The "Tracy" was a vessel of ninety tons' burden, and belonge

Transcriber Note

Text emphasis denoted by _Italics_.

[Illustration:

_Henry Dearborn was born in New Hampshire in 1751. He was an officer in

the American army, took part in the battle of Bunker Hill, was present

at the capture of Burgoyne's army, and remained in the service until the

end of the war. In 1801 he was appointed Secretary of War under President

Jefferson, and held that office for eight years._

_In 1812 Dearborn was appointed Major-General and did excellent service

on the Niagara frontier during the Second War with Great Britain. John

Wentworth said of him that "history records no other man who was at the

battle of Bunker Hill, the surrender of Burgoyne and Cornwallis, and then

took an active part in the War of 1812."_]

THE STORY

OF

OLD FORT DEARBORN

BY

J. SEYMOUR CURREY

WITH ELEVEN ILLUSTRATIONS

[Illustration]

CHICAGO

A. C. McCLURG & CO.

1912

Copyright

A. C. McCLURG & CO.

1912

------

Published August, 1912

W. F. HAL PRINTING COMPANY, CHICAGO

This Volume is Dedicated to

NELLY KINZIE GORDON

_PREFACE_

THERE were two Fort Dearborns, the first one having been built in 1803.

This was occupied by a garrison of United States troops until 1812, when

it was destroyed by the Indians immediately after the bloody massacre of

that year. The second Fort Dearborn was built on the site of the former

one in 1816, and continued in use as a military post, though at several

intervals during periods of peaceful relations with the surrounding

tribes the garrisons were withdrawn for a time. In 1836 the fort was

finally evacuated by the military forces. The events narrated in the

succeeding pages of this volume concern the first or Old Fort Dearborn.

The name "Chicago," as descriptive of the river and its neighborhood, was

in use for more than a century before the first Fort Dearborn was built;

it appears on Franquelin's map printed in 1684 as "Chekagou," and is

mentioned in various forms of spelling in the written and printed records

of that and succeeding periods. It has been said that Chicago is the

oldest Indian town in the West of which the original name is retained;

thus its name enjoys a much greater antiquity than that of Fort Dearborn,

familiar as the latter name is in our local annals.

In the course of its history Chicago has existed under three flags;

first, under the domination of the French kings, from the period of

its discovery to the year 1763, when, after the French and Indian War,

it passed into the possession of the English. As British territory it

remained until the close of the Revolutionary War, when the Western

Territories were ceded by the English to the Americans at the treaty of

peace concluded in 1783; and thus the region in which Chicago is situated

finally came under the Stars and Stripes.

CONTENTS

Preface

PAGE

I Wilderness Days 3

II Fortifying the Frontier 17

III The Tragedy 95

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

General Henry Dearborn _Frontispiece_

Chicago from 1803 to 1812 3

The Wild Onion Plant 12

Bird's-Eye View of Old Fort Dearborn 27

Residence of John Kinzie 32

Mr. and Mrs. John H. Kinzie 47

Rebekah Wells Heald 58

Captain William Wells 58

Hardscrabble 74

Facsimile of Letter of General Hull to Captain Heald 103

Memorial Monument to the Massacre 136

Franquelin's Map of 1684 165

Map of Chicago in 1812 165

[Illustration: CHICAGO FROM 1803 TO 1812

_This broad view, while not accurate, gives a good general idea of

the appearance of the site of Chicago, with old Fort Dearborn and the

surrounding region, in the years from 1803 to 1812. Some of the details

are out of proportion, for instance the long sand-bar extending to the

south opposite the mouth of the river is much exaggerated, and the view

of the Kinzie house is not correct._

_Reproduced from a lithograph in the possession of The Chicago Historical

Society._]

THE STORY OF

OLD FORT DEARBORN

--------------

I

WILDERNESS DAYS

AT the time that Fort Dearborn was built the site of Chicago had been

known to the civilized world for a hundred and thirty years. The Chicago

River and the surrounding region had been discovered by two explorers,

Joliet and Marquette, who with a party of five men in two canoes were

returning from a voyage on the Mississippi, which they were the first

white men to navigate.

Joliet was the leader of the party, and he was accompanied, as was the

custom in French expeditions into unknown countries, by a missionary, who

in this case was James Marquette, a Jesuit priest. Both were young men,

Joliet twenty-eight years of age and Marquette thirty-six. The expedition

had been authorized by the French Government, the purpose being to

penetrate the western wilderness in an endeavor to reach the "Great

River," of which so much had been heard from wandering tribes of Indians,

and to find the direction of its flow. Many conjectures were made by the

men of that time as to the course of this river and where it reached

the sea, some believing that it emptied into the "Sea of Virginia,"

others that it flowed into the Gulf of Mexico, and still others that it

discharged its waters into the "Vermilion Sea," that is, the Gulf of

California; and if the latter conjecture should prove to be correct a

passage might thus be opened to China and India.

