BOOK XXVII.

_Cneius Fulvius, proconsul, defeated by Hannibal and slain;

the consul, Claudius Marcellus, engages him with better

success. Hannibal, raising his camp, retires; Marcellus

pursues, and forces him to an engagement. They fight twice; in

the first battle, Hannibal gains the advantage; in the second,

Marcellus. Tarentum betrayed to Fabius Maximus, the consul.

Scipio engages with Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, at

Baetula, in Spain, and defeats him. Among other prisoners, a

youth of royal race and exquisite beauty is taken; Scipio sets

him free, and sends him, enriched with magnificent presents,

to his uncle Masinissa. Marcellus and Quintus Crispinus,

consuls, drawn into an ambuscade by Hannibal; Marcellus is

slain, Crispinus escapes. Operations by Publius Sulpicius,

praetor, against Philip and the Achaeans. A census held;

the number of citizens found to amount to one hundred and

thirty-seven thousand one hundred and eight: from which it

appears how great a loss they had sustained by the number

of unsuccessful battles they had of late been engaged in.

Hasdrubal, who had crossed the Alps with a reinforcement for

Hannibal, defeated by the consuls, Marcus Livius and Claudius

Nero, and slain; with him fell fifty-six thousand men_.

1. Such was the state of affairs in Spain. In Italy, the consul

Marcellus, after regaining Salapia, which was betrayed into his hands,

took Maronea and Meles from the Samnites by force. As many as three

thousand of the soldiers of Hannibal, which were left as a garrison,

were here surprised and overpowered. The booty, and there was a

considerable quantity of it, was given up to the troops. Also, two

hundred and forty thousand pecks of wheat, with a hundred and ten

thousand pecks of barley, were found here. The joy, however, thus

occasioned, was by no means so great as a disaster sustained a few

days afterwards, not far from the town Herdonea. Cneius Fulvius, the

consul, was lying encamped there, in the hope of regaining Herdonea,

which had revolted from the Romans after the defeat at Cannae, his

position being neither sufficiently secure from the nature of the

place, nor strengthened by guards. The natural negligence of the

general was now increased by the hope that their attachment to the

Carthaginians was shaken when they had heard that Hannibal, after the

loss of Salapia, had retired from that neighbourhood into Bruttium.

Intelligence of all these circumstances being conveyed to Hannibal by

secret messengers from Herdonea, at once excited an anxious desire to

retain possession of a city in alliance with him, and inspired a hope

of attacking the enemy when unprepared. With a lightly equipped force

he hastened to Herdonea by forced marches, so as almost to anticipate

the report of his approach and in order to strike greater terror into

the enemy, came up with his troops in battle-array. The Roman, equal

to him in courage, but inferior in strength, hastily drawing out his

troops, engaged him. The fifth legion and the left wing of the allied

infantry commenced the battle with spirit. But Hannibal ordered his

cavalry, on a signal given, to ride round as soon as the foot forces

had their eyes and thoughts occupied with the contest before them, and

one half of them to attack the camp of the enemy, the other half to

fall upon their rear, while busily engaged in fighting. He himself,

sarcastically alluding to the similarity of the name Fulvius, as he

had defeated Cneius Fulvius, the praetor, two years ago, in the same

country, expressed his confidence that the issue of the battle would

be similar. Nor was this expectation vain; for after many of the

Romans had fallen in the close contest, and in the engagement with the

infantry, notwithstanding which they still preserved their ranks and

stood their ground; the alarm occasioned by the cavalry on their rear,

and the enemy shout, which was heard at the same time from their camp,

first put to flight the sixth legion, which being posted in the second

line, was first thrown into confusion by the Numidians; and then

the fifth legion, and those who were posted in the van. Some fled

precipitately, others were slain in the middle space, where also

Cneius Fulvius himself, with eleven military tribunes, fell. Who can

state with certainty how many thousands of the Romans and their allies

were slain in this battle, when I find in some accounts that

thirteen, in others that not more than seven, thousand were slain?

The conquerors got possession of the camp and the spoil. Finding that

Herdonea would have revolted to the Romans, and was not likely to

continue faithful to him if he departed thence, he removed all its

inhabitants to Metapontum and Thurium, and burnt it. He put to death

the chief men who were found to have held secret conferences with

Fulvius. Such of the Romans as escaped this dreadful carnage, fled

half-armed, by different roads, into Samnium, to the consul Marcellus.

2. Marcellus, who was not much discouraged at this so great a

disaster, sent a letter to the senate at Rome, with an account of the

loss of the general and army at Herdonea; observing, however, "that he

who, after the battle of Cannae, had humbled Hannibal when elated with

victory, was now marching against him, and that he would cause that

his present joy and exultation should not continue long." At Rome,

indeed, the grief occasioned by what had occurred, and the fears

entertained for the future, were excessive. The consul passing out of

Samnium into Lucania, pitched his camp at Numistro, on a plain

within view of Hannibal, who occupied a hill. He added also another

demonstration of his confidence; for he was the first to lead out his

troops to battle, nor did Hannibal decline fighting when he saw the

standards carried out from the gates. However, they drew up their

forces so that the right wing of the Carthaginians was extended up the

hill, while the left wing of the Romans was contiguous to the town.

For a long time neither side had any advantage; but the battle having

continued from the third hour till night, and the first lines, which

consisted, on the part of the Romans, of the first legion and the

right wing of the allied infantry, on the part of Hannibal, of the

Spanish soldiers, the Balearic slingers, and the elephants, which

were driven into the field after the commencement of the battle, being

fatigued with fighting, the first legion was relieved by the third,

and the right wing of allied infantry by the left; while on the part

of the enemy fresh troops took up the battle in place of those who

were tired. A new and desperate conflict suddenly arose, instead of

that which was so feebly maintained, their minds and bodies being

unimpaired by fatigue; but night separated the combatants while the

victory was undecided. The following day the Romans stood drawn up

for battle from sun-rise till late in the day; but none of the enemy

coming out against them, they gathered the spoils at their leisure,

and collecting the bodies of their own troops into a heap, burnt them.

The following night Hannibal decamped in silence, and moved on into

Apulia. As soon as daylight discovered the flight of the enemy,

Marcellus, leaving his wounded under the protection of a small

garrison at Numistro, in command of which he placed Lucius Furius

Purpureo, a military tribune, commenced a close pursuit of Hannibal,

and overtook him at Venusia. Here, during several days, parties of

troops sallying from the outposts, battles took place between foot and

horses promiscuously, rather irregular than important, but which for

the most part were favourable to the Romans. The armies were marched

thence through Apulia without any engagement worth recording; for

Hannibal marched by night, seeking an opportunity for ambuscade,

but Marcellus never followed him except in broad daylight, and after

having explored the country.

3. In the mean time, while Flaccus was detained at Capua in selling

the property of the nobles, and letting out the land which had been

forfeited, all of which he let for a rent to be paid in corn, lest

occasions for exercising severity toward the Campanians should be

wanting, a new piece of inquiry which had been ripening in secret, was

brought out in evidence. He had compelled his soldiers, withdrawn from

the houses, to build for themselves huts after the military manner,

near the gates and walls; at once, that the houses of the city might

be let and occupied together with the land, also through fear, lest

the excessive luxury of the city should enervate his troops as it had

those of Hannibal. Now many of these were formed of hurdles or boards,

others of reeds interwoven, all being covered with straw, as if

combustable materials had been employed on purpose. A hundred and

seventy Campanians, headed by the Blosii who were fathers, had formed

a conspiracy to set fire to all these at a late hour of the night; but

information of the conspiracy having been given by one of the slaves

of the Blosii, the gates were suddenly closed by the command of the

proconsul, and all the soldiers had been assembled under arms, on a

signal given all who were implicated in the guilt were seized, and,

after rigorous examination, were condemned and executed, informers

were rewarded with liberty and ten thousand _asses_ each. The people

of Nuceria and Acerra, who complained that they had no where to dwell,

Acerra being partly burnt, and Nuceria demolished, Fulvius sent to

Rome to the senate. Permission was given to the people of Acerra to

rebuild what had been destroyed by fire. The people of Nuceria were

removed to Atella, as they preferred; the people of Atella being

ordered to migrate to Calatia. Among the many and important events,

sometimes prosperous, sometimes adverse, which occupied men's

thoughts, not even the citadel of Tarentum was forgotten. Marcus

Ogulnius and Publius Aquillius went into Etruria as commissioners to

buy up corn to be conveyed to Tarentum; and one thousand men out of

the city troops, an equal number of Romans and allies, were sent to

the same place, together with the corn, for its protection.

