the latter would not give up Gaul to him, but he pretended that it was
because Decimus had been one of Caesar's assassins. For since the true
cause of the war brought him no credit, and at the same time he saw the
popular party flocking to Caesar to avenge his father, he put forward this
excuse for the conflict. That it was a mere pretext for getting control
of Gaul he himself made plain in demanding that Cassius and Marcus Brutus
be appointed consuls. Each of these two utterances, of the most opposite
character as they were, he made with an eye to his own advantage. Caesar
had begun a campaign against his rival before the war was granted him by
the vote, but had done nothing worthy of importance. When he learned
of the decrees passed he accepted the honors and was glad, especially
because when he was sacrificing at the time of receiving the distinction
and authority of praetor the livers of all the victims, twelve in number,
were found to be double. He was impatient, to be sure, at the fact that
envoys and proposals had been sent also to Antony, instead of unrelenting
war being declared against him at once, and most of all because he
ascertained that the consuls had forwarded some private despatch to his
rival about harmony, that when some letters sent by the latter to certain
senators had been captured these officials had handed them to the persons
addressed, concealing the transaction from him, and that they were not
carrying on the war zealously or promptly, making the winter their
excuse. However, as he had no means of making known these facts,--for he
did not wish to alienate them, and on the other hand he was unable to use
any persuasion or force,--he stayed quiet himself in winter quarters in
Forum Cornelium, until he became frightened about Decimus. [-36-] The
latter had previously been vigorously fighting Antony off. On one
occasion, suspecting that some men had been sent into the city by him
to corrupt the soldiers, he called all those present together and after
giving them a few hints proclaimed by herald that all the men under arms
should go to one side of a certain place that he pointed out and the
private citizens to the other side of it: in this way he detected and
arrested Antony's followers, who were isolated and did not know which way
to turn. Later he was entirely shut in by a wall; and Caesar, fearing he
might be captured by storm or capitulate through lack of provisions,
compelled Hirtius to join a relief party. Vibius was still in Rome
raising levies and abolishing the laws of Antony. Accordingly, they
started out and without a blow took possession of Bononia, which had been
abandoned by the garrisons, and routed the cavalry who later confronted
them: by reason of the river, however, near Mutina and the guard beside
it they found themselves unable to proceed farther. They wished,
notwithstanding, even so to make known their presence to Decimus, that
he might not in undue season make terms, and at first they tried sending
signals from the tallest trees. But since he did not understand, they
scratched a few words on a thin sheet of lead, and rolling it up like a
piece of paper gave it to a diver to carry across under water by night.
Thus Decimus learned at the same time of their presence and their promise
of assistance, and sent them a reply in the same fashion, after which
they continued uninterruptedly to communicate all their plans to each
other.
[-37-] Antony, therefore, seeing that Decimus was not inclined to yield,
left him to the charge of his brother Lucius, and himself proceeded
against Caesar and Hirtius. The two armies faced each other for a number
of days and a few insignificant cavalry battles occurred, with honors
even. Finally the Celtic cavalry, of whom Caesar had gained possession
along with the elephants, withdrew to Antony's side again. They had
started from the camp with the rest and had gone on ahead as if intending
to engage separately those of the enemy who came to meet them; but after
a little they turned about and unexpectedly attacked those following
behind (who did not stand their ground), killing many of them. After this
some foraging parties on both sides fell to blows and when the remainder
of each party came to the rescue a sharp battle ensued between the two
forces, in which Antony was victorious. Elated by his success and in
the knowledge that Vibius was approaching he assailed the antagonists'
fortification, thinking possibly to destroy it beforehand and make the
rest of the conflict easier. They, in consideration of their disaster and
the hope which Vibius inspired, kept guard but would not come out for
battle. Hence Antony left behind there a certain portion of his army with
orders to come to close quarters with them and so make it appear as much
as possible that he himself was there and at the same time to take
good care that no one should fall upon his rear. After issuing these
injunctions he set out secretly by night against Vibius, who was
approaching from Bononia. By an ambush he succeeded in wounding the
latter severely, in killing the majority of his soldiers and confining
the rest within their ramparts. He would have annihilated them, had
he proceeded to besiege them for any time at all. As it was, after
accomplishing nothing at the first assault he began to be alarmed lest
while he was delaying he should receive some setback from Caesar and the
rest; so he again turned against them. Wearied by the journey both ways
and by the battle he was also in doubt whether he should find that his
opponents had conquered the force hostile to them; and in this condition
he was confronted by Hirtius and suffered a decisive defeat. For when
Hirtius and Caesar perceived what was going on, the latter remained to
keep watch over the camp while the former set out against Antony. [-38-]
Upon the latter's defeat not only Hirtius was saluted as imperator by
the soldiers and by the senate, but likewise Vibius, though he had
fared badly, and Caesar who had done no fighting even. To those who had
participated in the conflict and had perished there was voted a public
burial, and it was resolved that the prizes of war which they had taken
while alive should be restored to their fathers and sons.