In the event of such a discovery being made, great honor would naturally

accrue to its projectors. The instructions to undertake such an expedition

came from Colbert, the minister of Louis XIV, who wrote in 1672 to Talon,

the Intendant at Quebec, that an effort should be made "to reach the sea";

that is, to discover and explore the "Great River" and solve the mystery

of its outlet.

Father Dablon, in the _Jesuit Relations_, thus wrote of the enterprise

about to be undertaken: "The Count Frontenac, our Governor, and

Monsieur Talon, then our Intendant, recognizing the importance of this

discovery, ... appointed for this undertaking Sieur Joliet, whom they

considered very fit for so great an enterprise; and they were well

pleased that Father Marquette should be of the party."

The expedition was accordingly organized, and started from the Mission

of St. Ignace on the 17th of May, 1673. In due course the party reached

the mouth of the Fox River (of Wisconsin), at the head of Green Bay. From

this point the party passed up the Fox and soon after crossed the portage

into the Wisconsin River. They were now far beyond the farthest point

reached by any previous explorers. On the 17th of June the explorers

paddled their canoes out on to the broad bosom of the Mississippi.

Marquette wrote in his journal that when he beheld the great river it was

"with a joy that I cannot express."

It was while carrying out the purposes of this expedition that the

explorers passed through the Chicago River from the west. They had

reached the Mississippi as they had planned to do, had floated down its

current as far as the mouth of the Arkansas, and on the way back had

ascended the Illinois and Desplaines rivers, made a portage into the

Chicago River, and, passing out on Lake Michigan, pursued their journey

to the point on Green Bay at the mouth of the Fox River from which they

had started at the beginning of June, after an absence on the journey of

almost four months.

It should not be forgotten that De Soto, a Spanish explorer, had

discovered the Mississippi at a point not far from the present city of

Memphis, in the year 1541, a hundred and thirty-two years before the

voyage of Joliet and Marquette; but the knowledge of that discovery had

faded from men's minds. They actually passed over the spot where De

Soto had crossed the river in the previous century, though apparently

they were not aware of that fact, for no mention is made in Marquette's

journal of De Soto or his discovery.

The chief significance of the Chicago portage to the explorers when they

passed it was the view of the lake which they had as they descended the

stream towards its mouth. Lake Michigan, indeed, had been discovered long

before, but it was known only along its northern shores extending as

far as Green Bay, which had been entered by the missionaries, a station

being established at its farthest extremity. The southern extension of

Lake Michigan was unknown until Joliet and Marquette paddled into it with

their canoes as they left the Chicago River.

No date was mentioned by Marquette in his journal of the arrival of

the party in the river, but it must have been about the beginning of

September, 1673. Joliet also kept a journal, but unfortunately he lost

all his papers in a canoe accident before he reached Quebec on his

return. That the site of the future Chicago, situated as it was on so

important a portage connecting the lake with the river systems of the

interior, possessed advantages of a striking kind was plainly perceived

by Joliet, who afterward wrote that an artificial waterway could easily

be constructed by cutting only a half league of prairie, "to pass from

the Lake of the Illinois into St. Louis River."

Thus, upon reaching the mission station of St. Francis Xavier, situated

near the mouth of the Fox River, from which they had started, the

explorers had completed a journey of about twenty-five hundred miles in a

period of four months, had opened to the eyes of the world the wonderful

river of the West, had incidentally discovered the site of the future

great city of Chicago, and had made the complete circuit back to Green

Bay without the loss of a man or the occurrence of a single untoward

accident.

La Salle's first appearance on Lake Michigan was in September, 1679, six

years after Joliet's expedition. La Salle came down through the Straits

of Mackinac with a party of seventeen, skirted the western shore of the

lake toward the south, but believing he could reach the Illinois River by

a more favorable route than that over which Joliet had passed, he coasted

around the southern end of the lake until he reached the mouth of the

St. Joseph River. Ascending that river he found the portage into the

Kankakee and readily made his way to the Illinois, where he established

a fort near Peoria. He returned to Canada the following year, and

recruiting another party he once more passed over the St. Joseph-Kankakee

route to the same destination as before.

Again returning to Canada he started near the end of the year 1681 with

a much larger party, and this time he chose the Chicago-Desplaines route

to the interior. He continued on down the Illinois to its mouth, thence

down the Mississippi, passed the farthest point reached by Joliet, and at

length arrived at its mouth and issued forth upon the waters of the Gulf

of Mexico. This event took place on the 7th of April, 1682.

La Salle was thus the first white man to pass down the Mississippi River

from the mouth of the Illinois to the Gulf. De Soto's followers after his

death had indeed returned from their ill-starred expedition by way of the

lower Mississippi, but it remained for La Salle to arrive at a certain

knowledge of the course taken by the river throughout the long distance

over which he passed and to determine its flow into the Gulf of Mexico,

and moreover to establish the first substantial claim in behalf of a

European power to the soil of Louisiana.