4. The summer was now on the close, and the time for the election of

consuls drew nigh; but a letter from Marcellus, in which he stated,

that it would not be for the interest of the state that he should

depart a single step from Hannibal, whom he was severely pressing

while retreating before him and evading an engagement, had excited

anxiety, lest they must either recall the consul from the war at that

time when he was most actively employed, or consuls should not be

appointed for the year. The best course appeared to be to recall in

preference the consul Valerius from Sicily, although he was out of

Italy. A letter was sent to him by Lucius Manlius, the city praetor,

by order of the senate, together with the letter of Marcus Marcellus,

the consul, that he might learn from it what reason the senate had for

recalling him from his province rather than his colleague. Much about

this time ambassadors came to Rome from king Syphax with accounts of

the successful battles which he had fought with the Carthaginians.

They assured the senate that there was no people to whom the king

was more hostile than the Carthaginians, and none to whom he was

more friendly than the Romans. They said, that "he had before sent

ambassadors into Spain, to Cneius and Publius Cornelius, the Roman

generals, but that he was now desirous to solicit the friendship of

the Romans, as it were, from the fountain-head itself." The senate not

only returned a gracious answer to the ambassadors, but also sent

as ambassadors to the king, with presents, Lucius Genucius, Publius

Paetelius, and Publius Popillius. The presents they carried were a

purple gown and vest, an ivory chair, and a bowl formed out of five

pounds of gold. They received orders to proceed forthwith to other

petty princes of Africa carrying with them as presents for them gowns

bordered with purple, and golden bowls weighing three pounds each.

Marcus Atilius and Manius Acilius were also sent as ambassadors to

Alexandria, to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to revive and renew

the treaty of friendship with them, carrying with them as presents

a gown and purple tunic, with an ivory chair for the king, and an

embroidered gown and a purple vest for the queen. During the summer in

which these transactions took place, many prodigies were reported from

the country and cities in the neighbourhood; at Tusculum it was said

that a lamb was yeaned with its dug full of milk; that the roof of the

temple of Jupiter was struck with lightning and almost stripped of

its entire covering. Much about the same time it was reported that

the ground in front of the gate at Anagnia was struck, and that it

continued burning for a day and a night without any thing to feed

the fire; that at Compitum in the territory of Anagnia, the birds had

deserted the nests in the trees in the grove of Diana; that snakes

of amazing size had leaped up, like fishes sporting, in the sea at

Taracina not far from the port; at Tarquinii, that a pig was produced

with a human face; that in the territory of Capena at the grove of

Feronia, four statues had sweated blood profusely for a day and a

night. These prodigies were expiated with victims of the greater kind,

according to a decree of the pontiffs, and a supplication was fixed

to be performed for one day at Rome at all the shrines, and another in

the territory of Capena at the grove of Feronia.

5. Marcus Valerius, the consul, having been summoned by letter, gave

the command of the province and his army to Cincius the praetor, sent

Marcus Valerius Messala, commander of the fleet, with half of the

ships to Africa, at the same time to plunder the country and observe

what the Carthaginians were doing, and what preparations they were

making, and then set out himself with ten ships for Rome; where,

having arrived in safety, he immediately convened the senate. Here

he made a recital of his services. That "after hostilities had been

carried on, and severe losses often sustained, both by sea and land,

through a period of almost sixty years, he had completely terminated

the business of the province. That there was not one Carthaginian in

Sicily, nor one Sicilian absent of those who through fear had been

compelled to go into exile and live abroad; that all of them were

brought back to their cities and fields, and were employed in

ploughing and sowing; that the land which was deserted was now again

inhabited, not only yielding its fruits to its cultivators, but

forming a most certain resource for the supply of provisions to the

Roman people in peace and war." After this, Mutines and such others as

had rendered any services to the Roman people were introduced into

the senate, and all received honorary rewards in fulfilment of

the consul's engagement. Mutines was also made a Roman citizen,

a proposition to that effect having been made to the commons by a

plebeian tribune, on the authority of the senate. While these things

were going on at Rome, Marcus Valerius Messala, arriving on the coast

of Africa before daylight, made a sudden descent on the territory

of Utica; and after ravaging it to a great extent, and taking many

prisoners, together with booty of every kind, he returned to his ships

and sailed over to Sicily. He returned to Lilybaeum on the thirteenth

day from the time he left it. From the prisoners, on examination, the

following facts were discovered, and all communicated in writing to

the consul Laevinus in order, so that he might know in what state the

affairs of Africa were. That "five thousand Numidians, with Masinissa,

the son of Gala, a youth of extraordinary spirit, were at Carthage,

and that other troops were hiring throughout all Africa, to be passed

over into Spain to Hasdrubal; in order that he might, as soon as

possible, pass over into Italy, with as large a force as could be

collected, and form a junction with Hannibal." That the Carthaginians

considered their success dependent on this measure. That a very large

fleet was also in preparation for the recovery of Sicily, which they

believed would sail thither in a short time. The recital of these

facts had such an effect upon the senate, that they resolved that the

consul ought not to wait for the election, but that a dictator should

be appointed to hold it, and that the consul should immediately return

to his province. A difference of opinion delayed this, for the consul

declared that he should nominate as dictator Marcus Valerius Messala,

who then commanded the fleet in Sicily; but the fathers denied that a

person could be appointed dictator who was not in the Roman territory,

and this was limited by Italy. Marcus Lucretius, a plebeian tribune,

having taken the sense of the senate upon the question, it was

decreed, "that the consul before he quitted the city, should put

the question to the people, as to whom they wished to be appointed

dictator, and that he should nominate whomsoever they directed. If the

consul were unwilling that the praetor should put the question, and

if even he were unwilling to do it, that then the tribunes should make

the proposition to the commons." The consul refusing to submit to the

people what lay in his own power, and forbidding the praetor to do so,

the plebeian tribunes put the question, and the commons ordered that

Quintus Fulvius, who was then at Capua, should be nominated dictator.

But on the night preceding the day on which the assembly of the people

was to be held for that purpose, the consul went off privately into

Sicily; and the fathers, thus deserted, decreed that a letter should

be sent to Marcus Claudius, in order that he might come to the support

of the state, which had been abandoned by his colleague, and appoint

him dictator whom the commons had ordered. Thus Quintus Fulvius was

appointed dictator by Marcus Claudius, the consul, and in conformity

with the same order of the people, Publius Licinius Crassus, chief

pontiff, was appointed master of the horse by Quintus Fulvius, the

dictator.

6. After the dictator had arrived at Rome, he sent Cneius Sempronius

Blaesus, who had acted under him as lieutenant general at Capua, into

the province of Etruria, to take the command of the army there, in the

room of the praetor, Caius Calpurnius, whom he had summoned by letter

to take the command of Capua and his own army. He fixed the first date

he could for the election: which, however, could not be brought to

a conclusion, in consequence of a dispute which arose between the

tribunes and the dictator. The junior century of the Galerian tribe,

to whose lot it fell to give the votes first, had named Quintus

Fulvius and Quintus Fabius as consuls; and the other centuries,

on being called upon to vote according to their course, would have

inclined the same way, had not the plebeian tribunes, Caius and Lucius

Arennius interposed. They said, "that it was hardly constitutional

that a chief magistrate should be continued in office but that it was

a precedent still more shocking, that the very person who held the

election should be appointed. Then therefore, if the dictator

should allow his own name to appear they would interpose against the

election; but if the names of any other persons besides himself were

put up, they should not impede it." The dictator defended the election

by the authority of the fathers, the order of the commons, and

precedents. For, "in the consulate of Cneius Servilius, when the other

consul, Caius Flaminius, had fallen at Trasimenus, it was proposed

to the people on the authority of the fathers, and the people had

ordered, that as long as the war continued in Italy, it should be

lawful for the people to elect to the consulship whomsoever they

pleased, out of those persons who had been consuls, and as often as

they pleased. That he had a precedent of ancient date, which was to

the point, in the case of Lucius Posthumius Megellus, who, while he

was interrex, had been created consul with Caius Junius Bubulcus, at

an election over which he himself presided; and a precedent of recent

date, in Quintus Fabius, who certainly would never have allowed

himself to be re-elected, had it not been for the good of the state."

After the contest had been continued for a long time, by arguments

of this kind, at length the tribunes and the dictator came to an

agreement, that they should abide by what the senate should decide.

The fathers were of opinion, that such was then the condition of the

state, that it was necessary that its affairs should be conducted by

old and experienced generals, who were skilled in the art of war;

and, therefore, that no delay should take place in the election. The

tribunes then withdrew their opposition, and the election was held.