Following this official action Pontius Aquila, one of the assassins and
a lieutenant of Decimus, conquered in battle Titus Munatius Plancus, who
opposed him; and Decimus, when a certain senator deserted to Antony,
so far from displaying anger toward him sent back all his baggage and
whatever else he had left behind in Mutina, the result being that the
affection of many of Antony's soldiers grew cool, and some of the nations
which had previously sympathized with him proceeded to rebel: Caesar and
Hirtius, however, were elated at this, and approaching the fortifications
of Antony challenged him to combat; he for a time was alarmed and
remained quiet, but later when some reinforcements sent by Lepidus came
to him he took courage. Lepidus himself did not make it clear to which
of the two sides he sent the army: he thought well of Antony, who was a
relative, but had been summoned against him by the senate; and for these
reasons he made plans to have a refuge in store with both parties, by not
giving to Marcus Silanus, the commander, orders that were in the least
clear. But he, doubtless knowing well his master's frame of mind, went on
his own responsibility to Antony. [-39-] So when the latter had been thus
assisted he became bold and made a sudden sally from the gates: there was
great slaughter on both sides, but at last he turned and fled.
Up to this time Caesar was being strengthened by the people and the
senate, and because of this expected that among other honors to be
bestowed he would be forthwith appointed consul. It happened that Hirtius
perished in the occupation of Antony's camp and Vibius died of his wounds
not long after, so that Caesar was charged with having caused their death
that he might succeed to the office. But the senate had previously, while
it was still uncertain which of the two would prevail, done away with all
the privileges which formerly, granted to any person beyond the customs
of the forefathers, had paved the way to sovereignty: they voted that
this edict should apply to both parties, intending by it to anticipate
the victor, while laying the blame upon the other, who should be
defeated. First they forbade any one to hold office more than a year, and
second that any superintendent of grain supplies or commissioner of food
should be chosen. When they ascertained the outcome, they rejoiced at
Antony's defeat, changed their raiment once more, and celebrated a solemn
thanksgiving for sixty[21] days. All those arrayed on his side they held
in the light of enemies, and took possession of their property as they
did of the leader's. [-40-] Nor did they propose that Caesar any longer
should receive any great reward, but even undertook to overthrow him, by
allowing Decimus to secure all the prizes for which he was hoping. They
voted Decimus not only the right of sacrifice but a triumph and gave him
charge of the rest of the war and of the legions,--those of Vibius and
others. Upon the soldiers that had been besieged with him they resolved
that eulogies should be bestowed and all the other rewards which
had formerly been offered to Caesar's men, although these troops had
contributed nothing to the victory, but had merely beheld it from the
walls. Aquila, who had died in the battle, they honored with an image,
and restored to his heirs the money which he had expended from his own
purse for the equipment of Decimus's soldiers. In a word, practically
every advantage that had been given Caesar against Antony was voted to
others against the man himself. And to the end that no matter how much he
might wish it he should not be able to do any harm, they armed all his
enemies against him. To Sextus Pompey they entrusted the fleet, to Marcus
Brutus Macedonia, and to Cassius Syria together with the war against
Dolabella. They would certainly have further deprived him of the forces
that he had, but they were afraid to vote this openly, owing to their
knowledge that his soldiers were devoted to him. Still, even so, they
strove to set his followers at variance with one another and with him.