La Salle had entered upon an extensive system of colonization, and

through many dangers and difficulties he had secured footholds for the

French in the western country. He passed frequently back and forth

between the forts he had established and his base of supplies at

Montreal. In the summer of 1683 he was in Chicago and wrote a letter to

his lieutenant, Tonty, whom he had left in command of Fort St. Louis,

on the Illinois River, dating the letter "Portage du Chicagou, 4 Juin,

1683." During the next three years he spent the larger part of his time

in attempting to found a colony on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and

while in the midst of his activities he was foully assassinated by some

of his followers. His death occurred on March 19, 1687.

Parkman sums up the character of La Salle in this fine passage: "Serious

in all things, incapable of the lighter pleasures, incapable of repose,

finding no joy but in pursuit of great designs, too shy for society and

too reserved for popularity, often unsympathetic and always seeming so,

smothering emotions he could not utter, schooled to universal distrust,

stern to his followers and pitiless to himself, bearing the brunt of

every hardship and every danger, demanding of others an equal constancy

joined to an implicit deference, heeding no counsel but his own,

attempting the impossible and grasping at what was too vast to hold,--he

contained in his own complex and painful nature the chief springs of his

triumphs, his failures, and his death."

The Chicago-Desplaines portage was used to a constantly increasing degree

in the following years. Missionaries, traders, and military people found

it a convenient point for residence or as a thoroughfare to the Illinois

River. But on account of divided counsels among the French authorities at

Quebec there were no adequate measures taken to protect the whites from

the encroachments and hostility of the savages, so that early in the next

century the portage declined in importance and fell into disuse, other

routes to the interior being preferred.

The name "Chicago," in some of the numerous forms of spelling employed,

is met with on the maps of successively later dates, occasionally in the

reports of French commandants at Detroit or Mackinac, and more frequently

in the letters of the missionaries preserved in that extensive collection

known as the _Jesuit Relations_. After the victory of Wolfe over Montcalm

and the fall of Quebec, the French ceded in 1763 all their western

possessions to the English, which "left France without a foothold on the

American main."

[Illustration: THE WILD ONION PLANT.

_That the name "Chicago" was derived from an Indian word meaning "wild

onion," is believed by most authorities. Schoolcraft tells us that the

word was Chi-kaug-ong, meaning wild leek or onion._

_Cadillac, the French commandant at Mackinac in 1695, mentioned in a

report the name of Chicagou as one of a chain of posts on Lake Michigan,

and said that the name signified "river of the wild onion;" and in an

Indian treaty of 1773, the river was referred to as "Chicagou, or Garlick

Creek." Gurdon S. Hubbard, in his Memoirs, states that the name was

derived from the wild onion, and Colonel Samuel A. Storrow, who visited

this site in 1817, refers in his letters to "the River Chicagou, or in

English, Wild Onion River."_

_The wild onion plant may be seen at the present day growing luxuriantly

on the prairies near Chicago._]

But so far as the portage at Chicago was concerned this change of

sovereignty made little difference. What with the constant strife among

the savage tribes whose normal condition was that of warfare, and the

dangers to the whites caused by the neglect of military protection, the

region was left a solitude; and the few references to its existence

during a hundred years indicate confused relations between the tribes and

the few whites who ventured to visit the region. The sovereignty of the

western country again changed in 1783, this time from the British to the

American Government. A few cabins were built in the vicinity in later

years, and when the American Government proceeded to the erection of a

fort in 1803 these cabins constituted the only evidences of civilization

that existed on the spot.

II

FORTIFYING THE FRONTIER

IN the early summer of 1803, the schooner "Tracy," a transport vessel

belonging to the United States Government, left Detroit with a cargo of

building material and supplies, and in due time arrived off the mouth of

the Chicago River. The purpose was to build a fort at this point. About

the same time a company of sixty-six men and three commissioned officers

took their departure from Detroit to take part in building the fort and

to occupy it after its completion. Because of the diminutive size of the

schooner the men composing this force did not sail in her, except the

commanding officer, Captain John Whistler, accompanied by several members

of his family. The soldiers marched overland, conducted by Lieutenant

James S. Swearingen, and reached Chicago about the same time that the

vessel arrived. On its way, the vessel stopped at St. Joseph, Michigan,

where Captain Whistler and his family disembarked; they continued their

journey to Chicago in a rowboat. The family of Captain Whistler consisted

of himself and his wife, their son, Lieutenant William Whistler, and his

wife, recently married, and a younger son, George Washington Whistler,

who was about two years old.

General Henry Dearborn was at that time Secretary of War in the cabinet

of President Jefferson. His orders to the commanding officer at Detroit

were to send a body of men to construct and garrison a fort at the mouth

of the Chicago River. This locality had long been considered a suitable

one for the construction of a frontier military post. A tract "six miles

square, at the mouth of the Chikago River," had been ceded by the Indians

to the United States at the Treaty of Greenville in 1795, evidently with

a view to its favorable location as the site of a fort.

William Burnett, a trader at St. Joseph, writing to a firm in Montreal

under date of August, 1798, said that it was understood that a garrison

would be sent to Chicago in that year. This expectation, however, was not

realized until five years later.