Quintus Fabius Maximus was declared consul for the fifth time,

and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus for the fourth. The praetors were then

created; Lucius Veturius Philo, Titus Quintus Crispinus, Caius

Hostilius Tubulus, and Caius Aurunculeius. The magistrates for the

year being appointed, Quintus Fulvius resigned the dictatorship. At

the end of this summer, a Carthaginian fleet of forty ships, under the

command of Hamilcar, passed over to Sardinia. At first it laid waste

the territory of Olbia, and then Publius Manlius Vulso, with his army,

making his appearance, it sailed round thence to the other side of the

island, and devastating the territory of Caralis, returned to Africa

with booty of every kind. Several Roman priests died this year, and

others were substituted. Caius Servilius was appointed pontiff, in the

place of Titus Otacilius Crassus. Tiberius Sempronius Longus, son

of Tiberius, was appointed as augur, in the place of Titus Otacilius

Crassus; and Tiberius Sempronius Longus, son of Tiberius, was

appointed decemvir for the performance of sacred rites, in the room of

Tiberius Sempronius Longus, son of Caius. Marcus Marcius, king of the

sacred rites, and Marcus Aemilius Papus, chief curio, died; but no

priests were appointed to succeed them this year. The censors this

year were Lucius Veturius Philo, and Publius Licinius Crassus chief

pontiff. Licinius Crassus had neither been consul nor praetor before

he was appointed censor, he stepped from the aedileship to the

censorship. These censors neither chose the senate, nor transacted any

public business, the death of Lucius Veturius prevented it; on this

Licinius also gave up his office. The curule aediles, Lucius Veturius

and Publius Licinius Varus, repeated the Roman games during one day.

The plebeian aediles, Quintus Catius and Lucius Porcius Licinius,

furnished brazen statues for the temple of Ceres, out of the money

arising from fines, and exhibited games with great pomp and splendour,

considering the circumstances of the times.

7. At the close of this year, Caius Laelius, the lieutenant general

of Scipio, came to Rome on the thirty-fourth day after he set out from

Tarraco, and entering the city accompanied by a train of captives,

drew together a great concourse of people. The next day, on being

brought into the senate, he stated that Carthage, the capital of

Spain, had been captured in one day, that several cities which had

revolted were regained, and that fresh ones had been received into

alliance. From the prisoners, information was gained, corresponding

for the most part with what was contained in the letter of Marcus

Valerius Messala. What produced the greatest effect upon the fathers,

was the march of Hasdrubal into Italy, which was with difficulty

resisting Hannibal and his forces. Laelius also, who was brought

before the general assembly, gave a particular statement of the same

things. The senate decreed a supplication for one day, on account of

the successes of Publius Scipio, and ordered Caius Laelius to return

as soon as possible to Spain, with the ships he had brought with him.

I have laid the taking of Carthage in this year, on the authority of

many writers, although aware that some have stated that it was taken

the following year, because it appeared to me hardly probable that

Scipio should have spent an entire year in Spain in doing nothing.

Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fifth time, and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus

for the fourth having entered on their offices of consuls on the ides

of March, on the same day, Italy was decreed as the province of both,

their command, however, was distributed to separate districts. Fabius

was appointed to carry on the war at Tarentum; Fulvius in Lucania and

Bruttium. Marcus Claudius was continued in command for the year. The

praetors then cast lots for their provinces. Caius Hostilius Tubulus

obtained the city jurisdiction; Lucius Veturius Philo the foreign,

with Gaul; Titus Quinctius Crispinus, Capua; Caius Aurunculeius,

Sardinia. The troops were thus distributed through the provinces:

Fulvius received the two legions which Marcus Valerius Laevinus had in

Sicily; Quintus Fabius, those which Caius Calpurnius had commanded

in Etruria. The city troops were to succeed those in Etruria; Caius

Calpurnius commanding the same province and the army. Titus Quinctius

was to take the command of Capua, and the army which had served under

Quintus Fulvius there. Lucius Veturius was to succeed Caius Laetorius,

propraetor, in his province and the command of the army, which was

then at Ariminum. Marcus Marcellus had the legions with which he had

been successful when consul. To Marcus Valerius together with Lucius

Cincius, for these also were continued in command in Sicily, the

troops which had fought at Cannae were given, with orders to recruit

them out of the surviving soldiers of the legions of Cneius Fulvius.

These were collected and sent by the consuls into Sicily, and the same

ignominious condition of service was added, under which the troops

which had fought at Cannae served, and to those troops belonging to

the army of Cneius Fulvius, the praetor, which had been sent thither

by the senate through displeasure occasioned by a similar flight.

Caius Aurunculeius was appointed to command, in Sardinia, the same

legions with which Publius Manlius Vulso had occupied that province.

Publius Sulpicius was continued in command for the year, with orders

to hold Macedonia with the same legion and fleet. Orders were given

to send thirty quinqueremes from Sicily to Tarentum, to the consul

Fabius. With the rest of the ships, orders were given that Marcus

Valerius Laevinus should either pass over himself into Africa to

ravage the country, or send either Lucius Cincius or Marcus Valerius

Messala. With regard to Spain, no alteration was made, except that

Scipio and Silanus were continued in command, not for the year, but

until they should be recalled by the senate. In such manner were the

provinces and the commands of the armies distributed for this year.

8. Amid concerns of greater importance, an old dispute was revived at

the election of a chief curio, when a priest was appointed to succeed

Marcus Aemilius; the patricians denying that Caius Mamilius Vitulus,

who was a plebeian candidate, ought to be allowed to stand, because no

one before his time had held that priesthood who was not a patrician.

The tribunes, on being appealed to, referred the matter to the senate.

The senate left it to the decision of the people. Thus Caius Mamilius

Vitulus was the first plebeian created chief curio. Publius Licinius,

chief pontiff, compelled Caius Valerius Flaccus to be inaugurated

flamen of Jupiter, against his will. Caius Valerius Laetorius was

created decemvir for the performance of sacred rites, in the room of

Quintus Mucius Scaevola, deceased. I should willingly have passed over

in silence the reason of a flamen's being compelled to be inaugurated,

had he not become a good, from having been a bad character. In

consequence of having spent his youth in idleness and debauchery,

vices for which he had incurred the displeasure of his own brother,

Lucius Flaccus, and the rest of his kinsmen, Caius Flaccus was chosen

flamen by Publius Licinius, chief pontiff. As soon as his mind became

occupied with the care of the sacred rites and ceremonies, he soon so

completely divested himself of his former habits, that no one among

all the youth was more esteemed, or enjoyed in a greater degree the

approbation of the chief of the patricians, whether relations or

aliens. Being raised by this generally good character to a proper

confidence in himself, he claimed to be admitted into the senate; a

thing intermitted for many years, on account of the worthlessness of

former flamens. On entering the senate, Lucius Licinius, the praetor,

led him out; on which the flamen appealed to the tribunes of the

people. He demanded back the ancient privilege of his priesthood,

which was given, together with the purple-bordered robe, and the

curule chair, to the office of flamen. The praetor wished the question

to rest not on the precedents contained in the annals, which were

obsolete from their antiquity, but on the usual practice in all the

cases of most recent date; urging, that no flamen of Jupiter, in

the memory of their fathers or their grandfathers, had taken up that

privilege. The tribunes giving it as their opinion, that justice

required, that as the obliteration of the privilege was occasioned by

the negligence of the flamens, the consequences ought to fall upon the

flamens themselves, and not upon the office, led the flamen into the

senate, with the general approbation of the fathers, and without any

opposition, even from the praetor himself; while all were of opinion

that the flamen had obtained his object more from the purity of his

life, than any right appertaining to the priesthood. The consuls,

before they departed to their provinces, raised two legions for the

city, and as many soldiers as were necessary to make up the numbers

of the other armies. The consul Fulvius appointed his brother, Caius

Fulvius Flaccus, lieutenant-general, to march the old city army into

Etruria, and to bring to Rome the legions which were in Etruria. And

the consul Fabius ordered his son, Quintus Fabius Maximus, to lead the

remains of the army of Fulvius, which had been collected, amounting

to three thousand three hundred and thirty-six, into Sicily to Marcus

Valerius, the proconsul, and to receive from him two legions and

thirty quinqueremes. The withdrawing of these legions from the island

did not at all diminish the force employed for the protection of that

province, either in effect or appearance; for though, in addition to

two veteran legions which were most effectively reinforced, he had

a great number of Numidian deserters, both horse and foot, he raised

also a body of Sicilian troops, consisting of men who had served in

the armies of Epicydes and the Carthaginians, and were experienced

in war. Having added these foreign auxiliaries to each of the Roman

legions, he preserved the appearance of two armies. With one he

ordered Lucius Cinctius to protect that portion of the island which

had formed the kingdom of Hiero, with the other he himself guarded the

rest of the island, which was formerly divided by the boundary of the

Roman and Carthaginian dominions. He divided also the fleet of seventy

ships, in order that it might protect the sea-coast, through the

entire extent of its shores. He himself went through the island with

the cavalry of Mutines to inspect the lands, observe those which were

cultivated and those which were not, and, accordingly, either praise

or reprove the owners. By this diligence so large a quantity of corn

was produced, that he both sent some to Rome, and collected at Catana

corn which might serve as a supply for the army, which was about to

pass the summer at Tarentum.

