Chapter XVIII

POTTERY

At the period of discovery, art, at a number of places on the

American Continent, seems to have been developing surely and

steadily through the force of the innate genius of the race,

and the more advanced nations were already approaching the

threshold of Civilization. Their methods were characterized by

great simplicity and their art products are, as a consequence,

exceptionally homogeneous. The advent of European civilization

checked the current of growth, and new and conflicting

elements were introduced necessarily disastrous to the native

development. By supplementing the study of the prehistoric by

that of historic art, we may hope to penetrate deeply into the

secrets of the past.—WILLIAM H. HOLMES.

Since the Ácoma potters are justly famous, a brief discussion of the

ceramic art as practised by the Pueblo peoples is here introduced. In

the determination of areas of material culture on the western continent,

the cultivation of maize is particularly significant and widespread.

Coextensive with maize growing is found some form of pottery. Since

botanical evidence makes certain that the art of maize cultivation arose

south of the Rio Grande,[255] we are safe in assuming that the art of

pottery also originated beyond that region.

[Illustration: ÁCOMA GIRL RETURNING FROM THE RESERVOIR

THE PLAIN STRETCHES IMMEASURABLY FAR TO THE MOUNTAIN HORIZON

_Bolton_]

No account of Indian civilization can be attempted without some mention,

however brief, of an art through which much of the development and

kinship of the tribes may be traced. The sketch which I shall attempt to

make here is largely based on the laborious and distinguished researches

of Mr. F. H. Cushing and Dr. W. H. Holmes, which are to be found for

the most part in the “Annual Reports” of the Bureau of Ethnology. It is

regrettable that such valuable aids to study are not accessible in other

form. The study of the pottery of the prehistoric pueblos, as I have

said, furnishes one of the best clues to their inter-relationships, and

the first idea of students was that it must also throw much light upon

their racial origins. Further investigation, however, taught that

the laws which govern the migration of races do not regulate

the distribution of the arts. Not only do the arts follow a

pathway of their own, but one which often conflicts with that

of race-migration. They pass from place to place or from people

to people by a process of acculturation, so that peoples of

unlike origin practise like arts, while those of like origin,

are found practising unlike arts.[256]

At the period of their discovery by Spain the Village Indians were living

in the stone age, and they used, for the most part, stone tools; their

religious symbols are therefore found on axes and knives as well as on

pottery, or interwoven in baskets and blankets.

There are three groups of pottery accepted as existing in North America

in the pre-Columbian era. These are the crude stone implements of the

nomadic tribes of the Atlantic coast, the earthenware vessels found in

the mounds of the Mississippi Valley, and the advanced ceramics of the

Pueblo peoples in the Southwest. Though we cannot here discuss the first

two varieties, it is worth while, in passing, to note that the Mound

Builders left behind them a vast number of pipes for smoking. These

were made from a single piece of the hardest procurable stone carved

to represent certain birds and animals. Moreover, their pipe sculpture

betrays an art so superior to all else that they did that it makes

evident how great an importance was probably attached to these pipes.

Smoking is an essential preliminary to, and element of, every ritual.

Hence it follows, naturally enough, that

no one institution, for so it may be called, was more firmly

fixed by long usage among the North American Indians, or more

characteristic of them than the pipe in all its varied uses and

significances.[257]

In the arid regions of the Southwest, water was so precious a commodity

that the Pueblo peoples very early acquired skill in making receptacles

for its transport and conservation and became, as Powell says, “the

potters _par excellence_ of aboriginal America.” Just as the first

incentive toward the art of pottery grew out of the need of utensils for

the preparation of foods, so to-day it is the most general and important

motive for its creation. Profoundly influenced by the earlier art of

basketry, pottery is always found in close relationship with its sister

art wherever the two industries occur together. The nomad tribes would

naturally prefer the basket because so much more easily transported from

place to place, and they showed extraordinary skill in making cooking

vessels of wicker that are not only water-tight but are of such beauty

that they are to-day accounted almost priceless by collectors.

Of the more advanced pottery, Dr. Boas says, that of the Rio Grande

pueblos was “a good deal behind the Peruvians artistically but second

to none mechanically.” The Pueblo people have always dwelt in a land

of cañons and high plateaus, rising from great stretches of sand that

touch at last the far blue horizon. Here they were provided by nature

with an inexhaustible supply of material suitable for pottery. Clay of

a consistency perfectly adapted for this purpose is left by the sudden

storms that wash through the deep arroyos and deposit therein a valuable

sediment. The self-taught potters were not long in learning through

experience just what admixture of sand would make this clay malleable and

more durable. The colors of the stratified sandstone and clay taught them

harmony as well as contrast, and the ochres and other mineral deposits

provided them with the pigments they desired for the varied decoration

of their jars. Thus was built up an art and a culture which deserves our

admiration and should forever set at rest the careless assumption that

the original Americans were a savage people at the time of the white

invasion.

Gradually certain vessels came to be set aside for purposes of religious

or Shamanistic ceremonials. Mortuary jars for a long time were apparently

no other than those used by the departed one in life, but eventually,

like those dedicated to other ritualistic necessities, funeral and grave

jars were differentiated and set aside as something to be especially

reverenced and never otherwise employed. Imperfect _tinajas_, or the

still larger jars intended for storage, are much used for the chimneys

of pueblo houses, being built up one upon another till the requisite

height is attained, when a coating of adobe-mortar fills in all chinks

and makes a smooth outer surface; but it is believed that this occurred

only after Spanish influence was introduced. Before this innovation

the smoke escaped through the hatchway. At first, all vessels were

probably moulded by the fingers of the potter from a lump of material;

then, copying the wicker coils of the basket-maker, the potter rolled

in the hands long ropes of clay, mobile and easy to build up spirally

into any desired form. Nothing resembling a potter’s wheel has ever

been employed in the pueblos, but a shallow foot of wicker, or a piece

of a gourd often serves as a temporary support in order that the jar

may be revolved by a touch of the artist’s fingers, without injury to

the clay coil. We find, of course, that most enviable characteristic

of all hand-work—the slight variations in modelling and in decoration

that are lost when more mechanical processes are employed. The quality

of the material varied somewhat according to the use to be made of the

jars. Those for storage, either of grain or of water, or those for

dyeing wool where weaving is a local industry, are of coarse clay and

are plainer and heavier than the small receptacles made for daily use.

After the modelling would come the question whether the irregularities of

surface were to be left ribbed or made smooth by scraping with the sharp

edge of a bit of gourd, or of a broken shard, or fragment of obsidian.

Jars are found with the roughnesses of the coils inside, and the outer

surface carefully smoothed, but the commoner practice was the reverse of

this, and indeed the Pueblo people showed at a very early stage their

love of ornament by using a great variety of devices in the spiral

coils. Thumb-nail indentations in regular patterns probably made one of

the first of such decorative adjuncts. Sometimes the coil is crimped

throughout the whole surface, and again the body of the vessel will be

smoothed and the coils left only upon the shoulder and collar. More and

more elaborate patterns, wave-like or of incised lines, or overlapping

in scale design, were invented and varied in a multitude of ways. The

next innovation was modelling in relief, and this was soon followed

by painting. Black appears to have been the first pigment discovered,

and the black-and-white pottery is considered the oldest; but it could

not be long before an artist living in a land of color would wish to

use color on the light surface of jars, and would begin to reproduce

designs familiar in natural objects. Such ornament followed closely in

the footsteps of basketry and textiles. Meander patterns and geometric

adaptations of rectilinear outlines were employed in both arts in an

infinite variety of designs.[258] Dr. Holmes thinks that very little

decoration was invented outright and that, like the forms of pottery, it

originated in copying natural objects such as the exquisite shells, whose

surfaces are “embellished with ribs, spines, nodes and colors.” “Clay,”

he says, “is so mobile it can be made to record or echo a vast deal of

nature and of co-existent art.”[259] The conch-shell may have suggested,

to the imaginative mind of the native artist, spiral forms of vessels, as

well as the convenient addition of handles, and also must have helped the

painter to adapt rectilinear lines to the curved surfaces of the jars.

Colors were always used symbolically as well as decoratively on every

kind of vessel, whatever its material. While watching a potter at Ácoma

I was interested to notice that the first delicate hair-lines around the

lip of a jar were never quite closed together. The space left was so tiny

it would not be noticed as an imperfection, and it was most illuminating

afterward to read that Cushing was told by a Zuñi woman that this little

unfilled space was “the exit trail of life and being.” Cushing goes on

to say that when at length a pot is dried, polished, and decorated,

the potter will tell you with an air of relief that it is a

“made being,” and her statement is confirmed as a sort of

article of faith when you observe that as she places the vessel

in the kiln she also places in and beside it food.[260]

This vague feeling that any and all jars have some sort of personality

is further illustrated by the belief that the noise made when a pot

is struck is the voice of the spirit within, and the louder note of a

pot when broken is similarly the cry of the spirit escaping from the

imprisoning clay.

The superstition that to close completely an ornament is unlucky must be

as widely diffused as any primitive belief, for it is a well-known fact

that, among the weavers and embroiderers and painters of Greece and the

Balkans, no design is ever quite joined. A tiny bit that does not mar the

effect is always left unfinished.

The extent and variety of ways in which the Indian depicts his idea

of the source or breath of life is vividly illustrated by Cushing in

his “Decorative Symbolism.”[261] For example, clouds or many another

“phenomenon of nature held sacred and mysterious” by the Indian are

conventionalized by the potter for decorative purposes. Thus the terraced

or stepped rim of a round bowl is the symbol of the horizon whence rise

the clouds. The painted decoration on jars conveys the same idea, and the

pendant drops from many an ornament represent the falling rain. The art

of ornament is everywhere a conservative one and depends greatly upon the

general development of culture in the nation practising it; or, as Dr.

Holmes puts it: “The character of ornamentation does not depend so much

upon the age of the art, as upon the acquirements of the potter and his

people in other arts.”

Though the work of all pueblo potters is free-hand, it is never

haphazard. The Indian friend whom we watched through a long day of work

at Ácoma had no pattern, no visible rule, nor did she measure out any

spaces for her most elaborate designs. Though she did not tell us how

many more she knew than the ten designs we saw, she did say that she knew

exactly from the starting of each what the whole would become. The brush

used is very limber, being made from two or three strands of yucca fibre

about three inches in length. With this flexible tool she adapted her

pattern to the curved surfaces, without embarrassment or erasures, and

with as little difficulty as one might have in tracing a flat drawing

in a book. It is no doubt a convenience to restrict the preparation of

colors for any one particular time, and on that day she used only black,

yellow, and brown colors.

After the decoration is completed there is the process of firing. The

chalk-white clay acquires a mellow tint, varied according to the fuel

used. Age, and especially daily use over the fire, deepen and beautify

this surface tone so that the older a jar, the more delightful is it to

possess. In the museum at Santa Fé a large case of jars, all marked as

coming from Ácoma, shows that the modern potters are using old designs,

often mingled with those believed to have originated at Sía. In earlier

days many kinds of fuel were used for the firing process, such as very

dry greasewood, sagebrush, or piñon, though wherever cannel coal was

found it was given preference. The worst method ever employed was burying

the green pot under hot ashes and encircling it with a blazing fire. The

better and more usual practice is to dig a little kiln in the ground, or,

as is perforce the only way at Ácoma, to hollow out a space in the rock.

This is lined with dried cakes of sheep dung—now the universal and almost

exclusive fuel in all pueblos. The jars are fitted into this shallow kiln

and a dome-like structure of dung is built above, after which the whole

is slowly fired. The dung is thought by the Indians to bake the ware more

evenly than the resinous woods, but Cushing thinks this fuel so inferior

that to its use in great measure can be attributed the deterioration of

modern ceramics in the pueblos. Resinous woods cannot be used where the

color is the important thing, but the

black ware while still hot from a first firing, if coated both

outside and in with some of the easily obtained mucilaginous

gums, and then burned a second or third time with resinous

wood-fuel, is rendered absolutely fireproof, semi-glazed with

a black gloss and wonderfully durable.