The Treaty of Greenville referred to was concluded by General Anthony

Wayne with the tribes in 1795, after they had been disastrously defeated

at the battle of Fallen Timbers in the previous year. A part of the

description of the tract ceded was that it was "where a fort formerly

stood." There was no trace of such a fort, however, when the builders

of Fort Dearborn arrived upon the scene. The Miami Indian chief, Little

Turtle, well known to the whites at that period and a man familiar

with this region, said in later years when questioned about it that he

remembered nothing of any fort that had ever stood on the spot before the

building of Fort Dearborn.

There is evidence, however, that a fort, perhaps several of them at

different periods, had been erected in this vicinity and occupied by

the French; but having been built in a temporary fashion they utterly

disappeared after the French had ceased to occupy the country.

The tract "six miles square" mentioned in the Treaty of Greenville

was never surveyed, and as the treaties of later years included the

locality within other descriptions of ceded lands, it did not become

necessary to make a survey. For that reason the exact boundaries of the

six-mile-square tract were never determined and are not shown on official

maps now recognized in title abstracts, though on some maps an outline of

the tract is shown as an illustration, but without any authority as to

the precise position occupied.

It has been stated that commissioners from Washington had selected as

the site of a proposed fort on Lake Michigan a location at the mouth of

the St. Joseph River where the city of St. Joseph now stands, but as the

Indian tribes would not give their consent for its construction at that

point, the commissioners had been obliged to decide on a site at the

mouth of the Chicago River. In commenting on this statement a writer in

the _Michigan Pioneer Collection of Historical Publications_ says:

"We conclude that had the fort been built at St. Joseph there would have

been no Chicago." Mr. Edward G. Mason, a writer of acknowledged authority

on subjects pertaining to western history, refers to this statement,

and rather humorously observes: "This matter of a fort seems to have

been peculiarly disastrous to the St. Joseph country. When it had one it

constantly invited capture, and caused the inhabitants to spend more or

less of their lives as prisoners of war, and when it did not have one it

thereby lost the opportunity of becoming the commercial metropolis of the

Northwest. I know of no such tract of land in all this section which has

been so singularly unfortunate as the St. Joseph region."

Mr. Mason alludes in this passage to the vicissitudes suffered by the

small military post or "tomahawk fortress," as such posts on the frontier

were sometimes called, at the mouth of the St. Joseph River, which during

the troublous period of the eighteenth century had frequently changed

masters. At the time of which we are writing, the fort, or the remains

of a fort, at that point was in such a condition that a new structure

would have been necessary if that site had been determined upon by the

authorities.

Building operations for Fort Dearborn began on the Fourth of July, under

the direction of Captain Whistler. The soldiers cut the timber required

from the neighboring forests and, as there were no horses or oxen

available in the vicinity, the men dragged the logs with ropes from the

woods to the banks of the river, and floated them to the site chosen.

At that period a forest of considerable density covered the land on the

north side of the river, and there was also a fringe of trees along the

South Branch throughout its entire length; but the extensive area in

the South Division, excepting the woodland on the margin of the river,

was open prairie. In fact, the Grand Prairie of Illinois, extending for

hundreds of miles into the interior of the state, here reached the shore

of the lake for a space of three or four miles along the water, and it is

a singular fact that at no other place does the Grand Prairie border on

Lake Michigan. It was on the line of this famous tract that the massacre

occurred, which will be described in the following pages.

The portion of the Grand Prairie between the mouth of the river and a

point some three or four miles south along the lake shore was mostly

devoid of trees, a scanty growth of cottonwoods and pines, however,

maintaining a precarious existence among the sand-dunes. A mile or two

south of the river's mouth these low sand-hills became the predominant

feature of the landscape, just as may be found at the present time along

the low shores of the lake beyond the city limits toward the south and

east. Behind the sand-hills the level prairie stretched away as far as

the eye could reach. Schoolcraft, in one of his early voyages, related

that as one approached the shores from the southern end of Lake Michigan,

the appearance of these sand-dunes--between which was occasionally seen a

scanty growth of stunted pines--gave a desolate aspect to the scene, in

wonderful contrast with the rich and abundant verdure of the far-reaching

prairie land lying just beyond them.

When the schooner "Tracy" arrived at Chicago she anchored half a mile

from shore and discharged her cargo by boats; for a long sand-bar, with

its surface slightly higher than the lake level, forced the current of

the river to follow the shore toward the south before finding an outlet

into the lake, and even then over a broad stretch of shallow water, thus

preventing the entrance of the vessel into the river channel. "Some two

thousand Indians," said an eye-witness in an interview reported many

years later, "visited the locality while the vessel was here, being

attracted by so unusual an occurrence as the appearance in these waters

of 'a big canoe with wings.'"

But notwithstanding the astonishment of the Indians, it was probably

not the first time that sailing vessels had visited the shores of the

future site of Chicago. William Burnett, the trader at St. Joseph before

referred to, in writing to a merchant in Mackinac in 1786, makes a

request that a vessel be sent to St. Joseph to take on board a quantity

of grain, and further says regarding the expected vessel, "If she is to

come to Chicago you can very likely get her to stop at the mouth of the

river"--that is, the St. Joseph River. It is probable enough, however,

that the great majority of the Indians around Chicago, who gazed with so

much interest at the sight of the wonderful "canoe with wings," had never

before seen a craft with sails spread to the breeze.