9. But the transportation of the soldiers into Sicily, and they

consisted chiefly of Latins and allies, had very nearly caused a

serious commotion; from such trifling circumstances do events of great

importance frequently arise. A murmuring arose among the Latins and

allies at their meetings. They said, that "they had been drained by

levies and contributions for ten years. That almost every year they

fought with the most disastrous consequences. That some of them

were slain in the field, others were carried off by disease. That a

countryman of theirs who was enlisted by the Romans was more lost to

them than one who was taken prisoner by the Carthaginians; for the

latter was sent back to his country by the enemy without ransom, while

the former was sent beyond the limits of Italy, into exile rather than

military service. That the troops which fought at Cannae were growing

old there, for eight years, and would die there before the enemy,

who was now more than ever flourishing and vigorous would depart from

Italy. If the old soldiers did not return to their country, and fresh

ones were enlisted, that in a short time there would be no one left.

That, therefore, they must refuse to the Roman people, before they

came to utter desolation and want, what shortly their very condition

would refuse. If the Romans saw their allies unanimous on this

point that they would then certainly think of making peace with the

Carthaginians; otherwise, Italy would never be without war while

Hannibal was alive." Thus they discoursed in their meetings. The Roman

people had at that time thirty colonies. Twelve of these, for they all

had embassies in Rome, told the consuls that they had not whence to

furnish either men or money. The twelve were Ardea, Nepete Sutrium,

Alba, Carseoli, Cora, Suessa, Cerceii, Setia, Cales Narnia, Interamna.

The consuls, astonished at this new proceeding, were desirous to deter

them from so hateful a measure and, considering that they could effect

this better by censure and remonstrance than by mild means, said that

"they had dared to say to the consuls what the consuls could not bring

their minds to declare in the senate; for that this was not refusal to

perform military service, but an open defection from the Roman people.

They desired, therefore, that they would return to their colonies

speedily, and that, considering the subject as untouched, as they had

only spoken of, but not attempted, so impious a business, they would

consult with their countrymen. That they would warn them that they

were not Campanians or Tarentines, but Romans; that from thence they

derived their origin, and thence were sent out into colonies and lands

captured from the enemy, for the purpose of increasing the population.

That they owed to the Romans what children owed to parents, if they

possessed any natural affection, or any gratitude towards their mother

country. That they should, therefore, consider the matter afresh; for

that certainly what they then so rashly meditated, was the betraying

the Roman empire, and putting the victory in the hands of Hannibal."

The consuls having spent a long time in exchanging arguments of this

kind, the ambassadors, who were not at all moved by what they said,

declared, that "they had nothing which they could carry home, nor

had their senate any thing fresh to devise, having neither men to be

enlisted, nor money to be furnished for pay." The consuls, seeing that

they were inflexible, laid the matter before the senate; where the

alarm excited in the minds of all was so great, that "the greater

part declared it was all over with the empire; that the rest of the

colonies would take the same course, and that all the allies had

conspired to betray the city of Rome to Hannibal."

10. The consuls endeavoured to encourage and console the senate,

telling them that "the other colonies would maintain their allegiance,

and continue in their former state of dutiful obedience, and that

those very colonies who had renounced their allegiance, would be

inspired with respect for the empire, if ambassadors were sent round

to them to reprove and not entreat them." The senate having given them

permission to do and to act as they might conceive best for the state;

after sounding the intentions of the other colonies, the consuls

summoned their ambassadors, and asked them whether they had their

soldiers ready according to the roll? Marcus Sextilius of Fregellae

replied, in behalf of the eighteen colonies, that "they both had their

soldiers ready according to the roll, and if more were wanting would

furnish more, and would perform with all diligence whatever else the

Roman people commanded and wished; that to do this they wanted not

means, and of inclination they had more than enough." The consuls,

having first told them that any praises bestowed by themselves alone

seemed too little for their deserts, unless the whole body of the

fathers should thank them in the senate-house, led them before the

senate. The senate, having voted an address to them conceived in the

most honourable terms, charged the consuls to take them before the

assembly of the people; and, among the many other distinguished

services rendered to themselves and their ancestors, to make mention

also of this recent obligation conferred upon the state. Nor even at

the present day, after the lapse of so many ages let their names be

passed over in silence, nor let them be defrauded of the praise due

to them. They were the people of Signia, Norba, Saticulum, Brundusium,

Fregellae, Lucerium Venusia, Adria, Firma, Ariminum; on the other

sea, Pontius Paestum, and Cosa; and in the inland parts Beneventum,

Aesernia, Spoletum, Placentia, and Cremona. By the support of these

colonies the empire of the Roman people then stood; and the thanks

both of the senate and the people were given to them. As to the twelve

other colonies which refused obedience, the fathers forbade that their

names should be mentioned, that their ambassadors should either be

dismissed or retained, to be addressed by the consuls. Such a tacit

reproof appears most consistent with the dignity of the Roman people.

While the consuls were getting in readiness all the other things which

were necessary for the war, it was resolved that the vicesimary gold,

which was preserved in the most sacred part of the treasury as a

resource in cases of extreme exigencies should be drawn out. There

were drawn out as many as four thousand pounds of gold, from which

five hundred pounds each were given to the consuls, to Marcus

Marcellus and Publius Sulpicius, proconsuls, and Lucius Veturius,

the praetor, who had by lot obtained Gaul as his province; and in

addition, one hundred pounds of gold were given to the consul Fabius,

as an extraordinary grant to be carried into the citadel of Tarentum.

The rest they employed in contracts, for ready money, for clothing

for the army which was carrying on the war in Spain, to their own and

their general glory.

11. It was resolved also, that the prodigies should be expiated before

the consuls set out from the city. In the Alban mount, the statue of

Jupiter and a tree near the temple were struck by lightning; at Ostia,

a grove; at Capua, a wall and the temple of Fortune; at Sinuessa, a

wall and a gate. Some also asserted, that water at Alba had flowed

tinged with blood. That at Rome, within the cell of Fors Fortuna, an

image, which was in the crown of the goddess, had fallen spontaneously

from her head into her hands. At Privernum, it was satisfactorily

established that an ox spoke, and that a vulture flew down into

a shop, while the forum was crowded. And that a child was born at

Sinuessa, of ambiguous sex, between a male and female, such as are

commonly called Androgynes, a term derived from the Greek language,

which is better adapted, as for most other purposes, so for the

composition of words; also that it rained milk, and that a boy was

born with the head of an elephant. These prodigies were then expiated

with victims of the larger kind, and a supplication at every shrine

and an offering up of prayers, was proclaimed for one day. It was also

decreed, that Caius Hostilius, the praetor, should vow and perform

the games in honour of Apollo as they had of late years been vowed and

performed. During the same time, Quintus Fulvius, the consul, held an

election for the creation of censors. Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, and

Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, both of whom had not yet been consuls,

were created censors. The question was put to the people on the

authority of the fathers, and the people ordered that these censors

should let to farm the Campanian lands. The choosing of the senate

was delayed by a dispute which arose between the censors about the

selection of a chief of the senate. The choice belonged to Sempronius;

but Cornelius contended that the custom handed down by their fathers

must be followed, which was, that they should choose him as chief of

the senate who was first censor of those who were then alive; this was

Titus Manlius Torquatus. Sempronius rejoined, that to whom the gods

had given the lot of choosing, to him the same gods had given the

right of exercising his discretion freely. That he would act in this

affair according to his own free will, and would choose Quintus Fabius

Maximus, whom he would prove to be the first man in the Roman state,

even in the judgment of Hannibal. After a long verbal dispute, his

colleague giving up the point, Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul, was

chosen, by Sempronius, chief of the senate. Another senate was then

chosen, and eight names were passed over; among which was that

of Lucius Caecilius Metellus, disrespected as the adviser of the

abandonment of Italy, after the defeat at Cannae. In censuring those

of the equestrian order, the same ground was acted upon, but there

were very few to whom that disgrace belonged. All of the equestrian

order belonging to the legions who had fought at Cannae, and were then

in Sicily, were deprived of their horses. To this severe punishment

they added another relating to time, which was, that the past campaign

which they had served on horses furnished at the public expense should

not be reckoned to them, but that they should serve ten campaigns on

horses furnished at their own expense. They also searched for, and

discovered, a great number of those who ought to have served in the

cavalry; and all those who were seventeen years old at the beginning

of the war and had not served, they disfranchised. They then

contracted for the restoration of the seven shops, the shamble and the

royal palace, situated round the forum, and which had been consumed by

fire.

12. Having finished every thing which was to be done in Rome, the

consuls set out for the war. Fulvius first went advance to Capua; in

a few days Fabius followed. He implored his colleague in person,

and Marcellus by a letter use the most vigorous measures to detain

Hannibal, while he was making an attack upon Tarentum. That when that

city was taken from the enemy, who had been repulsed on all sides and

had no place where he might make a stand or look back up as a safe

retreat, he would not then have even a pretext for remaining in Italy.

