Perry, who held but a commission of master commandant, despite his

high acting rank, was promoted at once to a captaincy, the date of his

commission bearing the date of his victory. He was given the command of

the frigate _Java_, a new 44-gun ship then fitting out at Baltimore.

Gold medals were awarded to him and to Elliot by Congress, and

silver medals to each of the commissioned officers. A silver medal

also was given to the nearest male relative of Lieutenant Brooks of

the marines, and swords to the nearest male relatives of Midshipmen

Laub, Claxton, and Clark. Three months’ extra pay was voted to all the

officers, seamen, and marines, and, in addition, Congress gave $225,000

in prize-money, to be divided among the American forces engaged in

the action. This sum was distributed in the following proportions:

Commodore Chauncey, who was in command on the lakes, $12,750; Perry and

Elliot, $7140 each--besides which Congress voted Perry an additional

$5000; the commanders of gunboats, lieutenants, sailing-masters, and

lieutenants of marines received $2295 each; midshipmen, $811; petty

officers, $447 per capita; and marines and sailors, $209 apiece.

No money, however, could repay the brave men for the service they had

rendered the country. Today the dwellers along the shores of Lake Erie

preserve the anniversary of the battle as an occasion for rejoicing.

While the naval actions at sea reflected honor and glory to their

commanders and credit to the service, the winning of the battle of Lake

Erie averted a national catastrophe.

XI

THE DEFENCE OF THE “GENERAL ARMSTRONG” [September 26th, 1814]

Samuel Chester Reid was born at Norwich, Connecticut, in August, 1783.

Like the majority of the commanders who gained renown during the war

of 1812, his seafaring life began at a very early age. At eleven years

he made his first voyage, and shortly afterwards he was captured

by a French privateer, and for some time confined in the prison at

Basseterre. He was released after six months’ imprisonment, and,

turning towards the regular navy, he served as acting midshipman on

the U.S.S. _Baltimore_, and saw a good bit of active service with the

squadron under Commodore Truxton in the West Indies.

As he held no regular commission in the service, he saw the great

chance and opportunity presented for privateering enterprise, and

took command of the _General Armstrong_, privateer. Her cruises were

uniformly successful, and had it not been that circumstances forced her

into national prominence she would probably have been forgotten like a

hundred others of her class that had a vogue at the time. They enjoyed

the popularity of the successful actor, but their names have gone out

of people’s memories after their short careers of glory.

But there has probably been as much writing done about the wonderful

defence of the _General Armstrong_, under Captain Samuel Reid, as

there has been about any action in which ships of our regular navy

participated. Captain Reid died in 1861, but even after his death the

“_Armstrong_ affair” was long kept before the public mind, owing to the

claims of the heirs of the owners of the American vessel for damages

against the Portuguese government.

The _General Armstrong_ was a fast-sailing, cleverly handled little

vessel, and she sailed from the port of New York, her crew having

been recruited there. It was a motley gathering, as a great many of

the crews of these vessels were, being composed of the pick of the

merchant service, a few down-east fishermen, and, not strange to

relate, adventurers of every sort and description, who, however, proved

themselves to be great fighters when under competent leadership. Her

full complement was about ninety men. The brig’s armament was rather

a peculiar one; she carried no carronades, but had three long nines

on either side, and a long 24-pounder amidships. She could fight at

a greater distance than many of the vessels belonging to the regular

service.

Farragut in his journal mentions that when he was a midshipman of the

_Essex_, sailing from New York, a sail was sighted off the weather

beam. To the surprise of the officers she was carrying more canvas

than might have been considered prudent considering the weather,

but she stood up under it and legged it so fast that she soon came

within hailing distance of the _Essex_. The latter vessel, not knowing

her character, had her men at quarters. All the officers admired the

way the little brig was handled. Upon speaking her she proved to be

the _General Armstrong_, bound upon her second cruise into British

waters--her first had been most successful.

But to the event which has handed her name down to history. On

September 26th, 1814, the _General Armstrong_ came to anchor in the

Portuguese harbor of Fayal. At about sunset of the same day three large

ships, flying the British flag, were seen to enter the roads.