The "Tracy" was a vessel of ninety tons' burden, and belonged to the

United States Government. After the goods were unloaded they were placed

in tents to await the completion of the buildings. At the end of five

days the vessel departed on her return voyage to Detroit, and on board of

her Lieutenant Swearingen took passage.

Later in the summer the fort was ready for occupancy, and its garrison

of United States regulars took possession of the barracks and dwellings

within the stockade. The fort was named in honor of General Henry

Dearborn, who had been a distinguished officer of the Revolutionary War,

as well as Secretary of War at the time of the building of the fort.

The fort was located on the south bank of the Chicago River near the

present Rush Street bridge, somewhat north of the spot marked by a

tablet placed in recent years upon a building at the intersection of

Michigan Avenue and River Street. The river, as is well known, is

deflected from its general east and west direction at a point just east

of the present State Street bridge. Owing, however, to the construction

of the drainage canal a few years ago, the river now flows _from_ the

lake so that when it reaches the point mentioned, its course, instead of

northeast forty rods, as formerly, is now southwest.

But at the time the fort was built the bend in the river reached much

farther toward the north. In later years the south bank was partially

dredged away, and the bend was therefore considerably lessened. Thus

the site of the fort, being close to the river bank, was some distance

farther north than the building upon which the tablet is placed; in fact,

the northern portion of the fort extended over ground now covered by the

bed of the river.

[Illustration: BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF OLD FORT DEARBORN.

_1. Main entrance of the fort passing beneath building, the upper

story of which was directly over the passageway._

_2. Location of the "sally-part," or underground passage, running

from the interior of the fort to the river._

_3. Gateway to the west._

_4. Blockhouse at the northwest corner of the fort._

_5. Blockhouse at the southeast corner of the fort._

_6. Officers' quarters._

_7. Barracks for the troops._

_8. Magazine._]

It may be well to remark here that in the year 1833 a channel was dredged

through the bar directly in line with the river's course. The old channel

between the sand-bar and the shore gradually became filled up in the

course of years, and at the present day it is which covered by a mass of

earth, and forms a part of the area enclosed in Grant Park.

In the construction of the fort there were two blockhouses erected, one

at the southeast and the other at the northwest corner of the stockaded

enclosure. These blockhouses projected partially beyond the line of

pickets so that their defenders could command the approaches from the

open spaces without the fort. On the north side of the fort there was a

sally-port with a subterranean passage, leading from the parade ground

within to the river bank, designed as a means of escape in case of

emergency, or of obtaining a supply of water if needed, though a well was

sunk for the ordinary uses of the garrison within the fort enclosure.

Beyond the main line of pickets another similar line was placed at a

different angle converging toward the blockhouses, thus providing two

strong palisades entirely surrounding the fort.

A plan for the construction of frontier forts was prepared by the War

Department and this plan was referred to in a letter of instructions

written by General Dearborn under date of June 28, 1804. While it thus

appears that the letter was written a year later than the building of

Fort Dearborn, it was an outline of the general principles by which the

department had been governed in all such works.

"Being of the opinion," wrote General Dearborn, "that for the general

defense of our country we ought not to rely upon fortifications, but

on men and steel, and that works calculated for resisting batteries of

cannon are necessary only for our principal seaports, I cannot conceive

it useful or expedient to construct expensive works for our interior

military posts, especially such as are intended merely to hold the

Indians in check."

He added that he had directed stockade works "aided by blockhouses" to

be erected at Vincennes, "Chikago" and at other places, "in conformity

with the sketch herewith enclosed." The details of the plan are further

described in the letter as follows: "The blockhouses to be constructed

of timber slightly hewed," and the magazines to be of brick "of a conic

figure," each capable of receiving from fifty to one hundred barrels of

powder. "The blockhouses," he continued, "are to be so placed as to scour

from the upper and lower stories the whole of the lines."

The plan thus outlined was followed in the construction of Fort Dearborn

as well as of other forts generally along the frontier.

Three pieces of light artillery composed the armament of the fort, until

at a later time another gun was added, and in a magazine constructed for

the purpose was stored the necessary ammunition.

Directly west of the fort, fronting toward the river, was built a double

log house, between the two parts of which an open passage was left,

though the roof was made continuous over both portions as well as over

the open passage. Along the front and rear a veranda extended the full

length of the structure. This building was the Agency House, or United

States Factory, used for storing goods to be sold to the Indians under

Government regulations. For a number of years, from 1796 to 1822, the

United States supplied goods to the Indian tribes at many places on the

frontier in exchange for their furs. In these exchanges the Government's

policy was to deal with the Indians on an equitable basis, providing them

protection against the rapacity of the traders, many of whom swindled

them unmercifully.