No principle of true glaze is now known to the pueblo potters, but in

early days a genuine glaze was used purely for decoration. Being spread

over only a part of the surface, it added nothing toward making a jar

water-tight.

I have found no indication that the Ácomas ever followed any other art

than that of pottery, but it is quite possible this may be only their

share of the partitioning of the industries agreed upon by the pueblos

in comparatively recent time. However, since to-day the sole artistic

occupation of the Ácomas appears to be in ceramics, I have omitted, in

the consideration of Pueblo arts, both textiles and basketry. With regard

to the pottery, Dr. Fewkes says that, in the absence of more definite

insight,

Ácoma pottery bears little resemblance to that peculiar to

southern clans; it is distinctly Queresan, and resembles more

closely the pottery of ancient Hopi than that of ancient Zuñi,

or of Little Colorado ware—by which it does not seem to have

been affected.[262]

Though the pottery of the Ácomas is less durable than that of the Zuñis,

its designs have much more variety—trees and leaves, birds and flowers,

being introduced along with geometrical patterns. There are specific

reds and grays used in the Ácoma and Zuñi pottery; and a bright green

pigment applied in circular blotches before firing, that gives something

approaching a glaze afterwards, is found at both Ácoma and Laguna.

Among those pueblos where pottery and earthenware utensils form a

conspicuous feature of their civilization, Mr. James Stevenson[263]

mentions Ácoma and the great similarity of its pottery to that of Laguna,

though the Laguna potters use more colors. He calls some of the designs

at Ácoma “very spirited.” Many of the jars in the Santa Fé museum have

combinations of Ácoma and Sía designs—the bird of each pueblo being quite

distinct.

We may briefly summarize here the value of our knowledge concerning

ceramics to the other forms of cultural development of any people and

find it applicable to the inter-relationships of those American Indians

who practised the art. Since it can never be known when the modelling

of clay was first practised, there is fascination in the suggestion

that it came in some long-past day when a man walking on clay softened

by rain noticed his own footprints. The rudest savage may well have

discovered with what ease he could fashion a crude but useful vessel from

moist earth, but the first baking of such a utensil probably occurred

through some happy accident. We know that sun-dried bricks were used in

early building, but no clay cups thus treated would have served to hold

liquids.

The student searching for some standard by which to measure the creative

attainment of a semi-civilized race has chosen as most universal the

work of the early potters, and the interesting fact is disclosed that

the first attempts in ceramics of all peoples are curiously alike in

processes, in modes of decoration, and in adaptation to practical needs.

There is in the decorative addition of painting to pottery something

much more valuable than mere ornament, namely, a conventionalized

representation, graphically expressed, of the mythology and the social

habits of a race, so that even without written records it becomes

possible for us to form a fairly clear idea of its cultural development.

In short, the study of pottery has disclosed so much of race origins that

it is now regarded as essential to an understanding of the history and

mythology, and, in many countries, of the industries no less than of the

arts, of ancient peoples.

The student of American ceramics accepts the theory prevailing to-day to

the effect that the aborigines of this continent came from Asia, not all

at once but in successive migrations, bringing with them customs and arts

from many different sources at many different times; and our hope to-day

is that the modifications brought about by the meeting and mingling

of these various migratory streams will be finally made clear through

the patient work of the experts as new ceramic “finds” are unearthed

throughout the continent.

[Illustration: THE GUARDIAN CLIFFS OF ÁCOMA

_Bolton_]

L’ENVOI

In taking our leave of the Republic of Ácoma, seated haughtily aloof

upon her stony citadel, certain reflections grow imperious. Emerging

from the shadows of legendary origins to the historic past, already a

dim and distant background, we may please our fancy with poetic and

picturesque, or heroic episodes, while recognizing that the flowing tide

of civilization has inevitably swept away some that was admirable, along

with more that was brutal and savagely impossible to retain.

The sources of Ácoma’s life story, as of other Indian communities,

are three. First, we have all that has been carefully garnered and

interpreted for us by the anthropologists. This is chiefly concerned

with pre-Columbian or pre-Spanish days. Since the American domination,

government officials and visitors to all the pueblos have added much of

value and interest. There remains an almost untouched treasure in the

vast number of records kept through nearly three centuries by Spanish

priests and chroniclers. The padres in particular saw the Indian as he

_is_ in his daily occupations, in his mind, in his traditional worship,

as well as in his warrior adventuring. When these shall have received due

recognition from students of the Southwest, we may begin to hope that we

shall understand the First Americans.

Looking at Ácoma as symbolic of all Indian “city-states,” are we not

forced to admit that the white invader has pretty completely blotted out

one type of the human family? So altered are the fragmentary remains of

its religious and its social organization that they appear to be hardly

more significant to the white onlooker than is any picturesque pageant;

while to the Indian himself they must be rather a poor imitation of his

traditional ceremonial.

It is too late to ask whether or not white conquest could have been less

cruel, but surely our reconstruction might have been less ruthless.

It is asserted by those who know that “nearly a thousand languages have

given way before the Anglo-Saxon speech.” When the American succeeded

to the Spanish over-lordship of the aborigine, why did he not heed the

example of his English forbears in their rule of subject races? Tolerant

of all that was most sacred and inherent to the conquered, recent English

colonial policy has had for a fundamental principle the fostering of

native genius, and a respect for the faith and ritual, essential to those

brought under subjection.

This served as well the useful end of making conquest less offensive

and obedience more willing. It makes one envious of what Sir Valentine

Chirol writes of his rulers when they mastered India. “They respected

the customs of the people, tried to understand their needs, and gave the

humblest folk a new sense of security from arbitrary oppression, and a

new conception of justice as a boon that was neither to be bought nor

sold.”

The Spaniard was the pioneer invader and conqueror. The American should

have grasped his opportunity as trustee of a rich and original element

in the land. Trustees accept a duty and responsibility along with new

power, the success or failure of which lies within their own hands. But

the white man began by imposing upon the Indian a religion so unlike his

own that it soon became a weapon of deceit, and a dangerous impediment to

their mutual understanding.

The system under which these wards of the nation are ruled to-day would

doubtless protest against the old phrase that “the only good Indian is

a dead Indian,” but in practice it does not materially improve on that

unhappy formula.

In justice to a great inheritance of art and of primitive literature (for

the chant and the folk-lore are the germ of written tales), can we not

_now_ arouse a public pride for the appreciation of this legacy, which

constitutes, as has been said earlier in these pages, the only original

contribution of the western world to either form of creative genius.

The healthy association of the races should promote an education that

pays heed to the needs and mentality of the Indian, fostering his deft

fingers in his native crafts instead of teaching him that machine-made

and artificially dyed rugs are superior; that would help him to develop

his innate agricultural talent by better implements and a more generous

use of soils and of irrigation. At least let him be protected from

political exploitation and even from the selfishness of too ardent

exploring students.

It does not fall within this writer’s province to suggest solutions for

one of the most urgent and complex of national problems. She only desires

to bring before the bar of public opinion the tangle of difficulties

largely created by an indifference to Indian philosophy and sensitiveness

and to a misuse of power which has bred a deep sense of racial injustice.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

I. THE NAME ÁCOMA

_Ako_ (of obscure ethnology). They call their own people Ákomi

(mi = people). It is translated as People of the White Rock.

_Hacus_ of Fray Marcos of Niza.

_Ácuco_ of Coronado.

_Hakukue_ in Zuñi language, meaning “drinkers of the dew.”

_A-ko-kai-obi_ in Hopi language, meaning “the place of the

ladle,” and referring to the two great natural reservoirs upon

the summit.

_Ácoma Clans_ extinct:

Kuishkosh Blue corn

Kuishtiti Brown corn

Moshaich Buffalo

Haka Fire

_Clans_ still existent:[264]

Kuüts Antelope

Tsits Water

Kusesh White corn

Kochinish Yellow corn

Tyami Eagle

Osach Sun

Huwaka Sky

Shawiti Parrot

Shask Road-runner

Hapanyi Oak

Shquwi Rattlesnake

Sii Ant

Kuwhaia Bear

Tsina Turkey

Tani Calabash

Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, in 1918, adds to the clans: Chaparral, Cock,

Tansy-Mustard, and Lizard (this last may be identical with Rattlesnake).

She omits Road-runner and Ant. In 1922 we were told that the Snake was

extinct.

Other pueblos occupied by Ácoma clans at various early periods were

Heash-Koa, two miles southwest, by the Red-corn clan; and Kowina, fifteen

miles west, by the Calabash clan. This was a mesa at the head of the

Cebollita Valley.

POPULATION

Castañeda (1541) wrote that “Ácoma could place on foot about 200 warriors

and that there was not room on the Rock for much more than 1000 people.”

Espéjo (1581) speaks of more than 6000; Oñate (1595) estimated them at

3000; Villagrá says that there were 6000 at the time of the siege.

In 1680 Ácoma was credited with 1500 inhabitants.

In 1760 there were said to be 1052 inhabitants.

In 1780-81 a smallpox epidemic prevailed, so that ten years later there

were but 820 persons.

In 1910 there were but 691 inhabitants; while Laguna had, in 1910, as

many as 1441.

II. HA-CHAMONI

_Ha-chamoni_ (prayer-sticks) are deposited by the oracle of the cult of

the hunt to convey the messages of the people. The hunt may or may not

take place directly after these offerings, its time being at the pleasure

of the _Ho-aanite_ (theurgist or oracle), who does not himself inform the

pueblo but communicates with the war chief.—MRS. M. C. STEVENSON (of Sía

Pueblo).

III. SALT

Early chroniclers mention the “salt-kernels” of the Cíbolans, and

Cushing found “a trail brokenly traceable for hundreds of miles from the

cliff-town to the inexhaustible Lake of Salt in central New Mexico.” This

salt is superior to any other found in the Southwest and commanded such

a price that Cushing found it often adulterated with other varieties.

He goes on to say that the influence of such a salt supply upon the

movements of large tribes is not confined to those of America, for “all

the great historic trade-routes across Asia were first established

along salt trails.”—_Thirteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of Ethnology and

Anthropology, pp. 352-355.

_Shrine of Salt Woman._ Near, or in, the Grand Cañon, Cárdenas in 1540

used the same trail which the Hopi use to-day when they visit the

Havasupai in Cataract Cañon, or part of the old route of the Hopi to get

salt. The trail apparently crosses the Little Colorado not far from

Moenkopi trail at Tanner Crossing, a few miles below Black Falls. Before

gathering the salt, which hung from the cliffs in “icicles,” the Hopi

laid one prayer-stick before the image of the salt goddess and the other

before the god of war. The gatherer must be suspended over the edge of

the cliff by ropes to reach the icicles.—CUSHING, Bureau of Ethnology and

Anthropology, Vol. VIII, pp. 352-358.

_Salt Place_ (Zuñi Salt Lake) belongs to the Parrot clan. The substance

of a folk-tale collected by Dr. Boas explaining how this happened is

given in “Laguna Genealogies.” When Salt Woman and the Twin War Gods

were on their wanderings they were hospitably entertained by the Parrot

people, when everyone else had refused them admittance. Going farther

southward, Salt Woman met Zuñi Parrot people, to whom she gave her

house; but Laguna informants assert that until her people showed them

how, neither Hopi nor Zuñi folk were able to get the salt out of the

Place. The journey to Salt Place is made in September, and in company

with collectors from Ácoma, a rare case of inter-pueblo coöperation.

Parrot men lead the expedition, while those of the clan who remain at

home are praying in their house. The salt-collector desires to get omens

at the Place; hence he must offer prayer-sticks and then pray. Before

putting the sticks and cigarettes and shell-meal into the water, he must

rub himself with salt. Having taken off his clothes, and standing in

the water, he feels for the salt with his feet and treads it out; then

gathers it with his hands, using neither pick nor shovel. If you are to

have good harvests of wheat or watermelon, or if you are going to kill

a deer, you will see in the water the wheat or watermelon or deer. If

you are going to die you will see yourself lying dead there. Besides

the salt, medicine-water is brought back from Salt Place. On the return

journey, the accompanying war captain sends forward one day before

arrival a messenger to procure two donkeys from the Parrot people. As

the expedition approaches, all the clans-women with the _kurena-cheani_

come out to meet it, and they all sing together for the Salt Woman.