They did not wish to approve and honor all of them, for fear they should
fill them with too great conceit, nor again to dishonor and neglect all,
for fear they should alienate them the more and as a consequence force
them to agree together. Hence they adopted a middle course, and by
approving some of them and others not, by allowing some to wear an olive
garland at the festivals and others not, and furthermore by voting to
some money to the extent of twenty-five hundred denarii and to others
not a farthing, they hoped to bring about between them and by that means
weaken them. [-41-] Those charged with these commissions also they sent
not to Caesar but to the men in the field. He became enraged at this, but
nominally allowed the envoys to mix with the army without his presence,
though he sent word beforehand that no answer should be given and that
he himself should be at once sent for. So when he came into the camp and
joined them in listening to the despatches, he succeeded in conciliating
them much more by that very action. Those who had been preferred in honor
were not so delighted at this precedence as they were suspicious of the
affair, particularly as a result of Caesar's influence. And those who had
been slighted were not at all angry at their comrades, but added their
doubts of the sincerity of the decrees, imputing their dishonor to all
and sharing their anger with them. The people in the City, on learning
this, though frightened did not even so appoint him consul, for which he
was most anxious, but granted him the distinction of consular honors, so
that he might now record his vote along with the ex-consuls. When he took
no account of this, they voted that he should be made a praetor of the
first rank and subsequently also consul. In this way did they think they
had handled Caesar cleverly as if he were in reality a mere youth and
child, as they were always repeating. He, however, was exceedingly vexed
at their general behavior and especially at this very fact that he was
called child, and so made no further delay, but turned against their
camps and powers. With Antony he secretly arranged a truce, and he
assembled the men who had escaped from the battle, whom he himself had
conquered and the senate had voted to be enemies, and in their presence
made many accusations against both the senate and the people.
[-42-] The people in the City on hearing this for a time held him in
contempt, but when they heard that Antony and Lepidus had become of one
mind they began again to court his favor,--for they were in ignorance of
the propositions he had made to Antony,--and assigned to him charge of
the war against the two. Caesar was accordingly ready to accept even this
if he could be made consul for it. He was working in every way to be
elected, through Cicero among others, and so earnestly that he promised
to make him his colleague. When he was not even then chosen, he made
preparations, to be sure, to carry on war, as had been decreed, but
meanwhile arranged that his own soldiers (of their own motion, of course)
should suddenly take an oath not to fight against any legion that had
been Caesar's. This had a bearing on Lepidus and Antony, since the
majority of their adherents were of that class. So he waited and sent
as envoys to the senate on this business four hundred of the soldiers
themselves.
[-43-] This was the excuse that they had for an embassy, but in addition
they demanded the money that had been voted them and urged that Caesar be
appointed consul. While the senators were postponing their reply, which
required deliberation, as they said, they asked (naturally on the
instructions from Caesar) that amnesty be granted to some one who had
embraced Antony's cause. They were not really anxious to obtain it, but
wanted to test the senators and see if they would grant the request, or,
if such were not the issue, whether to pretend to be displeased about
it would serve as a starting point for indignation. They failed to
gain their petition, for while no one spoke against it there were many
preferring the same request on behalf of others and thus among a mass of
similar representations their demand also was rejected on some plausible
excuse. Then they openly showed their anger, and one of them issued from
the senate-chamber and grasping a sword (they had gone in unarmed) said:
"If you do not grant the consulship to Caesar, this shall grant it." And
Cicero interrupting him answered: "If you exhort in this way, he will get
it." Now for Cicero this instrument had destruction in readiness. Caesar
did not censure the soldier's act, but made a complaint because they had
been obliged to lay aside their arms on entering the senate and because
one of them was asked whether they had been sent by the legions or by
Caesar. He summoned in haste Antony and Lepidus (whom he had attached to
him through friendship for Antony), and he himself, pretending to have
been forced to such measures by his soldiers, set out with all of them
against Rome. [-44-] Some[22] of the knights and others who were present
they suspected were acting as spies and they consequently slew them,
besides injuring the lands of such as were not in accord with them and
doing much other damage with this excuse. The senators on ascertaining
their approach sent them their money before they came near, hoping that
when the invaders received that they might retire, and when they still
pressed on they appointed Caesar consul. Nothing, however, was gained by
this step. The soldiers were not at all grateful to them for what
they had done not willingly but under compulsion, but were even more
emboldened, in the idea that they had thoroughly frightened them.