It may be said in passing that this benevolent purpose on the part of the

Government was completely frustrated. The traders supplied their savage

customers with liquor, which the Government agents were not at liberty

to do, and thus the Indians preferred to do business with the former in

spite of the lower prices and superior quality of the goods furnished

by the latter. In 1822, the "Factory System," as it was called, was

discontinued entirely.

For many years previous to the building of Fort Dearborn a substantial

dwelling had been standing on the opposite side of the river, near the

present foot of Pine Street. This house was built by a man named Jean

Baptiste Point de Saible, a native of San Domingo and a negro, some time

before 1779, as appears from a report made by Colonel De Peyster, the

commander at Michilimackinac during the British occupation.

De Saible was an Indian trader. One of the pioneers who remembered him

said of him that he was "pretty wealthy and drank freely," and the

British commander above referred to wrote that he was "much in the French

interest," which gave occasion to that officer to keep a close watch

on his activities, situated as he was at the principal portage between

the Lakes and the Mississippi. De Saible resided in this house for over

eighteen years, and in 1797 sold it and returned to the Peoria Indians,

among whom he had previously resided, and remained with them the rest of

his life.

The purchaser of the house was a man named Le Mai, a French trader. Le

Mai made some improvements and occupied the house until 1804, when he

in turn sold it to John Kinzie, who arrived with his family at Chicago

in the fall of that year. After the house came into the possession of

John Kinzie he repaired it, added a veranda, and planted four Lombardy

poplars at the foot of the slope on which the house stood. The house

faced toward the south, having the river directly in front and the lake a

short distance to the east.

This house became known as the "Kinzie Mansion" and is a familiar and

picturesque object in the views of early Chicago. The house escaped

the general destruction at the time of the massacre and remained the

residence of John Kinzie and his family until the time of his death, in

1828, except during the four years of his enforced absence, from 1812 to

1816. The house was finally demolished in the early thirties after more

than a half-century's existence.

There was also the less pretentious cabin of Antoine Ouilmette, situated

close in the rear of the Kinzie house. Ouilmette was a Frenchman with an

Indian wife, and had lived here since 1790. His wife, being a member of

the Potawatami tribe, was awarded, at one of the Indian treaties many

years later, a tract of land on the north shore about fourteen miles

from the mouth of the Chicago River, which became known as the "Wilmette

Reservation," and is now the site of the village of Wilmette.

[Illustration: RESIDENCE OF JOHN KINZIE.

_The house in which John Kinzie and his family lived from 1804 to 1813,

and again from 1816 to 1828, as it was lithographed by Sarony from a

sketch made by Mrs. John H. Kinzie, the author of Wau-Bun._]

A man named Pettell also had a small cabin near the Kinzie house. Over on

the North Branch another trader named Guarie had a trading house which

had been there from a time previous to the year 1778. Guarie's house was

situated on the west bank of the river, about where Fulton Street now

ends. The North Branch was called by the Indian traders and _voyageurs_

of those days the "River Guarie," and the South Branch "Portage River,"

the name Chicago River being confined to that part of the river below the

confluence of those two streams.

Captain John Whistler, after serving seven years as commandant at Fort

Dearborn, was ordered to another post early in the summer of 1810, and

his successor was Captain Nathan Heald, of whom we shall have much more

to say in the following pages. In bidding adieu to Captain Whistler it

is proper to add a few particulars concerning him. He was a native of

Ireland, and had come to America as a British soldier at the time of the

War of the Revolution. He was in Burgoyne's army and was taken prisoner

by the Americans when that army was surrendered after the battle of

Saratoga in 1777.

After the war he decided to remain in America and took up his residence

in Maryland, where he married, and where his son William was born. Later

he enlisted in the American army, taking part in the campaigns against

the Indians in the West. His loyalty to his new allegiance is shown in

the naming of his youngest son after the "Father of His Country."

Captain Whistler served in the army of General Arthur St. Clair and

afterward in that of General Anthony Wayne, and in time was promoted to

be a captain of infantry. After leaving Fort Dearborn he was transferred

to Fort Wayne and the rank of major was bestowed upon him. He died in

1827.

John Whistler was a brave and efficient soldier and the progenitor of

a distinguished posterity. His son William was, as we have seen, a

lieutenant in his father's company, and long after the events we are here

treating of was placed in command of Fort Dearborn (in the year 1832),

and his daughter became the wife of Robert A. Kinzie, one of the sons of

John Kinzie, the pioneer. George Washington Whistler, the infant son of

Captain John Whistler, was brought to Fort Dearborn in 1803, as we have

already narrated, and afterward was graduated at West Point. Eventually

he resigned his commission in the United States army and entered the

service of the Russian Government as an engineer, where he rendered

distinguished services.

The eminent painter, James A. McNeill Whistler, was a descendant of

Captain John Whistler. In the life of Whistler, the artist, by Joseph and

Elizabeth Pennell, it is mentioned that Whistler once said to a visitor

from Chicago that he (Whistler) ought to visit the place some day, "for,"

said he, "you know, my grandfather founded the city."

John Kinzie has been called "The Father of Chicago," and also "Chicago's

Pioneer." He was born at Quebec about the year 1763, and he was

therefore about forty years of age when he arrived in Chicago, in 1804.