Later these same women distribute the salt. “If an individual wants to

go salt-collecting on his own account he will go to the Parrot clansman

to ask him to make prayer-sticks. If your salt gives out you may ask

the Parrot clan-mother to give you some.”—ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS, Laguna

Genealogies.

IV. TOWERS AND GREAT HOUSES

Were they observation points or granaries or ceremonial places? Or, did

they combine all these with defence? No satisfactory answer yet found,

nor the epoch in which they were constructed. Some have great trees

growing in them, but none has a roof; their walls are so good that they

do not suggest very great age; yet the builders of cliff-dwellings, and

by inference their kindred, the Tower Builders, were far superior in

their art to modern pueblos.

V. KERES (QUERES)

Concerning the origin of the word _Keres_ (Castañeda’s _Quirix_) nothing

can be learned from any of these people, who pronounce it in every

conceivable way. But they all agree that “they have no ethnic name in

Keresan language which sounds anything like it.” We have, therefore, a

confusion of designations for Ácoma.

_Sía_ (_Tsía_) is linguistically a part of the western branch of the

Keres nation. According to fragments of Keres tradition this is the place

on the Jémez River where the Ácomas separated from the other Keres.

The name _Temá_ is applied to the Cochití and to all who talk like them.

Among these are Sía, Ácoma, and Laguna. The two latter are so isolated

from the rest of the Keres nation that frequently they are not listed

with the other pueblos of their stock; when they are, they invariably are

made a separate group by themselves.

The culture of the Keresan tribes is fundamentally similar to that of

the others in the Southwestern area; namely, a dependence upon maize and

other cultivated foods; the use of the _metate_ instead of a mortar for

grinding the maize; terraced houses of stone and adobe; tailored textile

clothing, which involves cultivation of cotton and weaving on a loom; a

pottery decorated in color; much less use of basketry than in non-Pueblo

tribes; the domestication of the turkey; matrilinear descent; a mythology

characterized by migration traditions; each pueblo a “republic” with

governor and war chief elected annually, but the religious head, cacique,

must give his sanction; very complex ritualism; numerous shrines before

which sacred meal and pollen are constantly offered; purification rites

by emetics and head washing; Kachina, or K’at’sina, ceremonies by masked

impersonators; different priests for summer and for winter.

In most pueblos there are made extensive sand paintings for religious

festivals. No writer mentions them at Ácoma. Is this because no strangers

have seen their most sacred celebrations?[265]

The Queres Indians, to which nation Ácoma belongs, have always claimed

the range of the Tanos Mountains and the valleys of the upper Rio Grande

and the Jémez Rivers as their ancestral heritage. The prehistoric

remains in the romantic gorge of the Rito de los Frijoles are said by

the Queres to belong to their people and especially to those who later

settled permanently at Cochití. The medicine men of Cochití paid frequent

visits to holy shrines there as recently as 1890.

VI. LANGUAGE

The ethnologists agree that there is no reason to suppose that only one

language existed among the earliest dwellers in America. Certainly the

Spaniards found the different languages, or dialects, a great source of

confusion in their early expeditions from Mexico into the North. To know

one well was no password to the next or to those beyond.

Dr. Franz Boas says that “at any rate when man began to increase, the

number of languages was legion though sprung from the same root.” As some

tribes grew more powerful and as inter-tribal wars did their fatal work,

“many older stocks were eliminated, to be replaced by the dialects of a

few groups.”[266]

The four pueblo linguistic stocks distinguishable to-day are:

(1) Shoshonean, to which belong all Hopi pueblos, except Hano; (2)

Zuñian; (3) Tanoan; (4) Keresan or Queresan.

VII. KATZÍMO, A DISENCHANTED MESA

Professor Libbey, of Princeton University, describes in _Harper’s

Weekly_, August 28, 1897, the way in which he went, with two assistants

and two heavily laden wagons which contained “among other things a small

cannon, and miles and miles of rope.” After the cannon had been charged,

a large shot was fired to which had been attached a projecting shaft and

ring in the gun. By throwing the shot to the far side of the mesa, it

was possible to construct a kind of bo’sun’s chair which, with pulleys,

lifted Libbey to a point on the smaller end of the rock. A ladder was

now sent up to him, on which the explorer climbed down the face of the

cliff to a point from which he could jump across to the other side of the

chasm. “A few grasses and plants common on the plains below, and these

with one grey rat and some lizards were all the evidences of life to be

seen.”

Libbey admits that “a small cairn-like structure of stones” _might_ have

been the work of human hands; but he was convinced not only that the mesa

had never been a human habitation, but that no fragment of pottery or of

implements of any sort could be found.

VIII. MEDICINE

According to Alexander, medicine has come to be applied to objects and

practices controlling the animistic powers of Nature as the Indian

conceives them. Medicine is, therefore, private magic and may “exist in

the form of a song or spell known to the owner,” in some symbol upon

his body or in some object that he carries in his “medicine bag.” It

may appear in a ceremony or in a system of rites and practices known

to the “medicine lodge.” “The essential idea varies from fetichism to

symbolism.” When fetichistic, the objects are regarded as talismans.

Disease comes from occult powers of wizards or from the anger of certain

animals. Death is the result of necromancy practised by bad men or angry

gods. Medicine ceremonials are quite unlike rain ceremonials.—H. B.

ALEXANDER, _North American Mythology_, p. 269.

IX. SMOKE

Cigars and cigarettes are used by Navajo and Pueblo peoples even for

ritualistic purposes. Smoke is an invocation to “those above” and, being

always a preliminary to councils, came to be known to the white man

as the Pipe of Peace. All Southwestern and California tribes used the

straight tubular pipe of clay or stone. Elaborate pipes are found in

prehistoric mounds, most often among the more northern tribes. However,

in 1922 Dr. J. Walter Fewkes and his corps of archaeological assistants

found on the Mesa Verde National Park a central _Kiva_ unique there so

far as we yet know. Among the objects found in it “were a full dozen

decorated tobacco pipes made of clay, some blackened by use, others

showing no signs that they had ever been smoked.... For many years it

had been suspected that the ancient inhabitants of the Mesa Verde cliff

dwellings were smokers, but these pipes are the first objective evidence

to prove it, and the fact that these objects were found in the shrine of

a sacred room would indicate that they were smoked ceremonially, as is

customary in modern pueblo rites.” The _Kiva_ is known as Pipe Shrine

House.

X. SHAMAN

A word corrupted from the Sanskrit, meaning “ascetic.” A term more or

less interchangeable with “medicine man,” “doctor,” or even “priest.”

Many tribes give Shaman and priest not merely distinct, but antagonistic

functions. The priest is keeper and demonstrator of rituals. The Shaman

mystifies by jugglery, pretends to foretell events and control them by

incantations, and by fetish-practice prevents the evil spirits to whom

all mishaps are attributed from working harm. Since disease is mischief

done by evil spirits, Shamans treat the sick. They are the workers of

“good magic,” and preside over ceremonies peculiar to their healing

powers. When they fail they become wizards and practisers of “bad magic,”

and are feared and if possible are put out of the way.

XI. SERPENT

The great mythic serpent is as much a sky-being as one of earth. The

lightning and the Milky Way are his sky attributes. He is the emblem of

healing and of fertility in our Southwest.

“Any element or phenomenon in nature which is believed to

possess a personal existence is endowed with a personality

analogous to that of the animal whose operations most resemble

its manifestations; e.g., lightning is given the form of a

serpent, with or without the arrow-pointed tongue because its

course through the sky is serpentine, its stroke instantaneous

and destructive; yet it is named Wi-lo-lo-a-ne, a word derived

not from the name of the serpent itself but from its most

obvious trait, its gliding zig-zag motion. For this reason the

serpent is supposed to be more nearly related to lightning

than to man, but more nearly related to man than is lightning,

because mortal and destructive.”—CUSHING, _Zuñi Fetiches,

Second Annual Report_, Bureau of Ethnology and Anthropology, p.

9.

The writer is indebted to a California friend for the following examples

of hypnosis by rattlesnakes.

“When I was a young girl visiting on a ranch in Napa County, California,

I had the following interesting experience, which was unusual, in fact,

unique. Napa County is infested with rattlesnakes; subconsciously we were

never unaware of the danger and, as children, killed many of them. The

country was a particularly well-favored spot for the raising of turkeys

and as we often drove them into the stubble fields where the grasshoppers

were to be found we became accustomed to the ways of these very sensitive

domesticated birds. Their usual mournful whine would give way to an alert

cry if a hawk or buzzard began to circle over us in the sky and we also

noticed a very peculiar and distinct cry when a rattlesnake was seen by

them: _Brrrup_, _Brrrup_, in a very high piercing key.

“One day we were in the house when we heard this peculiar snake cry from

the throats of about one hundred young birds. They were only about four

weeks old and were in a small, well-protected snake-proof enclosure.

Two of us ran out to see what could have happened, and this is what we

saw—a rattlesnake the size of a lead pencil coiled in one corner and

surrounding him all the turkeys in a semi-circle with heads stretched to

the fullest, slowly but surely hypnotized and moving towards the swaying

head of the snake. So absorbed were they that neither the snake nor the

turkeys heard us. We watched the performance long enough to be sure of

what was happening and then, with the never forgotten stick, killed the

snake. The little turkeys, released from the spell, shook themselves,

blinked, yawned and stood around confused until their little brains

registered safety.

“I was talking with a friend of mine about Lower California one day

and he was telling me of the fascinating beauty of it. ‘However,’ he

said, ‘it has one great drawback and that is the size and number of the

rattlesnakes.’ He said that it was not at all unusual to see them five

feet long with bodies the size of a quart bottle and heads that would

cover the palm of his hand.

“One day while hunting he saw a thrush behaving in a most peculiar manner

under a bush. It was jumping up and down in one spot, feathers ruffled

and fairly crying in a terrified manner. He crawled under the bush and

there he saw one of these huge rattlers hypnotizing the bird. As soon

as the snake saw him and turned his head towards him the bird flew away

unharmed. He had his gun and shot from the hip, killing the snake.

“Another experience he had that was interesting. A boy jumped down on

to a ledge and failed to see a huge snake almost red in color that was

coiled on rocks of the same color. A companion, afraid that he might

hurt the boy, shot the snake near the tail. The snake writhed for some

time and then, apparently realizing it could not move, turned and stung

itself, dying within a few minutes.”

XII. LIGHTNING

Mrs. Stevenson records of the Queres people that the “lightning-people

shoot their arrows to make it rain harder, the smaller flashes coming

from the bows of the children. Thunder-people by making a great noise

frighten the lightning and cloud-peoples to work harder.” The rainbow

people were created to make the sky more beautiful for the earth people.

XIII. THE SWASTIKA AND PRIMITIVE CROSS-SYMBOLS

The swastika, a symbol in the form of a Greek Cross with the end of the

arms bent at right angles all in the same direction, and each prolonged

to the height of the parallel arm of the cross. Full discussion of

the swastika is found in Mrs. Zelia Nuttall’s “Old and New World

Civilizations.” She finds these symbols universally accompanied

by vestiges of a certain set of cosmical concepts and a scheme of

organization which can be traced back to an original pole-star worship.

The calendar swastika or cross of ancient Mexico gives absolute proof of

native association with ideas of rotary motion and progress of time, and

furnishes an indication that it may have been used by primitive races as

a sign for a year or a cycle. Cushing found almost precisely the same

thing among the Zuñi priesthood.

XIV. RELIGIOUS IMPORT OF THE DANCE

“Not the epic song, but the dance, accompanied by a monotonous and often

meaningless song constitutes everywhere the most primitive, and in spite

of that primitiveness, the most highly developed art. Whether as a ritual

dance, or as a purely emotional expression of the joy in rhythmic bodily

movement, it rules the life of primitive man to such a degree that all

other forms of art are subordinate to it.”—WUNDT, _Völker Psychologie_,

3rd ed. Bd. 1 Teil 1, p. 277.