Learning of this the senate altered its policy and bade the host not
approach the city but remain over one hundred and fifty stadia from
it. They themselves also changed their garb again and committed to
the praetors the care of the city, as had been the custom. And besides
garrisoning other points they occupied Janiculum in advance with the
soldiers that were at hand and with others from Africa.
[-45-] While Caesar was still on the march this was the condition of
things; and all the people who were at that time in Rome with one accord
sought a share in the proceedings, as the majority of men are wont to be
bold until they come in sight and have a taste of dangers. When, however,
he arrived in the suburbs, they were alarmed, and first some of the
senators, later many of the people, went over to his side. Thereupon
the praetors also came down from Janiculum and surrendered to him their
soldiers and themselves. Thus Caesar took possession of the city without a
blow and was appointed consul also by the people, though two proconsuls
were chosen to hold the elections; it was impossible, according to
precedent, for an interrex to be created for so short a period merely to
superintend the comitia, because many men who held the curule offices
were absent from the city. They endured having the two proconsuls named
by the praetor urbanus rather than to have the consuls elected under his
direction, because now these proconsular officials would limit their
activities to the elections and consequently would appear to have been
invested with no powers outlasting them.[23] This was of course done
under pressure of arms. Caesar, that he might appear to not to have used
any force upon them, did not enter the assembly,--as if it was his
presence that any one feared instead of his power.
[-46-] Thus he was chosen consul, and there was given him as a
fellow-official--perhaps one ought to say _under_-official--Quintus
Pedius. He was very proud of this fact that he was to be consul at an
earlier age than it had ever been the lot of any one else, and further
that on the first day of the elections, when he had entered the Campus
Martius, he saw six vultures, and later while haranguing the soldier
twelve others. For, comparing it with Romulus and the omen that had
befallen the latter, he began to expect that he should obtain his
sovereignty. He did not, however, simply on the ground that he had
already been given the distinction of the consular honors, assume
distinction as being consul for the second time. This custom was since
then observed in all similar cases to our own day. The emperor Severus
was the first to change it; for he honored Plautianus with the consular
honors and afterward introduced him to the senate and appointed him
consul, proclaiming that he was entering the consulship the second time.
In imitation of him the same thing was done in other instances. Caesar,
accordingly, arranged affairs in general in the city to suit his taste,
and gave money to the soldiers, to some what had been voted from the
funds prescribed, and to the rest individually from his private funds, as
the story went, but in reality from the public store.
In this way and for the reasons mentioned did the soldiers receive the
money on that occasion. But some of them got a wrong idea of the matter
and thought it was compulsory for absolutely all the citizen forces at
all times to be given the twenty-five hundred denarii, if they went to
Rome under arms. For this reason the followers of Severus who had come to
the city to overthrow Julianus behaved most terrifyingly both to their
leader himself and to us, while demanding it. And they were won over by
Severus with two hundred and fifty denarii, while people in general were
ignorant what claim was being set up.