His father was a Scotchman named John McKenzie, but instead of retaining

his patronymic in the usual manner, John of Quebec changed it to conform

to a usage established by his boyish companions and others, who called

him "Little Johnny Kinzie."

Young John's father died while he was yet an infant; the widow married

William Forsyth, and soon thereafter the family moved to New York. Here

he was placed in school, but at the age of ten he ran away and took

passage on a sloop bound for Albany, with the purpose of finding his

way back to his old home at Quebec. By good fortune he found a friendly

fellow traveler bound for the same destination, who assisted him on

the way. Arriving at Quebec he found employment with a silversmith and

learned the trade. He remained with the silversmith three years, at the

expiration of which time he returned to his parents, who had in the

meantime removed to Detroit.

John Kinzie had an active and enterprising disposition which led him

as he grew older to live much upon the frontier. He entered the Indian

trade while he was yet very young and became an adept in his intercourse

with the Indians. He learned their language and was esteemed by them as

a reliable and fair-dealing trader. He soon began trading on his own

account, and before he came to Chicago he had trading establishments

at Sandusky and Maumee, and pushing farther west, he established a

post at St. Joseph. It was in the pursuance of a general policy of

business expansion that he bought the Le Mai house at Chicago, a house

which afterward became historic. Kinzie himself has become of historic

importance to a degree he could never have dreamed of, and which would

not have been possible but for the fact that the place he chose for his

residence has since become one of the world's great cities.

While by no means the first settler at Chicago, John Kinzie is generally

accorded the title of "Chicago's Pioneer," although it is quite probable

that there were traders, hunters, and trappers residing here for longer

or shorter periods even earlier than De Saible and Le Mai.

"I doubt if any known person can safely be called the 'earliest settler'

of Chicago," writes Thwaites. "The habitants and traders went back and

forth like Arabs. No doubt there was a succession of temporary visitors

residing any time from a few months to several years at this site during

the entire French régime, but especially in the eighteenth century,

concerning which period the records are unfortunately scanty."

When John Kinzie arrived here he found Ouilmette, Pettell, Le Mai,

and Guarie, all of whom were permanent residents. Mr. Kinzie was a

man of character and influence. He had been well educated for those

times, and possessed civic virtues in an eminent degree. Through all

the vicissitudes of frontier life he maintained and brought up a large

family, assisted those who were related to him as step-children and

half-brothers, and his descendants became honorable members of the

community with which they were identified.

Mr. Kinzie was generally known as the "Indians' Friend," and had

received from them the name of Shaw-ne-aw-kee; that is, _Silverman_,

on account of his having learned the trade of a silversmith, which he

practiced on occasion.

When he came here from Detroit Mr. Kinzie was accompanied by his family,

consisting of his wife and son, John Harris Kinzie, then an infant one

year old, and his step-daughter, Margaret McKillip. Three other children

were born to Mr. and Mrs. Kinzie during the next few years, and at the

time of the massacre these children as well as their parents escaped harm

through the assistance of several friendly Indian chiefs.

Excepting the four years following the massacre, the Kinzie family

resided here until the death of Mr. Kinzie, in 1828, at the age of

sixty-five years. His widow and some of his children continued their

residence in Chicago until long after the middle of the century.

A few words concerning the earlier life of the remarkable woman who was

the wife of John Kinzie will be appropriate in this place. Previous to

her marriage to Mr. Kinzie, in 1800, Mrs. Kinzie was a widow, her first

husband having been a Captain McKillip, serving in the British army,

who had been killed in the year 1794. Her daughter, Margaret McKillip,

afterward became the wife of Lieutenant Linai T. Helm, one of the

officers at Fort Dearborn.

Mrs. Kinzie's maiden name was Eleanor Lytle, and when a child she lived

with her parents in Western Pennsylvania. When but nine years of age she

was carried off by Indians and adopted as a sister by a chief of the

Seneca tribe. After four years of captivity she was safely restored to

her parents. Writing of her experiences at this time, so similar to those

of thousands of other children captives, the author of _Wau-Bun_ (who

it will be remembered was a daughter-in-law of Mrs. John Kinzie) says:

"Four years had now elapsed since the capture of little Nelly. Her heart

was by nature warm and affectionate, so that the unbounded tenderness

of those she dwelt among had called forth a corresponding feeling of

affection in her heart. She regarded the chief and his mother with love

and reverence, and had so completely learned their language and customs

as almost to have forgotten her own.

"So identified had she become with the tribe that the remembrance of her

home and family had nearly faded from her memory; all but her mother--her

mother whom she had loved with a strength of affection natural to her

warm and ardent character, and to whom her heart still clung with a

fondness that no time or change could destroy."

The peace of 1783 between Great Britain and the United States was

followed by a general pacification of the Indian tribes, and the chief

who held little Nelly captive was invited to a council fire at Fort

Niagara by Colonel William Johnson, a man celebrated for his wonderful

popularity and influence with the Indians of New York State, and the

chief was requested to bring the little captive with him. The invitation

was accepted, but not before a promise was made that there should be no

effort to reclaim the child.