FOOTNOTES

[1] “Mesas appear to furnish the most direct and convincing testimony we

have of the tremendous power of the wind in effecting general erosion

under conditions of aridity. That water could not possibly produce such

effects is shown in a number of ways. On the continental divide the

streams are smallest. Drainage features are necessarily insignificant.

Rainfall is the scantiest. These summit plains of the continent are a

region of continual high wind and constant sand-storm. By wind action

alone there appears to be incontestable testimony that from the entire

area of the vast arid region there has been lifted and exported in very

recent geologic times a prodigious layer of rock not less than 5000 feet

in thickness. Thus it is that arid regions have introduced us to an

erosive agent more potent than stream-corrosion, more constant than the

washing of rains, more extensive and persistent than the encroachments of

the sea.”—CHARLES R. KEYES, _Wind-Graved Mesas and their Message_.

[2] Coronado did not pass Inscription Rock on his way from Zuñi to Ácoma,

but went a little south of it. The earliest inscription on El Morro _with

a date_ is that of Oñate, 1606, but we found an undated autograph of

Luxan, a member of Espéjo’s force. It was easily identified by comparing

it with his characteristic signature in an as yet unpublished manuscript.

E. H. Vogt, describing some recently explored ice-caves near Ramah, N.

M., mentions “two old Indian trails six or eight miles south of the road.

One of these enters the lava bed and crosses it in line with El Morro and

Ácoma. This was perhaps the way Coronado travelled with his Zuñi guides

in 1540.”—_El Palacio_, February 1, 1924.

[3] Bandelier maintains that no tribe so influenced the fate of the

Southwest as did the Apache. Twitchell affirms that “the word ‘Indian’

in all the laws whether Spanish or Mexican, and the treaty of Guadalupe

Hidalgo, was not intended to cover, nor to refer to any ‘Indians’ other

than those living in villages ... who are invariably referred to and

described as _naturales_ and _pueblos_ and as _indios de pueblos_. For

the other Indians, such as the Apaches, Comanches, Utes or Navajos, the

term savages—_Salvajes_ or _Indios barbaros_—was always the descriptive

and differentiating form of expression.”—R. E. Twitchell, _Leading Facts

in New Mexican History_.

[4] Espéjo called those Indians _Navajos_ who haunted the mountains near

Ácoma. Castañeda describes the “Querechas and Teyas” (of the eastern

plains) “as being better warriors, having better figures and are more

feared. They travel like the Arabs with their tents and troops of dogs

loaded with poles and having Moorish pack-saddles with girths.”

[5] “They” (the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico) “live some of them in

the identical houses their forefathers occupied at the time of Coronado’s

expedition (1541-2) as at Ácoma, Jémez and Taos, and although their

plan and mode of life have changed in some respects in the interval,

it is not unlikely that they remain to this day a fair example of the

life of the Village Indians from Zuñi to Cuzco as it existed in the

16th century.”—Lewis H. Morgan, _Houses and House-life of the American

Aborigines_, in Vol. IV, U. S. Geological Survey, _Contributions to

American Ethnology_.

See Appendix I.

[6] An _estado_ is 5 feet, 7 inches—about the height of an average man.

[7] W. W. H. Davis, in his history of New Mexico, says ten acres in

area—which must be either a slip or a misprint.

[8] George Wharton James, _Land of the Delight Makers_.

[9] Descriptions of Ácoma are in Bancroft, _Native Races_, Vol. IV,

pp. 365, 366; Lummis, _The California Magazine_, January, 1892. Other

references may be found in the bibliography, under Engelhardt, Hodge,

Lummis, James, and Prince.

[10] For Ácoma,—George Wharton James, _The Land of the Delight Makers_.

[11] Called _piki_ in Hopi, and _hewe_ in Zuñi.

[12] According to Lummis, another reservoir on the southern mesa is

reached by a toilful path up and down the craggy slope. We did not see

this.

[13] Mt. Taylor, 11,389 feet high. At Ácoma it is called _Spi-nat_.

[14] Or else from twenty miles to the west from “the great frowning

pine-fringed Mesa Prieta at whose feet lies the beautiful Vale of

Cebollita.”—Hodge, _Land of Sunshine_, November, 1897.

[15] _Land of Sunshine_, Vol. 15, 1901, p. 320. The article is supplied

with illustrations.

[16] Shelley, _Daemon of the World_.

[17] Hodge, _Handbook of American Indians_; also, _Notes to Benavides

Memorial_. Lummis, _Poco Tiempo_; _Spanish Pioneers_.

[18] Goddard says Coronado’s Ácoma was partly burned in 1599 but that the

village was not destroyed in the revolt of 1680, and therefore the walls

now in use may be the same as those seen in 1540, partly rebuilt and

repaired from time to time. _Handbook—Indians of the Southwest_, p. 73.

A writer in _El Palacio_ for August, 1918, mentions a tradition that

Ácoma has the only church that survived the rebellion of 1680, but says

that authorities do not agree upon this and that Hodge declares no trace

of the old edifice remains except the carved beams found in one of the

houses of Middle Row. It would seem as if the letter of the commanding

Spanish officer should clear away all confusion about this building.

[19] A fuller account may be read in _El Palacio_ for January 1, 1925.

[20] An interesting article, _Painting the Town Red_, by Professor C. F.

Crane, showing the relation of the color scarlet or some shade of red

to burial wrappings and ceremonials, may be found in the _Scientific

Monthly_ for June, 1924. On pp. 612, 613, the author cites instances

among the Sioux tribes in the eighteenth century.

[21]

Four days is the spirit’s journey

To the land of ghosts and shadows,

Four its lonely night encampments;

Therefore, when the dead are buried,

Let a fire as night approaches,

Four times on the grave be kindled,

That the soul upon its journey

May not grope about in darkness.

—LONGFELLOW, _Song of Hiawatha_.

[22] The _Cheani_ are the medicine men or curative shamans, who are

officers also of weather control.

[23] The Indian word is _ha-chamoni_, meaning “they take the breath.” It

is invariably a notched stick with plumes attached, and is illustrated

in _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 78. See

Appendix II.

[24] The Warrior Dance.

[25] _Kasik_ is given as the Keres form of cacique.

[26] This is the same as the _asa_ at Hopi or the _ise_ at Laguna.

[27] To avoid confusion, it is wise to reserve the word _kiva_ for

the ceremonial chamber of the Indian pueblo, and _estufa_ for the

sweat-houses.

[28] _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 268.

[29] Cosmos Mindeleff, Introduction to _Eighth Annual Report_, Bureau of

American Ethnology, p. xxxi.

[30] _Relación de Father Fray Francisco de Escobar_, October, 1605. Also

in Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt. I, pp. 143-145.

[31] Description by Leslie Spier, _Havasupai Days_, in _American Indian

Life_, edited by Elsie Clews Parsons.

[32] In certain tribes women have rites to perform that necessitate

_kivas_ for their special use.

[33] Lummis, _The Land of Poco Tiempo_.

[34] Charles Alexander Eastman (Ohiyesa), _The Soul of an Indian. An

Interpretation_.

[35] Translated by Alice Fletcher, in the _Path on the Rainbow_, edited

by George Cronyn.

[36] _The Coronado Expedition by Castañeda_, _Fourteenth Annual Report_,

Bureau of American Ethnology, translated by G. P. Winship; _The Journey

of Coronado_, _Trail Makers’ Series_, 1904, translated by Winship; _The

Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado by Pedro de Castañeda_, _Spanish

Explorers in the Southern United States_, edited by F. W. Hodge.

[37] _Doc. Inéd. de Indios_, Vol. III, _Relación du Voyage de Cíbola_,

translated by Ternaux Compans; abstract in English by Fewkes in _Journal

of American Ethnology and Archaeology_, Vol. III, 1892.

[38] Very exhaustive studies and excavations were made of Háwikuh

by Frank Hamilton Cushing, between 1879 and 1888. His reports can

be consulted in the _Thirteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American

Ethnology, and in separate monographs. There are later studies by Fewkes

and Stevenson.

[39] Hodge affirms that Jaramillo and Zárate-Salmerón say it was Háwikuh.

_American Anthropologist_, April, 1895.

[40] There are many spellings of this name. According to Hodge, “Ako” is

the Indian form. See Appendix I.

[41] Winship, _Coronado Expeditions_, Chapter XII, p. 490. “They

described some cows, which from a picture that one of them had painted on

his skin seemed to be cows, although from the hides this seemed not to be

possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled, so that we could not

tell what sort of skins they had.”

Best brief account in Bolton, _Spanish Borderlands_.

[42] Castañeda.

[43] Translated by Winship, and included in each of his works on the

expedition; also _American History Leaflets_, No. 13.

[44] Winship, _The Coronado Expedition_, pp. 491, 560, 569, 575.

[45] Between June 7 and July 10, 1540.

[46] Three reliable records exist of this _entrada_. The translations of

Pedro de Bustamente, and another by Barrado and Escalante, may be read in

Bolton, _Spanish Exploration in the Southwest_. A third by Gallegos, “The

Scrivener,” is translated by Mecham: MS. thesis in the Bolton Collection.

[47] Two manuscripts recently discovered prove beyond question that the

Father had been put to death by the Indians of the Sierra Morena or

Sandía mountains before the soldiers returned to Mexico. The viceroy, we

now know, had incorporated this information in his report to the Spanish

King. Bolton was the first person to make use of this material. It was

further elaborated by J. Lloyd Mecham in a thesis for the Master’s degree

at the University of California. See also the article by Mecham on the

“Death of Fray Santa María” in _Catholic Historical Review_, October,

1920.

[48] Querecho was a pueblo name for the buffalo-hunting Apache Indians

east of New Mexico (Hodge, _Handbook_, II, 338).

[49] The snake dance is now characteristically a Hopi ceremony, where

it is primarily a prayer for rain. It was formerly widespread among

the pueblo tribes and traces of it are still found at Ácoma and other

places.—Walter Hough, in Hodge, _Handbook_, II, 605, 606.

[50] Bolton, _Spanish Exploration in the Southwest_, 182, 183.

[51] Bureau of American Ethnology, _Thirteenth Annual Report_, 327.

[52] _Historia de la Nuevo Mejico del Capitán Gaspar de Villagrá_, Año

1610, Con privilegio. En _Alcala_ por Luys Martínez Grande. Translated in

part in Bancroft and in Read.

[53] Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_.

[54] _Historical Documents relating to New Mexico_ (edited by Charles

Wilson Hackett, Ph.D., Carnegie Institution, Washington, D.C.), pp. 264

_et seq._

[55] Translated in Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_.

[56] A religious inspector.

[57] The Crossing. Here the trail crossed the river and threaded the pass

through the mountains. It was a crossing in a double sense.

[58] Canto XVI, translated in Read, _History of New Mexico_, p. 213.

[59] It may not be entirely beside the point to note here that this

same Bernabé de las Casas, a few years after this event, projected an

expedition across the country from the Rio Grande to drive the English

out of Jamestown.

[60] _Ytinerario de las Minas del Caxco._ Translated by Bolton, in

_Spanish Exploration in the Southwest_.

[61] Read, _History of New Mexico_, pp. 226, 227.

[62] Villagrá, _Historia de la Nueva Mexico_, Canto XXV. Translated in

Read, pp. 229-231.

[63] From Villagrá, Folio 222. Translated by Mrs. N. V. Sanchez.

[64] Villagrá, Canto XXX.

[65] Engelhardt, _Franciscan Herald_, February, 1920.

[66] Villagrá, _Historia_, Canto XVIII, gives the weapons used by the

Ácomas as shields of buckskin, bows and flint-tipped arrows, war-clubs,

and a helmet of buffalo hide.

[67] Read, _History of New Mexico_, p. 229.

[68] No satisfactory translation of Villagrá’s narrative has yet

appeared, and the writer is indebted for the material used in this

paraphrase to Lummis, _The Spanish Pioneers_.

