government. Formerly they took no part in election manoeuvres,

the Presidents having expressly forbidden the officers of the Federal

government to meddle with them; at present, they are the most active

agents in them. The President has now at his command an army of 60,000

voters,[BA] dependent on his will, whose interests are bound up in

his, and who are his forlorn hope. So true is it that extremes meet,

and that, by pushing to excess a single principle, however true, we

shall come to conclusions, which, practically speaking, amount to the

overthrow of the principle itself. Thus by drawing out too fine the

principle of the popular sovereignty, we may come nearer and nearer

to tyranny and the oppression of the people. Is not this a proof that

logic is not always reason, and that truth is often, if not always,

to be found in the harmonious combinations of seemingly contradictory

principles?

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