The parents of the child were anxious to behold once more the form and

features of their offspring, and came to Fort Niagara for the purpose.

"The time at length arrived," runs the narrative, "when, her heart

bounding with joy, little Nelly was placed on horseback to accompany her

Indian brother to the great council of the Senecas. She had promised

him that she would never leave him without permission, and he relied

confidently on her word.

"As the chiefs and warriors arrived in successive bands to meet their

'father,' the agent, at the council fire, how did the anxious hearts of

the parents beat with alternate hope and fear! The officers of the fort

had kindly given them quarters for the time being, and the ladies, whose

sympathies were strongly excited, had accompanied the mother to the place

of council, and joined in her longing watch for the first appearance of

the band from the Alleghany River.

"At length they were discerned, emerging from the forest on the opposite

or American side. Boats were sent across by the commanding officer to

bring the chief and his party. The father and mother, attended by all

the officers and ladies, stood upon the grassy bank awaiting their

approach. They had seen at a glance that the little captive was with

them."

The chief held the little maiden's hand while crossing the river, and

when the boat touched the bank he saw the child spring forward into the

arms of her waiting mother from whom she had been so long separated. When

the chief witnessed this outburst of affection he was deeply moved, and

could no longer continue steadfast in his resolution to retain possession

of the child.

"She shall go," said he. "The mother must have her child again. I will go

back alone."

"With one silent gesture of farewell," says the writer, "he turned and

stepped on board the boat. No arguments or entreaties could induce him to

remain at the council; but having gained the other side of the Niagara,

he mounted his horse, and with his young men was soon lost in the depths

of the sheltering forest."

Soon afterward the parents of Eleanor Lytle removed to Detroit and it was

there when but fourteen years of age that she met and married Captain

McKillip.

The writer of the narrative from which the above sketch has been derived

was Mrs. Juliette A. Kinzie, the wife of John Harris Kinzie, who was

the oldest child of John Kinzie and Eleanor (Lytle) McKillip Kinzie.

Mrs. John H. Kinzie wrote a book, already mentioned, called _Wau-Bun_,

which was published in 1856, in which are a number of sketches of

Chicago's early settlers, and an account of the period extending over

the occupation and destruction of the first Fort Dearborn. Her book is

the earliest and most substantial contribution to Chicago history of the

period referred to that we possess.

It is gratifying to be able to state that the granddaughter of the

"little Nelly" of the narrative, who was so wonderfully restored to her

own people after all those years of captivity, is Mrs. Nelly Kinzie

Gordon, now residing in Savannah, Georgia. Though now nearly eighty years

of age, Mrs. Gordon is in possession of all her faculties to a remarkable

degree, and seems indeed to have preserved the freshness of her youth in

body and mind. She takes a sympathetic and intelligent interest in all

the historical writings having to do with the early history of Chicago,

where she was born and where she lived many years of her life, and she is

always ready to aid inquirers with advice and suggestions.

The interior arrangements of the Kinzie house were described by Mrs.

Elizabeth Baird, who as a child visited the Kinzies at Chicago in company

with her mother. The family of which Mrs. Baird was a member lived on the

island of Mackinac and came to Chicago in a lake vessel loaded with a

cargo of supplies.

The account written by Mrs. Baird in her old age is printed in the

Wisconsin Historical Society's collections. She remembers distinctly the

house and its surroundings. "It was a large, one-story building," she

said, "with an exceptionally high attic. The front door opened into a

wide hall that led through to the kitchen, which was spacious and bright,

made so by the large fireplace. Four rooms opened into the hall, two on

each side, and the attic contained four rooms." There was room in the

house for all the members of the Kinzie family besides quite a number of

servants and helpers.

The only way of crossing the river, she says, was by a wooden canoe or

"dugout," which was used even by the children, who became very skillful

in navigating the deep and slow-moving stream which separated the house

from the fort. Besides amusing themselves in the canoe, often called a

pirogue, the children found delight in running among the sand-hills along

the lake shore and "tumbling down their sides."

Mrs. Baird was the daughter of a half-breed mother whose mother was a

member of the Ottawa tribe of Indians. "To know we had Indian blood in

our veins," she writes, "was in one respect a safeguard, in another a

great risk. Each tribe was ever at enmity with the others. No one could

foretell what might happen when by chance two or more tribes should meet

or encamp at any one place at the same time. This, however, would be of

rare occurrence. Unless on the warpath Indians keep by themselves."

[Illustration: MR. AND MRS. JOHN H. KINZIE

_There are no pictures of John Kinzie, the pioneer, in existence. The

pictures shown are those of John Harts Kinzie, the son of John Kinzie,

and of his wife, Mrs. Juliette A. Kinzie, the talented Author of

Wau-Bun._

_John H. Kinzie was a lad nine years of age at the time the Fort Dearborn

massacre. His wife was born and brought up in Connecticut, and she did

not come to Chicago until 1833._]

The Story of Old Fort Dearborn · 第 1 / 7 段