As the privateer lay some distance out and it was dead calm within the

harbor, Captain Reid deemed it wise to trust entirely to the neutrality

of the port, and to claim the protection that should be given to any

vessel by a neutral power.

As darkness fell he saw some suspicious actions on the part of the

British ships--the _Carnation_ coming as close as pistol-shot range,

and the others approaching to a distance of less than two miles;

through the glass Reid could see that boats were being lowered. He

trusted, however, for some time in the good faith and justice of

the British captains, but these preparations suggested no peaceful

intentions, and he began to warp his brig closer in to shore, anchoring

at last, stem and stern, under the very guns of the castle that

commanded the harbor.

Calling his men on deck, he told them that he thought that the British

intended, if possible, to cut him out. At once the temper of the crew

was evident. A boatswain’s mate approached him, and, saluting, said:

“You can trust in us, sir. What you _say_ we _do_.”

It was growing dusk. At about eight o’clock Captain Reid plainly saw

four boats filled with armed men row down towards him. As soon as they

were within hailing distance he stepped upon the bulwarks, and, making

a trumpet of his hands, he shouted: “Boats there! Approach no nearer;

for your safety I warn you.”

The rowing ceased, and there was evidently a consultation among

the officers in command. Captain Reid’s men were standing at their

quarters. Two of the guns were heavily loaded with grape. After talking

a few minutes it was evident that the English decided to risk the

venture, for the oars caught the water at once, and they came dashing

on towards the American vessel. All dissembling was laid aside, and

Reid ordered his men to fire. Two of the boats mounted swivels forward

and returned shots in answer. A discharge of small-arms also began,

but the torrent of grape that had raked one of the cutters had killed

a first lieutenant and several of his men, and most of the others

were wounded. The boats swung back, and made for the sanctuary of the

vessels in the harbor.

The moon had now risen, and it was very light. Large crowds had

gathered on the shore, but the castle displayed no intention of taking

any part in the affair.

The commanders of His Britannic Majesty’s ships _Plantagenet_, _Rota_,

and _Carnation_ held a consultation. It resulted in a “most outrageous

violation of the neutrality of a friendly port, and utter contempt of

the laws of civilized nations,” to quote from the report of John G.

Dabney, American consul at Fayal.

Angered at the result of their first attempt, the English threw all

caution aside. They crowded as many men as possible into all the boats

they had, armed them with carronades, swivels, and small-arms, and once

more rowed down in two divisions; but Reid was waiting for them. The

guns were double-shotted, and he moved two of the long nines from the

other side across the deck and cut ports for them in the bulwarks. A

tremendous action now began, which lasted about forty minutes. Never

in any of the hostile meetings between the frigates or the fleets of

the United States and England has such destruction and carnage been

recorded, in proportion to the number engaged, as is shown by the loss

of the British on this occasion. The fire from the brig cut away whole

boats’ crews and almost destroyed the boats. It is estimated that about

400 men were divided among the flotilla of the attacking party. They

fought bravely, but there is merit in being well prepared for defence.

More than half of the British were either killed or wounded, “Long

Tom,” the 25-pounder, doing terrible execution.

The outmost boats showed signs of giving up the contest. Those nearer

the _General Armstrong_ continued to fight desperately, but none had

approached near enough to cut their way through the boarding nettings

which Reid had strung along the sides.

Seeing that there was an intention to retire, if possible, on the

part of the British, he slackened his fire. Two boats were drifting,

however, beneath the quarter of the privateer. They were loaded with

their own dead. From these two boats only seventeen men reached shore

alive, and, with the exception of three, all of these were wounded.

The following day, from dawn until sunset, the British were occupied in

burying their dead, among them being two lieutenants, one midshipman of

the _Rota_, and the first lieutenant of the _Plantagenet_, who died of

his wounds. The British endeavored to conceal the extent of the loss,

but even they admit that they lost in killed and those who died of

their wounds afterwards upward of one hundred and twenty-five officers

and men.

The captain of the _Rota_, in his report, stated that he lost seventy

men from his own ship.