[-47-] Caesar while giving the soldiers the money also expressed to them
his fullest and sincerest thanks. He did not even venture to enter
the senate-chamber without a guard of them. To the senate he showed
gratitude, but it was all fictitious and pretended. For he was accepting
as if it were a favor received from willing hands what he had attained
by violence. And they actually took great credit to themselves for their
behavior, as if they had given him the office voluntarily; and moreover
they granted to him whom previously they had not even wished to choose
consul the right after his term expired to be honored, as often as he
should be in camp, above all those who were consuls at one time or
another. To him on whom they had threatened to inflict penalties, because
he had gathered forces on his own responsibility without the passing of
any vote, they assigned the duty of collecting others: and to the man for
whose disenfranchisement and overthrow they had ordered Decimus to
fight with Antony they added Decimus's legions. Finally he obtained the
guardianship of the city, so that he was able to do everything that he
wished according to law, and he was adopted into Caesar's family in the
regular way, as a consequence changing his name. He had, as some think,
been even before this accustomed to call himself Caesar, as soon as this
name was bequeathed to him together with the inheritance. He was not,
however, exact about his title, nor did he use the same one in dealing
with everybody until at this time he had ratified it in accordance with
ancestral custom, and was thus named, after his famous predecessor, Gaius
Julius Caesar Octavianus. For it is the custom when a person is adopted
for him to take most of his appellation from his adopter but to keep one
of his previous names slightly altered in form. This is the status of the
matter, but I shall call him not Octavianus but Caesar, because this name
has prevailed among all such as secure dominion over the Romans. He took
another one in addition, namely _Augustus_, and therefore the subsequent
emperors assume it. That one will be given when it comes up in the
history, but until then the title Caesar will be sufficient to show that
Octavianus is indicated.
[-48-] This Caesar, then, as soon as he had conciliated the soldiers and
enslaved the senate, turned himself to avenging his father's murder. As
he was afraid of somehow causing an upheaval among the populace in the
pursuit of this business he did not make known his intention until he had
seen to the payment of the bequests made to them. When they had been made
docile by means of the money, although it belonged to the public funds
and had been collected on the pretext of war, then at length he began to
follow up the assassins. In order that this procedure of his might not
appear to be characterized by violence but by justice, he proposed a law
about their trial and tried the cases in their absence. The majority of
them were out of town and some even held governorships over provinces.
Those who were present also did not come forward, by reason of fear, and
withdrew unobserved. Consequently they were convicted by default, and
not only those who had been the actual murderers of Caesar and their
fellow-conspirators, but many others who so far from plotting against
Caesar, had not even been in the city at the time. This action was
directed chiefly against Sextus Pompey. The latter though he had had no
share whatever in the attack was nevertheless condemned because he had
been an enemy. Those adjudged guilty were debarred from fire and water
and their property was confiscated. The provinces,--not only those which
some of them were governing, but all the rest,--were committed to the
friends of Caesar.
[-49-] Among those held liable was also Publius Servilius Casca, the
tribune. He had suspected Caesar's purpose in advance, before he entered
the city, and had quietly slipped away. For this act he was at once
removed from his office, on the charge of having left the city contrary
to precedent, by the populace convened by his colleague Publius Titius;
and in this way he was condemned. When Titius not long after died, the
proverbial fate that had been observed from of old was once more in
evidence. No one up to that time who had expelled a colleague had lived
the year out: but first Brutus after the expulsion of Collatinus died in
his turn, then Gracchus was stabbed after expelling Octavius, and Cinna
who put Marullus and Flavus out of the way not long after perished. This
has been the general experience.
Now the assassins of Caesar had many accusers who were anxious to
ingratiate themselves with his son, and many who were persuaded so to
act by the rewards offered. They received money from the estate of the
convicted man and the latter's honors and office, if he had any, and
exemption from further service in the army, applicable to themselves
and their children and grandchildren. Of the jurors the majority voted
against the accused out of fear of Caesar and a wish to please him,
generally hinting that they were justified in doing this. Some cast their
votes in consideration of the law enacted about punishing the culprits,
and others in consideration of the arms of Caesar. And one, Silicius
Corona, a senator, voted outright to acquit Marcus Brutus. He made a
great boast of this at the time and secretly received approval from the
rest: that he was not immediately put to death gained for Caesar a great
reputation for toleration, but later he was executed as the result of a
proscription.