[69] This is, so far as known, the only mention of subterranean passages

cut in the Rock. Do they still exist and are they used?

[70] _American Historical Review_, October, 1917.

[71] A translation of this remarkable account may be found in the article

by Bourke, _American Anthropologist_, Vol. VIII, April, 1894.

[72] Perea served as custodian until 1633 or 1636, and during that period

founded the church and monastery at Sandía, where he was buried.

[73] A graphic description of the discomforts of the “Jornado del Muerto”

in 1888 may be read in _The Land of the Pueblos_, by Mrs. Lew Wallace.

[74] The name Robledo is still on the map, sixty miles above El Paso.

[75] The text gives the celebration as the “Pascua del Espiritú Santo.”

Hodge and Lummis translate this as Easter, which would make the march

from Robledo to Santa Fé, including the delay of four days, only a

week in passing. In the Roman church the Feast of the Holy Spirit is

Pentecost, the celebration of the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the

disciples of Christ, and comes fifty days after Easter. We need not infer

that the party did not reach Santa Fé somewhat earlier than Pentecost,

but only that it was this Holy Day they celebrated there.

[76] The _Encyclopaedia Britannica_ gives no such places as Abasia or

Mount Amar. It does speak of _Amasia_ with an acropolis on a lofty cliff

overhanging the town. This is a town in Anatolia (Turkey), splendidly

situated in a narrow gorge on both sides of a river and eighty miles

from its mouth. It contains remarkable antiquities such as the tombs of

the kings of Pontus, described by Strabo. (Illustrated in the _National

Geographic Magazine_, July, 1918, in article “Under the Heel of the

Turk.”)

[77] Translated by Mrs. E. E. Ayer in _Land of Sunshine_, Vol. XIII.

[78] Vetancur, _Menológio Seráfico_, IV, pp. 246-248.

[79] C. W. Hackett, _Revolt of the Pueblo Indians in New Mexico in 1680_;

(The Quarterly of Texas State Historical Association, October, 1911).

Prince, _A Concise History of New Mexico_; Read, _History of New Mexico_;

W. H. H. Davis, _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_.

[80] _Apach-u_, a Piman word meaning “man.”

[81] This method of reckoning time has been observed in many countries

and in all ages. Herodotus describes it as a device of Darius for the

Ionian chiefs: Boturini found it among the relics of ancient Mexico,

and in the Polynesian islands it has not yet altogether disappeared.

According to Fiske, the Spaniards were “astonished at seeing how many

things the Peruvians could record with their _quipus_ (knotted cords).”

_Discovery of America_, Vol. II, pp. 298-300.

[82] The Navajo, Havasupai and Walapai use knotted cords to-day in just

this way to keep account of time, but not for other purposes.

[83] La Toma is within the present limits of Texas near the monastery of

Guadalupe.

[84] Hackett, p. 155.

[85] Hackett, _The Pueblo Revolt of 1680_.

[86] Vetancur gives a list of all the missions as they existed just

before the Revolt with valuable details about some of them. Of Ácoma

he says it was dedicated to S. Estévan on a peñol east of Sía. It was

one league in circumference and had fifteen hundred inhabitants who had

been converted by Fray Juan Ramírez. “In 1680 they put to death their

padre, Fray Lucas Maldonado, native of Tribujona of the same province.”

Vetancur, _Crónica_, III.

[87] Escalante, _Carta_, 122, 123, translated in Bancroft, _Arizona and

New Mexico_, Vol. XVII, footnote to p. 185.

[88] Between 1680-1692 we have the record of Don Carlos de Siguënza y

Góngora, _Mercurio Volante_, Mexico, 1693. In this the number of soldiers

is given as nine. Translated by Read, _History of New Mexico_, p. 288.

[89] From the Journals of De Vargas printed in translation in _Ola Santa

Fé_, January, 1914, and October, 1916; Bandelier, _Final Report_, Part

II, pp. 215, 216, also gives some details. Also in Twitchell, _Some

Leading Facts in New Mexico History_.

[90] The same L’Archeveque who, when a younger man, traitorously helped

to assassinate his leader La Salle in 1687. Now in middle age, he was

serving Spain, and in the Franco-Hispanic War of 1720 he was sent on an

errand to the junction of the North and South Platte rivers, where he

met his death in a surprise attack on the Pawnee Indians just as he was

breaking camp to return to Santa Fé.

[91] Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_, p. 226.

[92] A letter to the _Procurador-General_, Fray José Miguel de los Ríos,

from Father Trigo, July 23, 1754, concerning the Christian and political

government of the mission of San Pedro and San Pablo in New Mexico.

[93] A _fanega_ equals two and one-half bushels.

[94] An _almud_ equals one-fifth of a bushel.

[95] For this and the preceding items the writer is indebted to Miss E.

M. Healey (MS. thesis), University of California, Department of History.

[96] Good accounts are in James, _Land of Delight Makers_, and Prince,

_Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico_. It is this building upon which

were based the designs for the exhibition house of New Mexico at the San

Diego exposition in 1915-16, as well as part of the new art museum in

Santa Fé.

[97] Elliott Coues, _On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer_.

[98] Lummis, _Some Strange Corners of our Country_, Chapter XXII, and

_Mesa, Cañon and Pueblo_, Chapter XXIX; Twitchell, _Spanish Archives of

New Mexico_, pp. 458-462.

[99] The Judge was Hon. Kirby Benedict, in early manhood a personal

friend of Abraham Lincoln, who was in 1858 appointed Chief Justice of

New Mexico. A second judgment of his given in favor of Ácoma was a case

of some celebrity. Several citizens of New Mexico sought to recover a

sum of money on account of there having been delivered to the pueblo one

hundred and sixty-six years previously the title deeds to its lands in

New Mexico, for which these New Mexicans claimed the Indians of Ácoma had

agreed to pay. The verdict of the Justice is a delicious piece of irony

and satire, qualities for which he was renowned. _Old Santa Fé_, July,

1913, pp. 75-81.

[100] MS. as yet unpublished in English, in the Bolton Collection.

[101] In _The Indian’s Book_, recorded and edited by Natalie Curtis

Burlin.

[102] W. H. Ketcham, 1919, Indian agent for the Rio Grande Pueblos.

[103] _Op. cit._

[104] _Report_, Department of the Interior, September 30, 1905.

[105] Senate Bill 3855—commonly known as the Bursum Indian Land Bill.

[106] It is but the obverse of the shield of 1680, when “Otermín called

a council of war at which it was decided that it would be better to die

fighting than of starvation and hunger.”—Hackett.

[107] Fynn, _The American Indian as a Product of Environment_, p. 62.

[108] F. J. Turner, _The Frontier in American History_. Elsie Clews

Parsons, _Laguna Genealogies_. _Anthropological Papers of the American

Museum of Natural History_, Vol. VIII, 1923. See Appendix III.

[109] Cushing, _Thirteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology,

pp. 352-358. A “parallel example of the influence of salt sources on

the movements of primitive peoples may be found in that all the great

historic trade routes across Asia were first established along salt

trails of prehistoric times.”

[110] Fewkes, _Twenty-eighth Annual Report_, Bureau of American

Ethnology, p. 160.

[111] The Spanish word “pueblo,” meaning village, was given by the early

explorers to any group of habitations, but it has to-day a derived and

technical significance, restricted to a communal village, with separated

but adjacent apartments in house-blocks, which, while providing privacy,

are more easily defended than are isolated houses.

[112] Fewkes, _Twenty-eighth Annual Report_, Bureau of American

Ethnology, pp. 158, 159.

[113] Fewkes, _Prehistoric Ruins in Gila Valley_. Smithsonian

Miscellaneous Collection, Vol. LII.

[114] Leslie Spier, _Anthropological Papers of The American Museum of

Natural History_, Vol. XVIII.

[115] Fewkes, _Preliminary Report on Navajo National Monument, Arizona_,

1911.

[116] Edgar L. Hewett, _Communautés Anciennes dans le Désert Americain_.

See Appendix IV.

[117] Cosmos Mindeleff, _Localization of Tusayán Clans_. _Nineteenth

Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Pt. II.

[118] Stevenson, _The Sía_. _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American

Ethnology.

[119] Bolton, _De Mézières_, Vol. II, pp. 279, 280, contains a vivid

description of the use of the buffalo. A valuable sketch of migrations

appears in Kroeber, Introduction to _American Indian Life_, edited by

Elsie Clews Parsons.

[120] Fewkes, _Twenty-second Annual Report_, Bureau of American

Ethnology, p. 194.

[121] Winship, _Fourteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[122] The other pueblos of the Keresan nation are San Felipe, Santo

Domingo, Santa Ana, Cochití, Sía, and to the west, near Ácoma, is Laguna,

her daughter colony. “The Keresans are referred to in the creation

legend of Zuñi, as ‘The Drinkers of the Dew,’ because their houses were

scattered abroad on hills remote from water” “Cushing.”

[123] According to Hopi legend, clans called the Tcá-ma-hia left Snake

clans at Wukoki, a ruin on the Little Colorado, still visible fifty

miles west of the East mesa of Hopi. From here they made their way east

to Ácoma, where they met other clans from the east, which were in all

probability also Keresan. See Appendix V.

[124] _Nineteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Pt. II.

[125] _Investigations Among American Indians_, Pt. I, p. 34. But in Pt.

II, p. 31, he refers to Taos, apparently a contradiction to the foregoing

statement: “Taos, built on both sides of the swift and cool Rio de Taos,

is the only village in New Mexico, ancient or modern, the situation of

which corresponds with Castañeda’s description and location.”

[126] Mrs. Matilda Cox Stevenson, _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of

American Ethnology.

[127] Cebollita, a large stone pueblo surrounded by a noble stone wall

already deserted and forgotten in Coronado’s days. The Keres Pueblos

still tell the legend of their “Año de la Lumbre,” the year of fire, when

their forbears were driven out of this valley by the river of lava that

flowed over the region (Lummis).

[128] Bandelier, _Final Report_, II, 324.

[129] From the _Relación_ of Fray Marcos, Bandelier quotes, after

describing Marata and Totonteac: “There is also another very large

province and kingdom, named Acus. There is also Ahacus, and that word,

with aspiration, is one of the Seven Cities, the largest of them all; and

Acus, without aspiration, is a province by itself.”

[130] The Indians conceal information of all sorts about the various

ruins, near and far, for knowledge of these ruins is often sacred and the

prerogative of special branches of their ritual organization. Moreover,

enquiring students are sometimes further baffled by the faking of

ceremonial celebrations at unusual seasons for their special benefit.

[131] Fewkes, _American Journal of Art and Archaeology_, Vol. IV. See

Appendix VI.

[132] Mrs. Stevenson also says that Sía has an Oraibí legend of a time

when its tribe did not live as now upon the third mesa of Hopi.

[133] _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895, Vol. VIII.

[134] _Journal of American Ethnology and Art_, Vol. IV. More briefly

given in _Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Vol. XIX, Pt. II.

[135] A great variety of models of Hopi sand pictures may be seen at the

Field Museum in Chicago.

[136] After leaving Si-pa-pu, the mythical place of origin in the north,

the Ácomas traditionally occupied: 1. Kashkachuti; 2. Washpashuka; 3.

Kuchtya; 4. Tsiama; 5. Tapitsíama; 6. Katzímo (the Enchanted Mesa) three

miles northward from the Crag of Ácoma.

According to certain legends collected by Dr. E. L. Hewett from San Juan,

the Keresans did not originate, as most of the others did, at Si-pa-pu,

but at Cueva (the hole or cave) in Taos country. Dr. Parsons was once

told at Ácoma that Si-pa-pu was “north of Taos” and at another time that

it was at “Los Vegas.” Dr. Hewett also visited a brackish lake in the

sand dunes north of Alamosa, Colorado, which the greater mass of legend

identifies with Si-pa-pu. The road was treacherous from quicksands, and

so fast did the dunes shift that they were hardly recognizable from

week to week. Though this is not a volcanic region, the small lake of

very black, forbidding-looking water was much like crater lakes. It

measured about 300 feet across and emitted an offensive odor. There

was a continuous line of dead cattle on its shores and no settlements

within many miles. See Haeberlein for Si-pa-pu, in _Memoirs of the

Anthropological Association_, Vol. III, 1916.

