Mr. BULLITT. I attempted to. I prepared a statement for the press
based on my report, giving the facts, which I submitted to the
commission to be given out. No member of the commission was ready to
take the responsibility for publicity in the matter and it was
referred to the President. The President received it and decided that
he did not want it given out. He thought he would rather keep it
secret, and in spite of the urgings of the other commissioners he
continued to adhere to that point of view, and my report has never
been made public until this moment.
Col. House asked me to prepare a declaration of policy, a statement
based on this proposal of the Soviet Government. It was to be an
ironclad declaration which we knew in advance would be accepted by the
Soviet Government if we made it, and he thought that the President and
Mr. Lloyd George would put it through.
Senator BRANDEGEE. Did you attend that meeting of the commission when
that report was considered by the American Commission?
Mr. BULLITT. I first handed each member of the commission my report. I
had appeared before them and discussed my mission for an entire day.
They sat in the morning and in the afternoon.
Senator BRANDEGEE. I wondered whether you were present when the
President thought it would be better not to give it out, not to make
it public.
Mr. BULLITT. No, sir; I was not. Then upon order of Col. House, to
whom the matter had been referred, I prepared this declaration of
policy. I prepared it in conjunction with Mr. Whitney Shepherdson, who
was Col. House's assistant secretary, and also versed in international
law. I do not know that this is of any importance, aside from the fact
that it is almost the only direct proposition to accept their proposal
which was prepared. Col. House took this and held it under advisement
and discussed it, I believe, with the President and other persons.
The CHAIRMAN. It had better be printed.
The document referred to is as follows:
A PROPOSED DECLARATION OF POLICY TO BE ISSUED IN THE NAME OF THE
ASSOCIATED GOVERNMENTS AND AN OFFER OF AN ARMISTICE
The representatives of the States assembled in conference at Paris
recently extended an invitation to the organized groups in Russia to
lay down their arms and to send delegates to Prince's Island. These
delegates were asked to "confer with the representatives of the
associated powers in the freest and frankest way, with a view to
ascertaining the wishes of all sections of the Russian people and
bringing about, if possible, some understanding and agreement by which
Russia may work out her own purposes and happy cooperative relations
may be established between her people and the other peoples of the
world." The truce of arms was not declared, and the meeting did not
take place.
The people of Russia are laboring to-day to establish the system of
government under which they shall live. Their task is one of
unparalleled difficulty, and should not be further complicated by the
existence of misapprehensions among the Russian people or throughout
the world. Therefore, the representatives of the associated powers,
now sitting in the conference of Paris, have determined to state
publicly what they had in mind to say through their delegates to
Prince's Island concerning the policies which govern their relations
with the Russian people.
They wish to make it plain that they do not intend to interfere in any
way with the solution of the political, social, or economic problems
of Russia. They believe that the peace of the world will largely
depend upon a right settlement of these matters; but they equally
recognize that any right settlement must proceed from the Russian
people themselves, unembarrassed by influence or direction from
without. On the other hand, the associated powers desired to have it
clearly understood that they can have no dealings with any Russian
Government which shall invade the territory of its neighbors or seek
to impose its will upon other peoples by force. The full authority and
military power of the associated governments will stand in the way of
any such attempt.
The task of creating a stable government demands all the great
strength of Russia, healed of the famine, misery, and disease which
attend and delay the reconstruction. The associated powers have
solemnly pledged their resources to relieve the stricken regions of
Europe. Their efforts, begun in Belgium and in northern France during
the course of the war, now extend to exhausted peoples from Finland to
the Dalmatian coast. Ports long idle are busy again. Trainloads of
food are moved into the interior and there are distributed with an
impartial hand. Industry is awakened, and life is resumed at the point
where it was broken off by war. These measures of relief will be
continued until peace is signed and until nations are once more able
to provide for their needs through the normal channels of commerce.
It is the earnest desire of the associated peoples similarly to
assuage the distress of millions of men and women in Russia and to
provide them with such physical conditions as will make life possible
and desirable. Relief can not be effectively rendered, however, except
by the employment of all available transportation facilities and the
active cooperation of those exercising authority within the country.