It was claimed by the English that the first expedition of four boats,

which was sent out early in the evening of the 26th, was merely a

reconnoitring party, and had no hostile intentions; but it seemed a

strange thing to reconnoitre at night an enemy’s vessel in a friendly

port with one hundred and twenty armed men, a third as many again

as were on board the American brig. There is no question, viewing

the proceedings dispassionately, that they had hoped to take Reid by

surprise.

To quote from Dabney’s report once more: “In vain can he [the

British commander] expect by such subterfuge to shield himself from

the indignation of the world and the merited resentment of his own

government and nation for thus trampling on the sovereignty of their

most ancient and faithful ally, and for the wanton sacrifice of British

lives.”

The comparison of the loss sustained by the American and by the British

sides is almost ridiculous--on the _Armstrong_ two were killed and

seven wounded. One of the former was Alexander O. Williams, of New

York, the second lieutenant, an officer of bravery and merit. The first

and third lieutenants, Messrs. Worth and Johnson, were wounded, and

thus, strange to say, Captain Reid was deprived of the services of all

of his junior officers, and was forced to conduct the defence alone.

The next morning one of the British ships took advantage of the wind

which sprang up, and, sailing in, commenced a heavy cannonade upon

the privateer. Captain Reid replied for a few moments, but finding

of course that the result of final capture was inevitable, owing to

the fact that the other vessels displayed intentions of joining in,

he decided to abandon the _General Armstrong_. He hove his guns and

powder overboard, and, manning his boats, brought his crew ashore.

As soon as the _Armstrong_ was abandoned the British took possession of

her, but, finding that she had been partially destroyed, out of revenge

immediately set fire to her.

Dabney, in his letter to the Secretary of State, remarks as follows:

“At nine o’clock in the evening (soon after the first attack) I called

on the Governor, requesting his Excellency to protect the privateer,

either by force or by such remonstrance to the commander of the

squadron as would cause him to desist from any further attempt. The

Governor, indignant at what had passed, but feeling himself totally

unable, with the slender means he possessed, to resist such a force,

took the part of remonstrating, which he did in forcible but respectful

terms. His letter to Captain Lloyd had no other effect than to produce

a menacing reply, insulting in the highest degree. Nothing can exceed

the indignation of the public authorities, as well as of all ranks and

descriptions of persons here, at this unprovoked enormity. Such was

the rage of the British to destroy this vessel that no regard was paid

to the safety of the town. Some of the inhabitants were wounded, and a

number of houses were much damaged. The strongest representations on

this subject are prepared by the Governor for his court.”

Now followed one of the strangest incidents that occurred during

our last war with England. The senior commander, Captain Lloyd,

threatened to send on shore an armed force to arrest the crew of

the privateer, claiming that Englishmen were among them; but the

_General Armstrong’s_ people fled to the mountains, and some of them

took possession of an old church, preparing to defend themselves.

Lloyd was fearful of losing more men if he tried to force this point;

so, resorting to stratagem, he addressed an official letter to the

Governor, stating that in the American crew were two men deserters from

his own squadron, and who were thus guilty of high-treason. Under this

claim a force was sent into the country by the Portuguese. The American

seamen were arrested and brought to town, but the pretended deserters

could not be found. All the seamen, however, had to pass under the

humiliating examination of the British officers.

It was a fortunate thing that the erroneous statement of Captain Lloyd

resulted in nothing more serious than this.

Reid protested against the actions of the commanders of the British

squadron, and also against the government of Portugal for not

protecting him, and it was on this protest that the wearisome waiting

and lawsuits arose which became known as the “Armstrong claims,”

and which were decided unfortunately against the Americans by Louis

Napoleon, who was chosen arbiter. The “Long Tom” was presented to

America by the Portuguese three years ago, and was exhibited at the

World’s Fair in Chicago.

XII

THE LOSS OF THE “ESSEX”

[March 28th, 1814]

Late in the fall of 1813 a little American brig made her way up the

coast with a cargo that had once been consigned to some British

merchants in the West Indies.