He also sent a messenger to Rhegium, the praefect of the garrison,

which had been placed there the consul Laevinus, against the

Bruttians, and consisted eight thousand men, the greater part of

whom had been brought from Agathyrna in Sicily, as has been before

mentioned, and were men who had been accustomed to live by rapine. To

these were added fugitives of the Bruttians natives of that country,

equal to them in daring, and under an equal necessity of braving

every thing. This band ordered to be marched, first, to lay waste the

Bruttian territory, and then to attack the city Caulonia. After having

executed the order, not only with alacrity, but avidity, and having

pillaged and put to flight the cultivators of the land they attacked

the city with the utmost vigour. Marcellus incited by the letter of

the consul, and because he had made up his mind that no Roman general

was so good a match for Hannibal as himself, set out from his winter

quarters as soon as there was plenty of forage in the fields, and met

Hannibal at Canusium. The Carthaginian was then endeavouring to induce

the Canusians to revolt, but as soon as he heard that Marcellus was

approaching, he decamped thence. The country was open, without any

covers adapted for an ambuscade; he therefore began to retire thence

into woody districts. Marcellus closely pursued him, pitched his camp

close to his, and when he had completed his works, led out his troops

into the field. Hannibal engaged in slight skirmishes, and sent

out single troops of horse and the spearmen from his infantry, not

considering it necessary to hazard a general battle. He was, however,

drawn on to a contest of that kind which he was avoiding. Hannibal had

decamped by night, but was overtaken by Marcellus in a plain and open

country. Then, while encamping, Marcellus, by attacking the workmen

on all hands, prevented the completion of his works. Thus a pitched

battle ensued, and all their forces were brought into action; but

night coming on, they retired from an equal contest. They then hastily

fortified their camps, which were a small space apart, before night.

The next day, as soon as it was light, Marcellus led out his troops

into the field; nor did Hannibal decline the challenge, but exhorted

his soldiers at great length, desiring them "to remember Trasimenus

and Cannae, and thus quell the proud spirit of their enemies." He

said, "the enemy pressed upon him, and trod upon their heels; that he

did not allow them to pass unmolested, pitch their camp, or even take

breath and look around them; that every day, the rising sun and the

Roman troops in battle-array were to be seen together on the plains.

But if in one battle he should retire from the field, not without loss

of blood, he would then prosecute the war more steadily and quietly."

Fired by these exhortations, and at the same time wearied with the

presumption of the enemy, who daily pressed upon them and provoked

them to an engagement, they commenced the battle with spirit. The

battle continued for more than two hours, when the right wing of

the allies and the chosen band began to give way on the part of the

Romans; which Marcellus perceiving, led the eighteenth legion to the

front. While some were retiring in confusion, and others were

coming up reluctantly, the whole line was thrown into disorder, and

afterwards completely routed; while their fears getting the better of

their sense of shame, they turned their backs. In the battle and in

the flight there fell as many as two thousand seven hundred of the

citizens and allies; among which were four Roman centurions and two

military tribunes, Marcus Licinius and Marcus Helvius. Four military

standards were lost by the wing which first fled, and two belonging to

the legion which came up in place of the retiring allies.

13. Marcellus, on his return to the camp, delivered an address to

his soldiers so severe and acrimonious, that the words of their

exasperated general were more painful to them than what they had

suffered in the unsuccessful battle during the whole day. "I praise

and thank the immortal gods," said he "that in such an affair the

victorious enemy did not assail our very camp, when you were hurrying

into the rampart and the gates with such consternation. There can be

no doubt but you would have abandoned the camp with the same cowardice

with which you gave up the battle. What panic was this? What terror?

What sudden forgetfulness of who you are, and who the persons with

whom you were fighting, took possession of your minds? Surely these

are the same enemies in conquering and pursuing whom when conquered

you spent the preceding summer; whom latterly you have been closely

pursuing while they fled before you night and day; whom you have

wearied by partial battles; whom yesterday you would not allow either

to march or encamp. I pass over those things in which you might be

allowed to glory; I will mention a circumstance which of itself ought

to fill you with shame and remorse. Yesterday you separated from the

enemy on equal terms. What alteration has last night, what on this

day, produced? Have your forces been diminished by them, or theirs

increased? I verily do not seem to be talking to my own troops, or

to Roman soldiers. The bodies and the arms are the same. Had you

possessed the same spirit, would the enemy have seen your backs? Would

they have carried off a standard from any company or cohort? Hitherto

he was wont to boast of having cut to pieces the Roman legions, but

yesterday you gave him the glory, for the first time, of having put

to flight an army." On this many soldiers began to call upon him to

pardon them for that day, and entreat that he would now, whenever he

pleased, make trial of the courage of his soldiers. "I will indeed

make trial of you," said he, "and to-morrow I will lead you into the

field, that in the character of conquerors, rather than conquered men,

you may obtain the pardon you seek." To the cohorts which had

lost their standards, he ordered that barley should be given. The

centurions of the Campanians, whose standards were lost, he left to

stand without their girdles and with their swords drawn; and gave

orders that all, both horse and foot, should be ready under arms

on the following day. Thus the assembly was dismissed; the soldiers

confessing that they had been justly and deservedly rebuked; and that

there was no one in the whole Roman army who had acquitted himself

like a man, except the general, to whom they were bound to make

atonement, either by their death or a glorious victory. The next

day they appeared in readiness, according to the order, armed and

equipped. The general praised them, and gave out, that "he should

lead into the first line those who had commenced the flight on the

preceding day, and those cohorts which had lost their standards. He

now charged them all to fight and conquer, and exert every effort, one

and all, that the intelligence of yesterday's flight might not arrive

at Rome before that of this day's victory." They were then ordered

to refresh themselves with food, in order that, if the fight should

continue longer than might be expected, their strength might not fail.

After every thing had been done and said, by which the courage of the

soldiers might be roused, they advanced into the field.

14. Hannibal, on receiving intelligence of this, said, "surely the

enemy we have to do with can neither bear good nor bad fortune. If he

is victorious, he fiercely pursues the vanquished. If conquered, he

renews the contest with the victors." He then ordered the signal to

be given, and led out his forces. The battle was fought on both sides

with much more spirit than the day before. The Carthaginians exerting

themselves to the utmost, to keep the glory they had acquired

yesterday; the Romans, to remove their disgrace. On the side of the

Romans, the left wing, and the cohorts which had lost their standards,

fought in the first line, and the twentieth legion was drawn up on

the right wing. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Caius Claudius Nero,

lieutenant-generals, commanded the wings, Marcellus gave vigour to the

centre by his presence, as an encourager and a witness. On the part

of Hannibal, the Spaniards, who were the flower of his whole army,

occupied the front line. After the battle had continued doubtful for

a long time, Hannibal ordered the elephants to be advanced into the

front line, if by that means any confusion or panic could be created.

At first, they threw the troops into confusion and broke their ranks,

and treading some under foot, and dispersing others who were round

them by the alarm they created, had made an opening in one part of the

Roman line; and the flight would have spread more widely had not Caius

Decimus Flavius, a military tribune seizing the standard of the first

maniple of the spearmen ordered that maniple to follow him. He led

them to the spot where the elephants, collected in a body, were

creating the greatest confusion, and ordered them to discharge their

javelins at them. As there was no difficulty in hitting such bulky

bodies at a short distance, and where so many were crowded together,

all their javelins stuck in them. But they were not all wounded, so

those in whose hides the javelins stuck, as that race of animals is

not to be depended on, by taking themselves to flight, drove away

those also which were untouched. At that moment not only one maniple,

but all the soldiers who could but overtake the body of retreating

elephants, threw their javelins at them, each man exerting himself to

his utmost. With so much greater impetuosity did the animals rush upon

their own men, and so much greater carnage did they make amongst

them than they had made amongst their enemies, in proportion as the

violence with which they are impelled, and the consternation produced

by them when under the influence of fear, is greater than when they

are ruled by their masters seated on their backs. The Roman infantry

bore their standards against the line of the enemy when thrown into

disorder by the elephants which had crossed over to them, and,

thus scattered and confused, led them to flight without any great

opposition. Marcellus sent his cavalry after them as they fled;

nor did they desist from the pursuit till they were driven in

consternation to their camp. For in addition to the other causes which

occasioned terror and dismay, two elephants had fallen just by the

gate, and the soldiers were compelled to rush into the camp over the

ditch and rampart. Here the greatest slaughter of the enemy occurred.

There fell as many as eight thousand men and five elephants. Nor did

the Romans gain a bloodless victory; about seventeen hundred of the

two legions, and thirteen hundred of the allies were slain; a great

number of the Romans and allies were wounded. The following night

Hannibal decamped. The great number of the wounded prevented Marcellus

from following him, as he desired.