These requisites can not be assured while Russia is still at war.
The allied and associated governments, therefore, propose an agreement
between themselves and all governments now exercising political
authority within the territory of the former Russian Empire, including
Finland, together with Poland, Galicia, Roumania, Armenia,
Azerbaidjan, and Afghanistan, that hostilities against one another
shall cease on all fronts within these territories on April ---- at
noon; that fresh hostilities shall not be begun during the period of
this armistice, and that no troops or war material of any kind
whatever shall be transferred to or within these territories so long
as the armistice shall continue. The duration of the armistice shall
be for two weeks, unless extended by mutual consent. The allied and
associated Governments propose that such of these Governments as are
willing to accept the terms of this armistice shall send not more than
three representatives each, together with necessary technical experts,
to ---- where they shall meet on April ---- with representatives of
the allied and associated Governments in conference to discuss peace,
upon the basis of the following principles:
(1) All signatory Governments shall remain, as against each
other, in full control of the territories which they occupy
at the moment when the armistice becomes effective; subject
only to such rectifications as may be agreed upon by the
conference, or until the peoples inhabiting these
territories shall themselves voluntarily determine to change
their Government.
(2) The right of free entry, sojourn, circulation, and full
security shall be accorded by the several signatories to the
citizens of each other; provided, however, that such persons
comply with the laws of the country to which they seek
admittance, and provided also that they do not interfere or
attempt to interfere in any way with the domestic politics
of that country.
(3) The right to send official representatives enjoying full
liberty and immunity shall be accorded by the several
signatories to each other.
(4) A general amnesty shall be granted by the various
signatories to all political or military opponents,
offenders, and prisoners who are so regarded because of
their association or affiliation with another signatory,
provided that they have not otherwise violated the laws of
the land.
(5) Nationals of one signatory residing or detained in the
country of another shall be given all possible facilities
for repatriation.
(6) The allied and associated Governments shall immediately
withdraw their armed forces and further military support
from the territory of the former Russian Empire, including
Finland, and the various Governments within that territory
shall effect a simultaneous reduction of armed forces
according to a scheme of demobilization and control to be
agreed upon by the conference.
(7) Any economic blockade imposed by one signatory as
against another shall be lifted and trade relations shall be
established, subject to a program of equitable distribution
of supplies and utilization of transport facilities to be
agreed upon by the conference.
(8) Provision shall be made by the conference for a mutual
exchange of transit and port privileges among the several
signatories.
(9) The conference shall be competent to discuss and
determine any other matter which bears upon the problem of
establishing peace within the territory of the former
Russian Empire, including Finland, and the reestablishment
of international relations among the signatories.
NOTE.--If it is desirable to include a specific reference to
Russia's financial obligations, the following clause (8 bis)
would be acceptable to the Soviet Government at least: "The
governments which have been set up on the territory of the
former Russian Empire and Finland shall recognize their
responsibility for the financial obligations of the former
Russian Empire to foreign States parties to this agreement
and to the nationals of such States. Detailed arrangements
for discharging these obligations shall be agreed upon by
the conference, regard being had to the present financial
situation of Russia."
Senator BRANDEGEE. Was this brought to the attention of the President?
Mr. BULLITT. The first night after I got in Col. House went to the
telephone and called up the President right away and told him that I
was in, and that he thought this was a matter of the utmost
importance, and that it would seem to be an opportunity to make peace
in a section of the world where there was no peace; in fact, where
there were 23 wars. The President said he would see me the next
evening down at Col. House's office, as I remember it. The next
evening, however, the President had a headache and he did not come.
The following afternoon Col. House said to me that he had seen the
President and the President had said he had a one-track mind and was
occupied with Germany at present, and he could not think about Russia,
and that he had left the Russian matter all to him, Col. House.
Therefore I continued to deal with Col. House directly on it inasmuch
as he was the delegate of the President, and Lloyd George, in the
matter. I used to see Col. House every day, indeed two or three times
a day, on the subject, urging him to obtain action before April 10,
which, as you will recall, was the date when this proposal was to
expire.