The little brig had also, a few months previously, flown the British

flag, but now she came drifting into the harbor of New York under a

prize-master and his crew, for she had been taken in the Gulf of Mexico

by one of the privateers that had outfitted from New York.

She brought the news that only a short time before her capture three

smart English vessels had stopped at the port in which she had lain at

anchor. Two of these three vessels were sent from England on a special

mission; it was intended that they should round the Horn and cruise in

company in the Pacific Ocean in search of the frigate _Essex_, that had

spread terror from China to South America, and had chased the British

shipping off the western ocean.

On the 27th of October, 1812, the _Essex_, under the command of David

Porter, a fearless and persistent fighter, had set sail from the

United States on a cruise to the southward, his orders being to join

Bainbridge, his superior in the _Constitution_. The coast of Brazil

was then the cruising-ground for a large force of English ships of war.

Porter, hearing that Bainbridge, after his action with the _Java_, had

been forced to return to the United States, determined to make his way

around the continent into the blue waters of the Pacific. He had made

one important capture a few days before arriving at this last decision,

having taken the _Nocton_, one of King George’s packets. On board of

her were found eleven thousand pounds in specie.

After suffering severe hardships and meeting with many adverse winds

and tides in rounding the Horn, Porter at last made his way along the

harborless western coast, and arrived at Valparaiso on the 14th of

March, 1813.

The _Essex’s_ crew had been on short allowance of water and small

rations, but not a murmur of dissatisfaction had been raised throughout

the voyage.

Having rested and victualled his ship, in a short time Porter hoisted

his anchors, spread his sails, and sailed out to sea again.

He had been out but a few days when he came across a Peruvian

corsair. Ordering her to heave to, he boarded her, and found, to his

astonishment, that she had on board twenty-four American sailors, the

crews of two whaling ships which she had taken on the coast of Chili.

When asked to explain his conduct, the Peruvian captain answered that,

in view of the fact that his country was an ally of Great Britain, and

that war was soon to be declared between Spain and America, he had

taken matters into his own hand. Porter, much incensed, released the

American sailors, and having thrown all the ammunition and guns of the

rather previous pirate overboard, he was let go, with a letter to the

Viceroy, complaining of his conduct.

Just before the _Essex_ entered the harbor of Lima she overhauled one

of the corsair’s prizes, replaced her crew on board of her, and sent

them on their way to New Bedford rejoicing.

For a year the _Essex_ cruised up and down the coast of South America,

extending her voyages far to the westward, to the various islands,

which were visited then infrequently by traders and whaling vessels.

During this cruise she frightened British commerce entirely from these

waters, and the strange spectacle of seeing one ship in control of a

vast territory was presented to the eyes of the world. The British

Admiralty were vexed and astounded beyond measure. Here one day and

there the next, Porter appeared to be in command of a fleet instead of

a single frigate.

He had fitted one of the captured British whalers as a tender, and

named her the _Essex Junior_, placing her under the command of

Lieutenant Downes, giving her an armament of ten 18-pound carronades

and ten short sixes, with a complement of sixty men.

At last, tiring of capturing merchantmen and glutted with the spoils

of easy victories, Porter decided to look for larger game; for the

news had been brought to him that the vessels which the little brig had

reported at New York so long before were on their way, sailing under

orders to find him at all hazards.

His ship required repairing, and therefore he sailed, accompanied

by his convoy of prizes, to the island of Nookaheeva, one of the

Washington group, that had been discovered by Captain Ingraham, of

Boston. Porter took possession in the name of the United States,

renaming it “Madison Island.”

Here he cached many of his stores, and anchored three of the prizes

well inshore. Erecting a small battery in a good position to command

the small harbor, Lieutenant Gamble, of the marines, and twenty-one men

were left with orders to proceed to Valparaiso after a certain period.

Two of the captures were given up to the prisoners and sent to England.

Three had been sent to America, and some were already anchored in the

neutral port of Valparaiso. It was December 12th when Porter set sail

from Madison Island for the coast of Chili. The _Essex Junior_ followed

in his wake.