15. The spies who were sent to watch his movements brought word back

the next day that Hannibal was making for Bruttium. Much about

the same time the Hirpinians, Lucanians, and Volcentes surrendered

themselves to the consul, Quintus Fulvius, delivering up the garrisons

of Hannibal which they had in their cities. They were mildly received

by the consul, with only a verbal reproof for their past error. To

the Bruttians also similar hopes of pardon were held out, when two

brothers, Vibius and Pactius, by far the most illustrious persons of

that nation, came from them to solicit the same terms of surrender

which had been given to the Lucanians. Quintus Fabius, the consul,

took by storm Manduria, a town in the territory of Sallentum, where

as many as four thousand men were made prisoners, and much booty taken

besides. Proceeding thence to Tarentum, he pitched his camp in the

very mouth of the harbour: of the ships which Livius had employed for

protecting convoys, some he loaded with engines and implements for

attacking walls, others he furnished with machines for discharging

missiles, and with stones and missiles of every kind; not only those

which were impelled with oars, but the storeships also, in order that

some might carry the engines and ladders to the walls, while others

might wound the defenders of the walls by discharging missiles from

the ships at a distance. These ships were fitted up and prepared

to attack the town from the open sea; and the sea was free from the

Carthaginian fleet, which had crossed over to Corcyra on account of

Philip's preparing to attack the Aetolians. Meanwhile, those who were

attacking Caulon, in the territory of Bruttium, fearful lest they

should be overpowered, had retired on the approach of Hannibal to an

eminence, secure from an immediate attack. While Fabius was besieging

Tarentum, he received assistance in the accomplishment of that great

object by a circumstance which in the mere mention, is unimportant.

Tarentum was occupied by a garrison of Bruttians, given them by

Hannibal and the commander of that garrison was desperately in love

with a girl, whose brother was in the army of the consul Fabius. Being

informed, by a letter from his sister, of the new acquaintance she

had formed with a wealthy stranger and one so honoured among his

countrymen, and conceiving a hope that the lover, by means of his

sister, might be induced to any thing she pleased, he acquainted

the consul with the hope he had formed. His reasoning appeared not

altogether unfounded, and he was desired to go to Tarentum as a

deserter and having gained the confidence of the praefect by means of

his sister, he began by sounding his disposition in a covert manner,

and then, having sufficiently ascertained his weakness, induced him,

by the aid of female fascinations, to the betrayal of that custody of

the place to which he was appointed. After the method to be pursued

and the time for putting the plan into effect had been agreed upon, a

soldier, who was sent out of the city by night clandestinely, through

the intervals between the guards, related to the consul what had been

done, and what had been agreed upon to be done. At the first watch,

Fabius, on a signal given to those who were in the citadel, and those

who had the custody of the harbour went himself round the harbour, and

took up a position of concealment, on the side of the city which faced

the east. Then the trumpets began to sound at once from the citadel,

the harbour, and the ships which had been brought to the shore from

the open sea, and a shout was purposely raised, accompanied with the

greatest confusion, in whatever quarter there was the least danger.

Meanwhile, the consul kept the men in silence. Democrates, therefore,

who had formerly commanded the fleet, and happened to be in command in

the quarter, seeing that all was quiet around him, while other parts

of the city resounded with such a din that sometimes shout like that

of a captured city was raised, and fearing loss while he hesitated,

the consul should make some attack and advance his standards, led

his party over to the citadel, from which the most alarming noise

proceeded. Fabius, concluding that the guard was withdrawn, both from

the time which had elapsed and from the silence which prevailed, for

not a voice met the ear from a quarter where a little while ago the

noise and bustle of men resounded, rousing and calling each other to

arms, ordered the ladders to be carried to that part of the wall where

the person who had contrived the plot for betraying the city, had

informed him that the Bruttian cohort kept guard. The wall was first

captured in that quarter, the Bruttians aiding and receiving the

Romans; and here they got over into the city: after which the nearest

gate was broken open in order that the troops might enter in a large

body. Then raising a shout, they proceeded to the forum, where they

arrived much about daybreak, without meeting a single armed man; and

drew upon themselves the attention of all the troops in every quarter,

which were fighting at the citadel and at the harbour.

16. A battle was fought in the entrance of the forum, with greater

impetuosity than perseverance. The Tarentines were not equal to the

Romans in spirit, in their arms, in tactics, in activity or strength

of body. Accordingly, having just discharged their javelins, they

turned their backs almost before they had joined battle, and escaped

in different directions through the streets of the city, with which

they were acquainted, to their own houses and those of their friends.

Two of their leaders, Nico and Democrates, fell while fighting

bravely. Philomenus, who was the author of the plot for betraying the

city to Hannibal, rode away from the battle at full speed. Shortly

after, his horse, which was loose and straying through the city,

was recognised, but his body could not be found any where. It was

generally believed that he had pitched headlong from his horse into an

open well. Carthalo, the praefect of the Carthaginian garrison, while

coming to the consul unarmed, to put him in mind of a connexion of

hospitality which subsisted between their fathers, was put to death

by a soldier who met him. The rest were put to the sword on all hands,

armed and unarmed indiscriminately, Carthaginians and Tarentines

without distinction. Many of the Bruttians also were slain either by

mistake or on account of an old grudge entertained against them, or

else with a view to the report that the city was betrayed; in order

that Tarentum might rather appear to have been captured by force of

arms. The troops then ran off in all directions from the slaughter,

to plunder the city. Thirty thousand slaves are said to have

been captured; an immense quantity of silver, wrought and coined;

eighty-three thousand pounds of gold; of statues and pictures so many

that they almost equalled the decorations of Syracuse. But Fabius,

with more magnanimity than Marcellus, abstained from booty of that

kind. When his secretary asked him what he wished to be done with the

statues of their gods, which are of immense size and represented as

fighting, each having his peculiar habit, he gave orders that their

angry gods should be left in the possession of the Tarentines. After

this, the wall which separated the city from the citadel was razed and

demolished. While things were going on thus at Tarentum, Hannibal,

to whom the troops engaged in the siege of Caulonia had surrendered

themselves, hearing of the siege of Tarentum, marched with the

greatest expedition both night and day; but hearing that the city was

taken, as he was hastening to bring assistance to it, he exclaimed,

"the Romans too have their Hannibal. We have lost Tarentum by the same

arts by which we took it." However, that he might not appear to have

turned his army in the manner of a fugitive, he encamped where he

had halted, about five miles from the city. After staying there a

few days, he retired to Metapontum, from which place he sent two

Metapontines with letters from the principal men in the state to

Fabius at Tarentum, to the effect, that they would accept of his

promise that their past conduct should be unpunished, on condition

of their betraying Metapontum together with the Carthaginian garrison

into his hands. Fabius, who supposed that the communication they

brought was genuine, appointed a day on which he would go to

Metapontum, and gave the letters to the nobles, which were put into

the hands of Hannibal. He, forsooth, delighted at the success of his

stratagem, which showed that not even Fabius was proof against his

cunning, planted an ambuscade not far from Metapontum. But when Fabius

was taking the auspices, before he took his departure from Tarentum,

the birds more than once refused approval. Also, on consulting the

gods after sacrificing a victim, the aruspex forewarned him to be on

his guard against hostile treachery and ambuscade. After the day fixed

for his arrival had passed without his coming, the Metapontines were

sent again to encourage him, delaying, but they were instantly seized,

and, from apprehension of a severer mode of examination, disclosed the

plot.

17. In the beginning of the summer during which these events occurred,

after Publius Scipio had employed the whole of the winter in Spain in

regaining the affections of the barbarians, partly by presents, and

partly by sending home their hostages and prisoners, Edesco, a man

distinguished among the Spanish commanders, came to him. His wife and

children were in the hands of the Romans; but besides this motive,

he was influenced by that apparently fortuitous turn in the state of

feeling which had converted the whole of Spain from the Carthaginian

to the Roman cause. The same motive induced Indibilis and Mandonius,

who were undoubtedly the principal men in all Spain, to desert

Hasdrubal and withdraw with the whole body of their countrymen to the

eminences which overhung his camp, from which they had a safe retreat

along a chain of hills to the Romans. Hasdrubal, perceiving that the

strength of the enemy was increasing by such large accessions, while

his own was diminishing, and that events would continue to flow in the

same course they had taken, unless by a bold effort he effected some

alteration, resolved to come to an engagement as soon as possible.

Scipio was still more eager for a battle, as well from hope which

the success attending his operations had increased, as because he

preferred, before the junction of the enemy's forces, to fight with

one general and one army, rather than with their united troops.