[137] Lummis puts this into a charming form in his collection of stories,

_A New Mexico David_.

[138] Idem, _Land of Poco Tiempo_.

[139] Agnes C. Laut, _Through our Unknown Southwest_.

[140] “The Disenchanted Mesa,” _Harper’s Weekly_, August 28, 1897. Also

in _The Princeton Press_, August 21, 1897. See Appendix VII.

[141] Hodge, _Land of Sunshine_, November, 1897; also _Century Magazine_,

Vol. LVI, 1898.

[142] Kroeber, Introduction to _American Indian Life_, edited by Elsie

Clews Parsons.

[143] Kroeber, _Zuñi Kin and Clan_.

[144] Elsie Clews Parsons, _Laguna Genealogies, American Museum

Anthropological Papers_, Vol. XIX, Pt. V, 1923. Kroeber, _Zuñi Kin and

Clan, American Museum Anthropological Papers_, Vol. XVIII, Pt. II.

[145] Mrs. M. C. Stevenson, _The Zuñi Indian_ (Bureau of American

Ethnology, _Twenty-third Annual Report_). See also Bureau of American

Ethnology, _Ninth Annual Report_, p. 116. Kroeber, _Zuñi Kin and Clan_.

[146] Kroeber, _op. cit._

[147] Part of the feeling about the _ettowe-iyatik_ type of fetish is

the extreme reluctance to disturb it, or to remove it; so that as long

as there is a woman who can be trusted to safeguard the fetish properly

in its house, i.e., to feed it, and to preclude intrusion, the fetish

will be left in the house it is associated with. On the other hand, it is

the men who are supposed to know the songs and prayers associated with

the fetish. Elsie Clews Parsons, _Laguna Genealogies, American Museum

Anthropological Papers_, Vol. VIII, 1923. See Appendix VIII.

[148] A. L. Kroeber, “Thoughts on Zuñi Religion,” _Holmes Memorial

Volume_.

[149] Full discussions of his functions in Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt.

I, 278 _et seq._

[150] There is a good account of this ceremony and duty in a story

called _The Flute of the Gods_, by Marah Ellis Ryan, which gives a vivid

impression of what is probably true of many of the tribes.

[151] A word meaning “person in authority.” One informant told the writer

that any officer may be called _hócheni_.

[152] Because of the scarcity of game all through the pueblo region, save

only in the mountains behind Taos, the rabbit hunt is now the only one

pursued.

[153] A very holy shrine of the war captains of Laguna is southeast

of Ácoma, an entirely detached mound, and Dr. Parsons was told by the

sister of the Osach _cheani_ (Sun medicine man) that it would be visited

by men of Ácoma, Zuñi, and other towns. This is described in figures

in _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX, No. 4, p. 382. There are also

beautiful illustrations of war feather-sticks.

[154] _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX.

[155] _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 285.

[156] “Antelope Clan in Keresan Customs and Myths,” _Man_, December, 1917.

[157] _Notes on Ácoma and Laguna_, _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX.

[158] This sketch outlines only the barest essentials of the winter

festival. Anyone interested in more detail should read the careful

description by Dr. Parsons.

[159] George Gwyther, M.D., in the _Overland Monthly_, March, 1871, p.

265.

[160] Natalie Curtis Burlin, _The Indians’ Book_.

[161] T. T. Waterman, _The Explanatory Element in the Folk-Tales of the

North American Indians_, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XVII.

Folk-tales are the art of fiction, in its varied “forms of satire and

humor, romance, adventure” (Alexander).

[162] A. M. Espinosa. Collected by Miss Matilda Allen, _Journal of

American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXVII, 1914.

[163] Cushing, _Zuñi Folk-Tales_.

[164] A ruin at the foot of the mesa on which Ácoma is built. It lies

on the eastern side. It is where their ancestors lived, the people say,

before they built on the mesa.—E. C. Parsons, in _Journal of American

Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI, No. 120, April-June, 1918.

[165] “Pueblo-Indian Folk-Tales, Probably of Spanish Provenience,” by

Elsie Clews Parsons. No. 7, “Forgetting the Song; Inside the Lizard”

(_Ácoma_). _The Journal of American Folk-Lore_, April-June, 1918 (Vol.

XXXI, No. 120), pp. 225, 226.

[166] Elsie Clews Parsons, _op. cit._, pp. 219, 220.

[167] Collected by Miss Matilda Allen for Professor Espinosa.

[168] Presumably because Pascual did all the work.

[169] Because he had been told to do everything that others did.

[170] “_No señor, no se dan, se venden._”

[171] “_No señor, no cresen, las gaïnas los ponen._”

[172] _El Palacio_ (Paul A. F. Walter, Editor), Vol. XI, No. 11 (December

1, 1921), pp. 141, 142.

[173] Fynn, _The American Indian as a Product of Environment_.

[174] J. W. Powell, Introduction to F. W. Cushing, _Zuñi Folk-Tales_.

[175] Franz Boas, _Mythology and Folk-Tales of North American Indians_,

_Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXVII (1914).

[176] John R. Swanton, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXIII, 1910.

[177] Matilda Coxe Stevenson, “The Sía,” _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau

of American Ethnology.

[178] Alexander suggests that the uncannily large earth-nesting spiders

which abound in this region may have caused the spider to be called the

Earth Goddess wherever it is considered a female.

[179] There is a charming folk-tale of the sun myth in Katharine B.

Judson, _Myths and Legends of California and the Old Southwest_.

[180] Here is no doubt the origin of an Indian custom in many tribes.

When old men part, you see each take the other’s hand to his mouth and

breathe upon it; and when they smoke they blow the first six puffs to the

six different directions of the universe. See Appendix IX.

[181] _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[182] Death meant the end of life on this earth and of certain kinds of

intercourse between the dead and living individuals, “but not by any

means a cessation of all kinds of intercourse” (Boas, _Mythology and

Folk-Tales of the North American Indians_).

[183] J. D. C. Pellow, _Parentalia_.

[184] John T. Short, _North Americans of Antiquity_, pp. 333, _et seq._

See also Sir J. G. Frazer, _The Golden Bough_, Chapter II of the abridged

edition, 1922.

[185] The best-known of all such tales is that of “Quetzlcoatl” of the

Mexicans, familiarized by Lew Wallace under the title, _The Fair God_.

An interesting theory of the origin of this culture-hero is by Dominick

Daly, in _Popular Science Monthly_, Vol. XXXIX, 1891.

[186] Readers are very naturally bewildered by the name, which is the

same as that of the monarch whom Cortés overcame and destroyed. The two

were not the same, since, according to the Pueblos, their god Montezuma

was among them before ever they had known of Mexico, but, after the Roman

Church crushed the native religions of Peru and Mexico, Montezuma the

king and Montezuma the mythical high priest became somewhat confused in

their legendary history.

[187] Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnaissance of New Mexico, 1846-47_,

p. 64.

[188] Morgan, _Contributions to North American Ethnology_, Vol. IV, pp.

151-153. Good account of “Montezuma of the Pueblos” in Bancroft _Native

Races_, Vol. III, p. 171, _et seq._

“All [the Pueblos] held Montezuma to be their perpetual

Sovereign.”—Josiah Gregg, _Commerce of the Prairies, 1831-39._

[189] Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 262, and “The Montezuma of

the Pueblo Indians,” _American Anthropologist_, October, 1892, where the

matter of the Mexican servants is treated.

[190] Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, p. 190.

[191] See _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXIII; also Bandelier,

_Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 306.

[192] Bourke says that in November, 1881, when he was at Zuñi, an old

chief who talked Spanish told him that “in the day of long ago all the

Pueblos, Moqui, Zuñi, Ácoma, Laguna, Jémez and others had the religion

of human sacrifice, at the time of the Feast of Fire when the days were

shortest. The victim had his throat cut and blood was allowed to flow

freely but he generally recovered. Although the Mexicans undertook

to prevent this ceremony, a modified form persisted for a long time

thereafter.” _Snake Dance of the Moquis_, p. 164. Hodge, on the contrary,

rejects emphatically the idea that human sacrifice ever existed among the

Pueblos. He says, “It is just the kind of thing the Indian loves to pour

into the eager ears of too gullible whites when they had the effrontery

to pry too familiarly into their beliefs; but what fun they had the next

moment among themselves. Give a Pueblo Indian a hint of the kind of

answer you are seeking and he will accommodate you to the fullest extent.”

[193] Elsie Clews Parsons, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI,

pp. 260, 261; “Mothers and Children at Laguna,” Man, March, 1919; Full

description of maternity myths in _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX;

“Mother and Children at Zuñi,” _Man_, November, 1919; “Zuñi Conception

and Pregnancy Beliefs” (19th International Cong. Americanists, 1915).

[194] Undoubtedly corrupted Spanish for _Santo_ (Saint).

[195] Cushing gives a long list of these charming names never used by

white visitors.

[196] A wild, ugly-looking man, or animal, that frightens bad boys; hence

any terrible-looking person who frightens others is “el coco.” It is in

general use in Spanish literature, “_meterle el coco a una persona_”

(Espinosa, in _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vols. XXIII and XXIX).

[197] In Zuñi an exactly similar character is A’Doshle, though Harrington

refers to him as _Tsabije_ or _t’ete_ (grandfather) (Elsie Clews Parsons,

_Zuñi A’Doshle and Suüke_, in _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XVIII,

1916).

[198] In Holland on St. Nicholas Day, December 5, there is a tradition

and a ceremony performed very similar to the _Agüelo_. In Brittany also

there is the same curious custom.

[199] Paul Radin, _Religion of North American Indians_, _Anthropology in

North America_.

[200] Clark Wissler, _The American Indian_.

[201] Charles Alexander Eastman, _The Soul of an Indian, An

Interpretation_.

[202] H. B. Alexander, Introduction to _North American_, in _Mythology of

all Races_, Vol. I, p. xvi.

[203] One of the most careful and interesting accounts of the dual

worship of the sun and of the Christian God is in U. S. Geological

Survey, _Contributions to Ethnology_, Vol. IV, pp. 151, 152, by Lewis H.

Morgan, who had all his information from native men.

[204] “The conception of deities is quite clearly due to shamanistic

systematization.... It is very rare to find any belief in a single

supreme deity; when it does occur it is a thoroughly shamanistic

construction out of some popular belief.”—Franz Boas, _Mythology and

Folk-Lore of North American Indians_, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_,

Vol. XVII, 1914. See Appendix X.

[205] _Second Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 11.

[206] “The most highly developed priesthood north of Mexico is among

the Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona where it controls the civil and

military branches of the tribe, transforming it into a theocratic

oligarchy.”—Swanton, _Handbook of American Indians_, Pt. II, p. 523.

[207] Frazer, _The Golden Bough_ (abridged edition, 1922), pp. 61-80.

[208] Kroeber, _Anthropology_, p. 368.

[209] The placing of “symbolic objects so that they convey the wishes of

the worshipper to the Powers,” is found only among the Pueblos (Franz

Boas, _Mythology and Folk-Tales, Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol.

XVII).

[210] See Appendix XI.

[211] Cushing, Fewkes, _et al._, _Second Annual Report_, Bureau of

American Ethnology. See Appendix XII.

[212] One of the finest petroglyphs as yet found is at Tscherige, on the

north side of the Pajarito Plateau. It is the plumed serpent, seven feet

long, etched on the rock by a stone tool.

[213] Brinton has an interesting passage on this subject in his _Myths of

the New World_.

[214] H. K. Haeberlein, _The Idea of Fertilization in Pueblos, Memoirs of

the Anthropological Association_.

[215] Pliny E. Goddard, _The Masked Dancers of the Apache_.

[216] Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, Chapter V; Fynn, _The American

Indian as a Product of Environment_, pp. 186-188.