He arrived safely in the harbor, and had been there but a short time,

overhauling his spars and running-gear, when two sail came in from the

westward; they were the _Phoebe_, under the command of Captain Hillyar,

and the _Cherub_, sloop of war--both strongly armed and manned with

picked crews--the very ships that had been sent out to look for the

_Essex_.

No sooner had they come into sight of the long headland than they found

the frigate they were so eager to meet, within a short distance of

them. Then it was plain that they were not going to allow her to escape.

The British vessels, as they came down the harbor upon their first

entrance, sailed quite close to the American--so close, indeed, that,

in endeavoring to come about, the _Phoebe_ missed stays and fell afoul

of the _Essex_, presenting herself in position to be raked fore and

aft; but Porter respected the neutrality of the port and restrained his

fire.

Had he known what was going to happen within the next few weeks, there

probably would have been a different termination to the _Essex’s_

glorious cruise.

The divisions were all at quarters, matches burning, and it was with

difficulty that the feverish seamen could be held in check.

So close were the ships that the men standing at the guns on the

British vessels could be easily seen, even taunts were exchanged and

grimaces were made over the bulwarks and through the open ports.

Sailing across to the other side of the harbor, and tacking again, the

British vessels anchored near the entrance.

Now for some time ensued a remarkable condition of affairs. The

commanders met on shore and exchanged gravely the courtesies which

navy men extended to one another in those days, belligerents though

they were. The shore parties of both forces meeting in town, under

strict orders, for a wonder, managed to keep from fighting, but they

were itching to be at it.

Porter had long flown a flag of his own with the motto, “Free Trade and

Sailors’ Rights.”

But, as if not to be outdone, the British commander threw to the air

his strips of bunting with a motto of his own: “God and Country.

British Sailors’ Best Rights. Traitors Offend Both.” (It was a fallacy

of the British that our ships were manned by deserters from the royal

service.)

The sail-maker and his assistant were soon at work on board the

American, and from the mizzen-mast of the _Essex_ appeared the next

morning:

“God, Our Country, and Liberty. Tyrants Offend Them.”

Many times had Porter tried to get a challenge from Captain Hillyar (as

the _Essex_ was the weaker vessel, he was not in a position to offer

the challenge himself), and he let it be well understood that he would

meet the _Phoebe_, in open combat, and would agree that the _Essex

Junior_ should take no hand, on the condition that the _Cherub_ also

should remain inactive.

The prudence of Captain Hillyar cannot but be commended. He was under

strict orders not to run any risks; he knew his enemy was at his

mercy; but the _Essex_ had been put down, as most of our cruisers were

in those days, as “a dangerous nondescript,” to quote from the British

press of the time. In fact, many British frigates in the Atlantic

waters, where the _Constitution_ had gained her laurels, kept near to

the great towering battle-ships--guard-ships, they were called.

It was all arranged that if the _Essex_ should show a tendency to

make her way to sea, the _Phoebe_ and _Cherub_ would attack her

simultaneously. That was their idea in sailing in each other’s company.

Fearing that Porter might take advantage of a favorable wind to slip

past them if they remained at anchor, Captain Hillyar left the harbor,

and with the _Phoebe_ proceeded to sea, where both ships patrolled up

and down like sentries at a prison gate.

The united force of the English vessels amounted to eighty-one guns and

five hundred men, in addition to which they had taken on board for the

nonce the crew of an English letter-of-marque that was then lying in

port.

The force of the _Essex_ consisted of 46 guns, all of which, except six

long twelves, were 32-pound carronades, and useless except in close

fighting. Her crew, much reduced by the manning of her many prizes,

consisted of but two hundred and fifty men. The armament of the _Essex

Junior_ we have named before.

It was evident that as long as the British vessels remained where they

were, the _Essex_ was as good as captured. Something must be done,

and with such a commander as Porter the boldest plan was the most

attractive.

Many incidents had occurred to break the monotony of the blockade. Many

times had he left his anchorage, spread his sails, and made a feint of

leaving the harbor, and in all these trials he had found that his ship

could give the others points and beat them, so far as sailing went.

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