However, in case he should be obliged to fight with more armies than

one at the same time, he had with some ingenuity augmented his forces;

for seeing that there was no necessity for ships, as the whole coast

of Spain was clear of Carthaginian fleets, he hauled his ships on

shore at Tarraco and added his mariners to his land forces. He

had plenty of arms for them, both those which had been captured at

Carthage, and those which he had caused to be made after its capture,

so large a number of workmen having been employed. With these forces,

setting out from Tarraco at the commencement of the spring, for

Laelius had now returned from Rome, without whom he wished nothing

of very great importance to be attempted, Scipio marched against the

enemy. Indibilis and Mandonius, with their forces, met him while on

his march; passing through every place Without molestation, his

allies receiving him courteously, and escorting him as he passed the

boundaries of each district. Indibilis, who spoke for both, addressed

him by no means stupidly and imprudently like a barbarian, but with a

modest gravity, rather excusing the change as necessary, than glorying

that the present opportunity had been eagerly seized as the first

which had occurred. "For he well knew," he said, "that the name of

a deserter was an object of execration to former allies, and of

suspicion to new ones; nor did he blame the conduct of mankind in

this respect, provided, however, that the cause, and not the name,

occasioned the twofold hatred." He then recounted the services they

had rendered the Carthaginian generals, and on the other hand their

rapacity and insolence, together with the injuries of every kind

committed against themselves and their countrymen. "On this account,"

he said, "his person only up to that time had been with them, his

heart had long since been on that side where he believed that

right and justice were respected. That people sought for refuge,

as suppliants, even with the gods when they could not endure the

oppression and injustice of men. What he had to entreat of Scipio

was, that their passing over to him might neither be the occasion of

a charge of fraud nor a ground for respect, but that he would estimate

their services according to what sort of men he should find them to be

from experience from that day." The Roman replied, that "he would do

so in every particular; nor would he consider those men as deserters

who did not look upon an alliance as binding where no law, divine or

human, was unviolated." Their wives and children were then brought

before them and restored to them; on which occasion they wept for joy.

On that day they were conducted to a lodging; on the following they

were received as allies, by a treaty, after which they were sent to

bring up their forces. From that time they had their tents in the same

camp with the Romans, until under their guidance they had reached the

enemy.

18. The army of Hasdrubal, which was the nearest of the Carthaginian

armies, lay near the city Baecula. Before his camp he had outposts

of cavalry. On these the light-armed, those who fought before the

standards and those who composed the vanguard, as they came up

from their march, and before they chose the ground for their camp,

commenced an attack in so contemptuous a manner, that it was perfectly

evident what degree of spirit each party possessed. The cavalry were

driven into their camp in disorderly flight, and the Roman standards

were advanced almost within their very gates. Their minds on that day

having only been excited to a contest, the Romans pitched their camp.

At night Hasdrubal withdrew his forces to an eminence, on the summit

of which extended a level plain. There was a river on the rear, in

front and on either side a kind of steep bank completely surrounded

its extremity. Beneath this and lower down was another plain of

gentle declivity, which was also surrounded by a similar ridge equally

difficult of ascent. Into this lower plain Hasdrubal, the next day,

when he saw the troops of the enemy drawn up before their camp, sent

his Numidian cavalry and light-armed Baleares. Scipio riding out to

the companies and battalions, pointed out to them, that "the enemy

having abandoned, beforehand, all hope of being able to withstand

them on level ground, had resorted to hills: where they stood in view,

relying on the strength of their position, and not on their valour and

arms." But the walls of Carthage, which the Roman soldiers had scaled,

were still higher. That neither hills, nor a citadel, nor even the sea

itself, had formed an impediment to their arms. That the heights

which the enemy had occupied would only have the effect of making it

necessary for them to leap down crags and precipices in their flight,

but he would even cut off that kind of retreat. He accordingly gave

orders to two cohorts, that one of them should occupy the entrance of

the valley down which the river ran, and that the other should block

up the road which led from the city into the country, over the side

of the hill. He himself led the light troops, which the day before

had driven in the advanced guard of the enemy, against the light-armed

troops which were stationed on the lower ridge. At first they marched

through rugged ground, impeded by nothing except the road; afterwards,

when they came within reach of the darts, an immense quantity of

weapons of every description was showered upon them; while on their

part, not only the soldiers, but a multitude of servants mingled with

the troops, threw stones furnished by the place, which were spread

about in every part, and for the most part convenient as missiles. But

though the ascent was difficult, and they were almost overwhelmed with

stones and darts, yet from their practice in approaching walls and

their inflexibility of mind, the foremost succeeded in getting up.

These, as soon as they got upon some level ground and could stand with

firm footing, compelled the enemy, who were light-armed troops adapted

for skirmishing, and could defend themselves at a distance, where an

elusive kind of fight is carried on by the discharge of missiles, but

yet wanted steadiness for a close action, to fly from their position;

and, killing a great many, drove them to the troops which stood above

them on the higher eminence. Upon this Seipio, having ordered the

victorious troops to mount up and attack the centre of the enemy,

divided the rest of his forces with Laelius; whom he directed to go

round the hill to the right till he could find a way of easier ascent,

while he himself, making a small circuit to the left, charged the

enemy in flank. In consequence of this their line was first thrown

into confusion, while they endeavoured to wheel round and face about

their ranks towards the shouts which resounded from every quarter

around them. During this confusion Laelius also came up, and while the

enemy were retreating, that they might not be exposed to wounds from

behind, their front line became disjoined, and a space was left

for the Roman centre to mount up; who, from the disadvantage of the

ground, never could have done so had their ranks stood unbroken with

the elephants stationed in front. While the troops of the enemy were

being slain on all sides, Scipio, who with his left wing had charged

the right of the enemy, was chiefly employed in attacking their naked

flank. And now there was not even room to fly; for parties of the

Roman troops had blocked up the roads on both sides, right and left,

and the gate of the camp was closed by the flight of the general and

principal officers; added to which was the fright of the elephants,

who, when in consternation, were as much feared by them as the enemy

were. There were, therefore, slain as many as eight thousand men.

19. Hasdrubal, having seized upon the treasure before he engaged, now

sent the elephants in advance, and collecting as many of the flying

troops as he could, directed his course along the river Tagus to

the Pyrenees. Scipio, having got possession of the enemy's camp, and

giving up all the booty to the soldiers, except the persons of free

condition, found, on counting the prisoners, ten thousand foot and two

thousand horse. Of these, all who were Spaniards he sent home without

ransom; the Africans he ordered the quaestor to sell. After this, a

multitude of Spaniards, consisting of those who had surrendered to

him before and those whom he had captured the preceding day, crowding

around, one and all saluted him as king; when Scipio, after the

herald had obtained silence, declared that "in his estimation the most

honourable title was that of general, which his soldiers had conferred

upon him. That the name of king, which was in other countries revered,

could not be endured at Rome. That they might tacitly consider his

spirit as kingly, if they thought that the highest excellence which

could be attributed to the human mind, but that they must abstain from

the use of the term." Even barbarians were sensible of the greatness

of mind which could from such an elevation despise a name, at the

greatness of which the rest of mankind were overawed. Presents

were then distributed to the petty princes and leading men of

the Spaniards, and out of the great quantity of horses which were

captured, he desired Indibilis to select those he liked best to the

number of three hundred. While the quaestor was selling the Africans,

according to the command of the general, he found among them a

full-grown youth remarkably handsome; and hearing that he was of royal

blood, he sent him to Scipio. On being asked by Scipio "who he was,

of what country, and why at that age he was in the camp?" he replied,

"that he was a Numidian, that his countrymen called him Massiva; that

being left an orphan by his father, he was educated by his maternal

grandfather, Gala, the king of the Numidians. That he had passed over

into Spain with his uncle Masinissa, who had lately come with a body

of cavalry to assist the Carthaginians. That having been prohibited by

Masinissa on account of his youth, he had never before been in battle.

That the day on which the battle took place with the Romans, he had

clandestinely taken a horse and arms, and, without the knowledge of

his uncle, gone out into the field, where his horse falling forward,

he was thrown headlong, and taken prisoner by the Romans." Scipio,

having ordered that the Numidian should be taken care of, completed

the business which remained to be done on the tribunal, and returning

to his pavilion, asked him, when he had been called to him, whether he

wished to return to Masinissa? Upon his replying, with tears of joy,

that he did indeed desire it, he presented the youth with a gold ring,

a vest with a broad purple border, a Spanish cloak with a gold clasp,

and a horse completely caparisoned, and then dismissed him, ordering a

party of horse to escort him as far as he chose.