[217] Mrs. Zelia Nuttall, _Old and New World Civilizations_. See Appendix

XIII.

[218] The _Shiwanna_ are masked dancers representing cloud spirits or

rain-makers. The oldest of all esoteric fraternities.

[219] Father Noël Dumarest, _Notes on Cochití_, translated and edited

by Elsie Clews Parsons in _Memoirs of the American Anthropological

Association_, Vol. VI, 1920.

[220] Dumarest, pp. 164, 165.

[221] A. M. Espinosa, articles on Witchcraft in _New Mexican Spanish

Folk-Lore, Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXIII, 1910, and Vol.

XXIX, 1916.

[222] _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 73.

[223] In North America the shamanistic theory is purely animistic;

whether or not anthropomorphic seems to be relatively of small

consequence (Franz Boas, _Mythology and Folk-Tales, Journal of American

Folk-Lore_, Vol. VII).

[224] Paul Radin, _The Religion of the North American Indian_, _Journal

of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXVII, 1914.

[225] Bancroft, _History of the United States_, Vol. II, p. 423.

[226] In southeastern Europe ceremonies are observed to-day for the

purpose of making rain (Frazer, _The Golden Bough_, abridged edition, p.

69).

[227] Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, _Monograph on the Religious Life of

the Zuñi Child, Fifth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[228] H. B. Alexander, Introduction to _North American_, in _Mythology of

all Races_, Vol. I, p. xvi.

[229] See Cushing, _Creation of Corn, Annual Report_, Bureau of American

Ethnology, Vol. XIII, pp. 376, 377.

[230] _Journal of Ethnology and Archaeology_, Vol. II, p. 5.

[231] Introduction, _The Path on the Rainbow_, edited by G. W. Cronyn.

[232] Fasting is _par excellence_ the characteristic method of

superinducing religious feeling in order to bring about a state of

mind in which the world of sense-impressions was shut out and in which

auto-suggestion or hallucinations were predominant (Boas).

For one ceremony at Taos eighteen months of self-isolation is exacted of

the priests, when no message from family or home is permitted, whatever

the emergency.

[233] “Whenever anyone is being named anew, or assuming a new personality

or office he is invariably sprinkled or washed that he be cleanly

revealed and the better recommended in his new guise and character to the

gods and spirits invoked for the occasion.”—Cushing, _Thirteenth Annual

Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 335.

Hair-washing is an indispensable preliminary of almost all Pueblo

ceremonials. Hair-clipping of boys has been almost unknown. When, for

any reason it was done, the cuttings were burned; if thrown out, it was

thought that health and fortune had been scattered to the four winds.

But now that the Indian children are sent to American schools in distant

cities, one sees many boys and young men with the familiar “military cut.”

[234] Elsie Clews Parsons, _Anthropological Papers_, American Museum of

Natural History, Vol. XIX, Pt. 4, 1920.

[235] _American Anthropologist_, Elsie Clews Parsons, Vols. XVII, XVIII,

XIX, XX; _Man_, December, 1917, March, November, 1919; _Anthropological

Papers_, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XIX, Pt. V; _Memoirs of

American Anthropological Association_, Vol. VI, No. 3, 1920; _Journal of

American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI.

[236] _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XVI, 1914.

[237] _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[238] Fewkes says that, while it is as yet impossible to determine

the priority of Tusayán or Keresan snake dances, he is positive that

the songs and incantations are more ancient than other elements of

that ceremonial. “Legends say that the Snake dance is the Cult of the

oldest people of Tusayán”; which means, among other things, “that the

original Tusayán Cult has kinship with that of the Keresan, the oldest

of the linguistic stocks of the pueblos.”—_Comparison of Sía and Tusayán

Ceremonials, American Anthropologist_, Vol. VIII, April, 1892, p. 132.

[239] Best description in G. W. James, New Mexico, _Land of Delight

Makers_.

[240] The officiating priest lives at Laguna, and goes to Ácoma only

for the Feast of St. Stephen and on All Souls’ Day; but he is at the

farm-colony of Acomita twice every month.

[241] _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI. Apparently a somewhat

movable _fiesta_, always announced four days in advance by the Saint’s

Crier. He also calls out that now it is time to bring in the wood. A

portion of whatever is cooked that day is thrown on the house fire for

_ahappa awan tewa_ (“the dead their day”). These words, by the way, are

Zuñi in origin.

[242] _Ibid._, Vol. XXII.

[243] _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI.

[244] This dance and ceremony are fully described by Dr. Elsie Clews

Parsons, in _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX, N.S., 1918.

[245] _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX, N. S., 1918.

[246] Stevenson, _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology,

pp. 14, 67.

[247] Stewart Culin in _Twenty-fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American

Ethnology, 1902-03.

[248] Culin, pp. 119-124.

[249] Hodge, _American Anthropologist_, Vol. III, 1890. Owens, _Popular

Science Monthly_, Vol. XXXIX, 1891. Stevenson, _American Anthropologist_,

n.s., Vol. V, 1903.

[250] _The Gallo Race_, in Lummis, _A New Mexican David_.

[251] John G. Owens writes that on the banks of the Zuñi River “you will

behold a sight which for genuine mirth and romp will surpass any Eastern

park for children. The stream less than ten feet wide winds through a

sandy river-bed, which is the chief playground of the Zuñi child.” This

spirit of play stays with the boys in later life but the girls age very

rapidly—“the transition is from joyous frolicsome girlhood to sedate

sober womanhood” after they are 13 to 14 years old. (_Popular Science

Monthly_, Vol. XXXIX, 1891.)

[252] _American Anthropologist_, Vol. V, n.s., 1903.

[253] Culin, _Twenty-fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[254] Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 295.

[255] Clark Wissler, _The American Indian_, p. 68.

[256] W. H. Holmes, _Fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology,

1882-83.

[257] H. W. Henshaw, _Second Annual Report_, Bureau of American

Ethnology, p. 124.

[258] Boas thinks representative decorative art, and geometric decoration

are indications of two different sources of artistic activity which tend

to merge into a development of graphic and plastic arts.

[259] _Fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 445.

[260] _Fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 510

(section on Decorative Symbolism).

[261] _Ibid._

[262] Fewkes, _Twenty-second Annual Report_, and _Thirty-third Annual

Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[263] _Second Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1880-81.

[264] See Hodge, _Handbook of American Indians_, 1902.

[265] See Wissler, _The American Indian_, pp. 239-241.

[266] President’s address, 1911, New York Academy of Sciences.

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Vol. XVI, Tusayán Snake Ceremonies (note at end on Ácoma),

1894-95.

Vol. XVII, Archaeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895. Pt. I,

1895-96.

Vol. XIX, Tusayán Migration Traditions. Pt. I, 1897-98.

Vol. XIX, Flute and Snake Ceremonies. Pt. I, 1897-98.

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⸺ Katzímo the Enchanted, in Land of Sunshine, November, 1897.

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American Anthropologist

Vol. VI, Prehistoric Irrigation in Arizona, 1893.

Vol. VIII, The Early Navajo and Apache, 1895; First Discovered

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Vol. IX, No. 4, Pueblo Snake Ceremonies, 1896.

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HOLMES, W. H.

Annual Reports, Bureau of American Ethnology

Vol. IV, Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic

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Vol. VI, Textile Art, 1884-85.

Vol. XIII, Prehistoric Textile Art of East United States,

1891-92.

Vol. XX, Pottery of East United States, 1898-99.

INDIAN AFFAIRS. Annual Report of Commissioner, 1854-1920.

JAMES, GEORGE WHARTON. New Mexico, Land of Delight Makers, 1920.

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American Anthropologist

Vol. XVII, Links Between Morality and Religion in Early

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Vol. XIX, Ceremonial Friendship at Zuñi. War God Shrines at

Laguna and Zuñi, 1917.

Vol. XX, Notes on Ácoma and Laguna, 1918.

Journal of American Folk-Lore

Vol. XXX, All Souls’ Day at Zuñi, Ácoma and Laguna, 1917.

Vol. XXXI, Nativity Myth at Laguna and Zuñi, Pueblo-Indian

Folk-Tales, probably of Spanish Provenience, 1918.

Man

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Vol. XIX, Mothers and Children at Laguna; Mothers and Children

at Zuñi, 1919.

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INDEX

INDEX

Abert, Lieutenant, cited on friendly attitude of Ácomas, 140.

Ácoma (Peñol), 14-19, 218;

dwellings on, 19-21;

industries, 21-22, 159;

cisterns on, 25-26, 122;

trails, 27-29;

church, 34-39, 128;

historical evidences of, 56, 58, 60-61, 63;

Espéjo’s description of, 65;

Oñate’s visit, 74;

taken by the Spaniards, 80-85;

rebuilding of, 88-89;

Spanish administration of, 93, 97;

aloofness and isolation, 95, 140;

patron saint of, 104;

size of, in 1680, 115;

not active in revolt of that year, 115;

the coming of Vargas (1692), 118-122;

uprising and defeat (1696), 123-126;

hostility to the mission, etc., 127-128;

dispute with Laguna over painting of San José, 128-132;

education in, under the Federal government, 139-140;

the Bursum Bill, 143,

and the appeal of the Ácomas, 144-146;

racial origin relationships, 157, 162-164, 197;

origin of pueblo, 157-159;

rock-paintings and carvings at, 161;

details concerning, in creation story, 164;

present population, 164;

folk-tales from, 198-208;

corn clans of, 247;

ritual celebrations at, 253-260.

_See also_ St. Stephen, Trails.

Ácoma Indians. _See_ Pueblo Indians.

Acomita, farm-lands at, 33;

summer migration to, of Ácoma (Pueblo) Indians, 159.

Agüelo (grandfather), 223.

A-Ko-Kai-Obi, Hopi name for Ácoma, 163.

All Souls’ Day, 257.

Alvarado, first white man to see Ácoma, 16, 57-60.

Amaya, Doña Casilda de, first white woman to enter New Mexico, 64.

Animism, 242.

Apache Indian, influence of, in the Southwest, 9 n.

Architecture, among the “Pueblo Arts,” 156.

Art, Pueblo, 156, 161;

sand (dry) painting, 163.

_See_ also Architecture, Pottery.

Awanyu, plumed serpent, 233.

Ayeta, Father, 113;

part played by, in Pueblo Revolt of 1680, 114-115.

Bibliography, 299.

Bird cult, 233-234.

Bolton, Dr. H. E., acknowledgment to, viii;

first use of Espéjo’s narrative, 65;

unpublished translation of an anonymous diarist, 85-87;

missions as agents of the State, 88, 92.

Buffalo, “humpbacked cow,” discovery of, 58, 61.

Burial, among the Pueblo Indians, 39 and n., 40-42.

Bursum Bill, 143-144.

Cacique (Kasik), tenure of office, 186;

duties, 186-187, 224;

chosen by, and from Antelope Clan, 188, 189.

Caypa (San Juan de los Caballeros), 73.

Cedar Brew, in purification ritual, 41.

Ceremonies (Ceremonials) among the Pueblo Indians, color scarlet in

relation to, 39 n.;

election, United States represented in, 135,

description of, 189-190;

effect of white man’s contempt for, 143;

purpose, 152, 247-250;

Snake, 163, 233, 246, 255;

sacerdotal functions of war chiefs, 187;

prerogatives of Antelope Clan, 188;

purification (1864), 190,

story of, 191-192;

Santu, 221-222;

christening, 222;

priesthoods, 229,

origin, 231;

Painted Altar, 231;

fertilization, psychological characteristic of, 234-235, 263;

underlying motives, 245-246;

classification of, 247-248;

hunts, 252;

friendship, 255;

All Souls’ Day, 257;

Christmas, 258;

uses of pottery in, 276.

Chamuscado, Francisco Sanchez, with Rodríguez’ expedition, 62.

_Cheani_, 40, 40 n. 2.

Child-sacrifice, 220.

Children in the Pueblos, christening of, 222-223;

obedience of, 223;

participation in dance, 260.

Christianity, Indians’ attitude toward, 132.

Cíbola, discovery of, 61.

Clan, or Kinship, priority of, in pueblo social organization, 177,

180;

clans grouped in pairs, 178;

Kroeber’s differentiation of family and clan, 178;

relation of clan to fraternity, 180-182.

Clans, ranking of, 188;

maternal, and exogamous among Ácomas, 221.

Cliff dwellings, _vs._ those on level soil, priority of, 151.

_Colchones_, 22.

Color, scarlet, relation to burial wrappings and ceremonials, 39 n. 1.

Color-symbols, of respective six “points of the compass,” 214, 247.

Colorado River, discovery of, 61.

Corchado, Fray Andres, missionary to Ácoma, 93.

Corn (maize), ceremonial motive, 246.

Corn Clans of Ácoma, 247.

Coronado, expedition of, 57-61.

Creation story, 212-216;

Ácoma detail in, 164.

Cross, symbol, 237-239;

below the Rock of Ácoma, 239.

Culture-hero myth, 216.

December ceremonial at Ácoma, a complex of Christian and pagan

customs, 258-260.

Diary, account of Oñate’s expedition, 85-86.

Duality of the American Indian, 224, 235.

Early Chroniclers, 14.

Education of the Pueblo Indian:

under the padres, 138;

under Mexico, 138;

under United States government, 139-140.

El Paso, the Crossing, first home of European drama in the

Southwest, 72.

Encomenderos, and encomienda system, 90.

Espéjo, Antonio de, expeditions of, 64-67;

opened third pathway to New Mexico, 66.

Estévan, negro (“Black Mexican”), 52-53;

death of, 54.

Estufas, 45;

educational and council uses of, 48;

distinction between, and _Kiva_, 48-49.

Family, differentiated from clan, 178-179;

the family a partnership, 184;

marriage and divorce, 184-185.

Fasts, 248.

Federal government. _See_ United States.

Fetishes, strong influence of, in Pueblo Indian organization,

182-183, 230-234.

Folk-tales defined, 194;

scanty contribution of Pueblo Indians, 196;

of Ácoma, 198-208.

_See also_ Myths.

Four, the number a sacred symbol, 236-237.

Fraternity (phratry), relation of, to clan, 180-182;

function of, 181.

Gallo Race, 268-269.

Games, Indians’ devotion to, 262-263;

underlying socio-religious significance, 263-264, 271;

purpose and periods of, 263-264;

disciplinary training of, 264-265;

two kinds of—chance and dexterity, 265-267, 269;

of native origin, 266;

implements used in, and derivation of, 266;

ball-race, 267;

shinny (by women only), 268;

Gallo race, 268;

cat’s cradle, 270.

Gaming, Indians’ passion for, 262-263.

_Gave_, 21.

Grand Cañon, discovery of, 61.

_Ha-chamoni_, 40 n. 3.

_Hamaha_, 31.

Háwikuh, 55-56.

_Hewe_, 21 n. 2.

_Hoinawe_, 41.

Hopi Indians, racial relationships, 161-164.

Inscription Rock, 6.

_Gonad del Muerto_, 96.

_Kahera_, 32.

Kasik, Keres form of Cacique, 42 n. 1.

_See also_ Cacique.

K’at’sina or Katsina, or Cachina, 186, 235.

Katzímo (Enchanted mesa or Mesa Encantada), the “accursed,” 15, 118,

159, 166;

legend of, 167-168;

ritual performances at, 169-170;

present-day knowledge of, 170-175;

ascents of, by Hodge and by Libbey, 171-174;

elevation of, 173;

proofs of human occupation of, 175.

Keres (Queres), kindred nations, 157, n. 1;

priesthoods of, 229.

Keresans, racial origin, 157, 161-164.

Kinship, place of, in pueblo social organization, 177-180.

Kisi, description of, 49.

Kivas, 45-49;

number, 45;

forms, 46;

signification of, 46;

educational uses, 47-48;

distinction between, and estufas, 48;

not temples, 49.

_Komanina_ (long house), 260.

Laguna, 15,

founded, 129;

church, decoration of, 36;

hostility to missionary, 127;

rivalry with Ácoma over painting of San José, 128-132;

Santu a male deity in her cult, 221.

Lightning, symbol of serpent, 232.

Lincoln, President, presentation of official cane to Indian Pueblo

governors, 134-135.

Maize. _See_ Corn.

Mendoza, Antonio de, Viceroy, 52.

Mesa Prieta, 27 n. 2.

Mesas, 4 n.

Metates, corn-grinding trough, 21.

Monster Viper, Myth, 219.

Montezuma, god of the Pueblos, 216 n. 3, 218.

Myths, 209-220;

universality of a myth, 209;

explanatory: (1) inclusive, (2) particularistic, 210-211;

ritualization of, 212-215;

culture-hero, 216;

in connection with children, 221-224.

Navajo Indian, the, 9;

Commissioner Leupp’s comment on white man’s attitude toward, 142.

Navajo Reservation, 7.

New Mexico, formal Spanish possession of, 72;

missions and missionaries in, 94-96, 102;

made a _custodio_ and named for San Pablo, 94;

pueblos of, 135.

_See also_ Pueblo Revolt of 1680, Sedentary Indians, United States.

Niza, Marcos de, 52, 54, 56.

Oñate, 6 n.;

founder of New Mexico, 67;

expedition of, 69-85;

diary, 85, 86;

his marriage connections, 69;

official titles, 71;

revenge taken on Ácomas, 79-85.

Padilla, Fray Juan de, proto-martyr of the north, 57.

Painted altar, ceremonial trait, 231.

Parentalia, 248.

Pecos (Cicuyé), 57, 218.

Peñol, “the Crag.” _See_ Ácoma.

Pictographs, expression of Pueblo art, 156.

Piki, 21 n. 2.

Plains Indians, contrasted with Sedentary Indians, 155, 156.

Popé, Indian instigator of Pueblo Revolt of 1680, 107-110;

his chief assistants, 109;

brief victory, 116;

death, 117.

Pottery, art of, a determinator of time relations, 150;

evidences of, at Katzímo, 171, 174;

Thunder Bird motif in, 210;

historical sketch of, in the Southwest, 272;

the three pre-Columbian groups, 273-274;

first incentive toward, 274;

development of, 275, 278;

use of color, 277-278;

vessels set aside for ceremonial uses, 276;

personality ascribed to, 279;

decoration of, free-hand, but not haphazard, 280;

fuel for firing, 281;

importance of, in search for race origins, 284.

Pueblo, significance of word, 149 n. 1;

Terraced, 19.

Pueblo (Ácoma) Indians, compared with Plains Indians, 10, 12, 217;

dwellings of, 19-20;

separateness of, family or clan, 20;

industries, 21-22, 282;

dress, 23-25;

self-respect, 31;

cleanliness, 33;

evidences of American influence, 33;

lack of domestic animals, 155;

annual summer migration to Acomita, 159;

clans, maternal and exogamous, 221;

children, birth, christening, 221-223.

Political and civil organization, 50;

relation to Federal government, 135;

republican in form, 177;

theocratic, 182, 185;

property relations, 182;

based on fetishism, 182-183;

officials and their duties, 185-189;

election of officers, and their installation, 189-190.

_See also_ Ceremonies, Education, Lincoln, United States, World War.

Pueblo Indians, Social organization, in Stone Age, at time of Spanish

Conquest, 277.

_See also_ Ácoma, Burial, Ceremonies, Education, Myths, etc.

Pueblo region, extent of, 148.

Pueblo Revolt of 1680, 106-117;

in 1696, 123-126.

_See also_ Ayeta.

Ramírez, Fray Juan, 28;

the church he built, 34-39, 103;

Apostle of Ácoma, 96;

brief sketch of, 99-102;

death and burial, 104.

Rituals (religious beliefs), purification, 41, 247;

foot-race, 55;

sand mosaics, 163;

myths ritualized, 212-215, 221-224;

increase of children, 221;

elaborate organization of, 225;

myth and religion, 226-227;

sun-worship, 227;

contemplative quality of, 227;

Nature, the Great Spirit, 228;

priesthoods, 229;

classification of, 247-248;

at Ácoma, 252-253, 255;

Smoking an essential element, 50, 274.

_See also_ Bird, Ceremonies, Estufa, Fetish, Katzímo, Kisi, Kiva,

Serpent, etc.

Rodríguez, Fray Agustin, expedition of, 62-64.

St. Stephen (San Estévan), church of, 34, 103, 104, 121;

feast-day of, 256.

_See also_ Ramírez, Vargas.

Salt, need of, a motive for migration, 148.

San Gabriel, headquarters of Oñate, 89.

San José, miracle-working painting of, 36, 130;

rivalry for, between Ácoma and Laguna, 128, 132.

San Juan de los Caballeros (Caypa), second permanent colony in the

United States, 73.

Sierra de San Mateo, mountain sacred to Keres people, 27.

San Pablo (New Mexico), 94.

San Pedro, patron saint of Ácoma church for short time, 37, 128.

Sanchez, Mrs. N. V., acknowledgment to, 196.

Sand painting (dry mosaics), 164.

Santa Fé, founded, 89.

Santa María, fate of, 63.

Santu Cult, male deity, 221.

_Saukin_, Ácoma word for friend, 255.

Sedentary Indians of New Mexico, 14 n.;

contrast between and the nomad or Plains Indians, 155-156.

Serpent cult, 231-233.

Shamans (Shamanism), 241-242, 248.

Shoshonean, racial relationships, 161.

Sía (Zía, Tsía), nearest of kin to Ácoma as tribe, 157, 158.

Si-pa-pu, place of emergence for all created beings, 40, 41, 46, 215;

“north of Taos,” 167 n., 234;

the path to heaven, 215.

Six “points of the compass,” 213-214;

separate color-symbols of, 214.

Smoking and ceremonials, 57, 274.

Songs, universal in Indian life and worship, 195, 250;

corn-grinding, 21;

of the corn-people, 195.

Spanish administration of the New World, 90-93.

Spier, Dr. Leslie, acknowledgment to, viii.

Swastika, 238.

Sweat-bath, 248.

Mt. Taylor (Spi-nat), 27 n. 1.

Thunder-Bird, myth of, 210.

Time, the reckoning of, 253.

To-ya-la-na, Thunder Mountain, shrine of the Zuñi, 261.

Trails from the mesa of Ácoma, 27-29;

Burro, 29;

Camino del Padre, constructed by Ramírez, 104;

Deadman’s, 28, 192;

Ladder, 23;

New, 29;

Runner’s, 28, 192;

Split, 27, 29;

Staircase, 29.

Treviño, Spanish governor of New Mexico, 107.

Tupatú, Popé’s assistant in 1680, 109, 117.

United States, the second permanent settlement in, 73;

relations with Pueblo government represented in election ceremony,

134, 135;

Reports of Indian Commissioners quoted, 136-139, 142;

educational statistics, 139-140;

increasing hostility and misunderstanding between the two, 140-144,

254;

danger and tragedy in the Bursum Bill, 143-144;

“Appeal of the Ácomas,” 144-146.

_Utinat_, 24.

Vaca, Cabeza de, 51.

Vargas, General Diego de, reconquest of New Mexico, 117-126;

submission of Ácoma to, 118-122;

his description of the shrine of St. Stephen, 121;

final conquest of, 125-126.

_Vigas_, 20, 27, 38.

Villagrá, Gaspar de, soldier and poet, 69-70;

adventure at Ácoma, 75-76, 82, 84;

his famous leap, 30.

Walpi, 11, 255;

the tie between, and Ácoma, 162.

Witchcraft, 153.

Witches, 239.

World-War, and the Pueblo Indians, 137-138, 215.

Zaldívar, Vicente de, leader of attack on Ácoma, 80-85.

Zárate Salmerón, Father, missionary and historian, 93-94;

visits Ácoma, 93.

Zuñi (and Ácoma), 198;

Zuñi name for Keres, means “Drinkers of the Dew,” 157.

Zutucapán, cacique of Ácoma, 75-76;

plans foiled to murder Oñate, 76;

attack on Spaniards with Zaldívar, 77-78.

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