20. A council was then held respecting the war; when some advised that

he should endeavour to overtake Hasdrubal forthwith. But thinking that

hazardous, lest Mago and the other Hasdrubal should unite their forces

with his, he sent a body of troops to occupy the pass of the Pyrenees,

and employed the remainder of the summer in receiving the states of

Spain into his alliance. A few days after the battle of Baecula, when

Scipio on his return to Tarraco had now cleared the pass of Castulo,

the generals, Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, and Mago came from the farther

Spain and joined Hasdrubal; a late assistance after the defeat he had

sustained, though their arrival was somewhat seasonable, for counsel

with respect to the further prosecution of the war. They then

consulted together as to what was the feeling of the Spaniards in the

quarters where their several provinces were situated, when Hasdrubal,

son of Gisgo, alone gave it as his opinion, that the remotest tract of

Spain which borders on the ocean and Gades, was, as yet, unacquainted

with the Romans, and might therefore be somewhat friendly to the

Carthaginians. Between the other Hasdrubal and Mago it was agreed,

that "Scipio by his good offices had gained the affections of all,

both publicly and privately; and that there would be no end of

desertions till all the Spanish soldiers were removed to the remotest

parts of Spain, or were marched over into Gaul. That, therefore,

though the Carthaginian senate had not decreed it, Hasdrubal must,

nevertheless, march into Italy, the principal seat and object of the

war; and thus at the same time lead away all the Spanish soldiers out

of Spain far from the name of Scipio. That the army, which had been

diminished by desertions and defeats, should be recruited by Spanish

soldiers. That Mago, having delivered over his army to Hasdrubal, son

of Gisgo, should himself pass over to the Baleares with a large sum of

money to hire auxiliaries; that Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, should

retire with the army into the remotest part of Lusitania, and avoid an

encounter with the Romans. That a body of three thousand horse should

be made up for Masinissa, the flower of the whole cavalry; and that

he, shifting about from place to place throughout hither Spain should

succour their allies and commit depredations on the towns and lands

of their enemies." Having adopted these resolutions, the generals

departed to put in execution what they had resolved on. Such were the

transactions in Spain of this year. At Rome the reputation of Scipio

increased daily. The capture of Tarentum, though effected by artifice

more than valour, was considered honourable to Fabius. The fame of

Fulvius was on the wane. Marcellus was even under an ill report, not

only because he had failed in his first battle, but further, because

while Hannibal was going wherever he pleased throughout Italy, he had

led his troops to Venusia in the midst of summer to lodge in houses.

Caius Publicius Bibulus, a tribune of the people, was hostile to him.

This man, ever since the time of his first battle which had failed,

had in constant harangues made Claudius obnoxious and odious to the

people; and now his object was to deprive him of his command. The

connexions of Marcellus, however, then obtained leave that Marcellus,

leaving a lieutenant-general at Venusia, should return to Rome to

clear himself of the charges which his enemies were urging, and that

the question of depriving him of his command should not be agitated

during his absence. It happened that nearly at the same time,

Marcellus, and Quintius Fulvius the consul, came to Rome, the former

to exonerate himself from ignominy, the latter on account of the

elections.

21. The question touching Marcellus's command was debated in the

Flaminian circus, in the presence of an immense concourse of plebeians

and persons of every rank. The plebeian tribune accused, not only

Marcellus, but the nobility generally. "It was owing," he said, "to

their dishonesty and dilatory conduct, that Hannibal occupied Italy,

as though it were his province, for now ten years; that he had passed

more of his life there than at Carthage. That the Roman people were

enjoying the fruits of the prolonged command of Marcellus; that his

army, after having been twice defeated, was now spending the summer

at Venusia lodged in houses." Marcellus so completely destroyed the

effect of this harangue of the tribune, by the recital of the services

he had rendered, that not only the bill for depriving him of his

command was thrown out, but the following day he was created consul

by the votes of all the centuries with wonderful unanimity. Titus

Quinctius Crispinus, who was then praetor, was joined with him as his

colleague. The next day Publius Licinius Crassus Dives, then chief

pontiff, Publius Licinius Varus, Sextus Julius Caesar, and Quintus

Claudius Flamen were created praetors. At the very time of the

election, the public were thrown into a state of anxiety relative to

the defection of Etruria. Caius Calpurnius, who held that province as

propraetor, had written word that the Arretians had originated such

a scheme. Accordingly Marcellus, consul elect, was immediately sent

thither to look into the affair, and if it should appear to him of

sufficient consequence, to send for his army and transfer the war from

Apulia to Etruria. The Tuscans, checked by the alarm thus occasioned,

desisted. To the ambassadors of Tarentum, who solicited a treaty of

peace securing to them their liberty and the enjoyment of their own

laws, the senate answered, that they might return when the consul

Fabius came to Rome. The Roman and plebeian games were this year

repeated each for one day. The curule aediles were, Lucius Cornelius

Caudinus and Servius Sulpicius Galba; the plebeian aediles, Caius

Servilius and Quintus Caecilius Metellus. It was asserted that

Servilius was not qualified to be plebeian tribune or aedile, because

it was satisfactorily established that his father, who, for ten years,

was supposed to have been killed by the Boii in the neighbourhood of

Mutina, when acting as triumvir for the distribution of lands, was

alive and in the hands of the enemy.

22. In the eleventh year of the Punic war, Marcus Marcellus, for the

fifth time, reckoning in the consulate in which he did not act in

consequence of an informality in his creation, and Titus Quinctius

Crispinus entered upon the office of consuls. To both the consuls the

province of Italy was decreed, with both the consular armies of the

former year; (the third was then at Venusia, being that which Marcus

Marcellus had commanded.) That out of the three armies the consuls

might, choose whichever two they liked, and that the third should

be delivered to him to whose lot the province of Tarentum and the

territory of Sallentum fell. The other provinces were thus distributed

among the praetors: Publius Licinius Varus had the city jurisdiction,

Publius Licinius Crassus, chief pontiff, the foreign, and wherever

the senate though proper. Sextus Julius Caesar had Sicily, and Quintus

Claudius Flamen, Tarentum. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was to continue

in command for a year, and hold the province of Capua, which had been

held by Titus Quinctius, with one legion. Caius Hostilius Tubulus

was also continued in command, with orders to go into Etruria, in the

capacity of propraetor, and succeed Caius Calpurnius in the command

of the two legions there. Lucius Veturius Philo was also continued in

command, to hold in the capacity of propraetor the same province of

Gaul with the same two legions with which he had held it as praetor.

The senate decreed the same with respect to Caius Aurunculeius, who,

as praetor, had held the province of Sardinia with two legions,

which it did in the case of Lucius Veturius, and the question of the

continuation of his command was proposed to the people. He had in

addition, for the protection of the province, fifty ships which

Publius Scipio had sent from Spain. To Publius Scipio and Marcus

Silanus, their present province of Spain and their present armies were

assigned. Of the eighty ships which he had with him, some taken from

Italy and others captured at Carthage, Scipio was ordered to send

fifty to Sardinia, in consequence of a report that great naval

preparations were making at Carthage that year; and that the intention

of the Carthaginians was to blockade the whole coasts of Italy,

Sicily, and Sardinia with two hundred ships. In Sicily also the

following distribution was made: to Sextus Caesar the troops of Cannae

were assigned; Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who was also continued in

command, was to have the fleet of seventy ships which was at Sicily,

adding to it the thirty ships which the preceding year were stationed

at Tarentum. With this fleet of a hundred ships he was ordered to pass

over into Africa, if he thought proper, and collect booty. Publius

Sulpicius was also continued in command for a year, to hold the

province of Macedonia and Greece, with the same fleet. No alteration

was made with regard to the two legions which were at Rome. Permission

was given to the consuls to enlist as many troops as were necessary

to complete the numbers. This year the Roman empire was defended by

twenty-one legions. Publius Licinius Varus, the city praetor, was also

commissioned to repair the thirty old men of war which lay at Ostia,

and to man twenty new ones with full complements, in order that he

might defend the sea-coast in the neighbourhood hood of Rome with a

fleet of fifty ships. Caius Calpurnius was ordered not to move his

army from Arretium till his successor had arrived. Both he and Tubulus

were ordered to be particularly careful, lest any new plots should be

formed in that quarter.

23. The praetors set out for their provinces. The consul were detained

by religious affairs; for receiving intelligence of several prodigies,

they could not easily obtain a favourable appearance from the victims.

It was reported from Campania, that two temples, those of Fortune

and Mars, and several sepulchres, had been struck by lightning. From

Cumae, so does superstition connect the deities with the most trifling

circumstances, that mice had gnawed some gold in the temple of

Jupiter. That an immense swarm of bees had settled in the forum at

Casinum. That at Ostia a wall and gate had been struck by lightning.

At Caere, that a vulture had flown into the temple of Jupiter.

That blood had flowed from a lake at Volsinii. On account of these

prodigies, a supplication was performed for one day. For several days,

victims of the larger kind were sacrificed without any favourable

appearance, and for a long time the good will of the gods could not be

obtained. The fatal event indicated by these portents pointed to the

persons of the consuls, the state being unaffected. The Apollinarian

games were first celebrated by Publius Cornelius Sulla, the city

praetor, in the consulate of Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius; from

that time all the city praetors in succession had performed them;

but they vowed them for one year only, and fixed no day for their

performance. This year a grievous pestilence attacked the city and the

country; it showed itself, however, in protracted rather than fatal

diseases. On account of this pestilence supplication was performed in

every street throughout the city; and Publius Licinius Varus, the city

praetor, was ordered to propose to the people a law to the effect,

that a vow should be made to perform these games on a stated day for

ever. He himself was the first who vowed them in this manner, and he

celebrated them on the third day of the nones of July, a day which was

henceforth kept sacred.