_Engraved by J. Posselwhite._

WILLIAM PENN.

_From the Print by J. Hall, after the Picture by West._

Under the Superintendence of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful

Knowledge.

_London, Published by Charles Knight & C^o. Ludgate Street._

]

[Illustration]

PENN.

William Penn was born in London, October 14, 1644. He was the son of a

naval officer of the same name, who served with distinction both in the

Protectorate and after the Restoration, and who was much esteemed by

Charles II. and the Duke of York. At the age of fifteen, he was entered

as a gentleman-commoner at Christchurch, Oxford. He had not been long in

residence, when he received, from the preaching of Thomas Loe, his first

bias towards the doctrines of the Quakers; and in conjunction with some

fellow-students, he began to withdraw from attendance on the Established

Church, and to hold private prayer-meetings. For this conduct Penn and

his friends were fined by the college for non-conformity; and the former

was soon involved in more serious censure by his ill-governed zeal, in

consequence of an order from the king, that the ancient custom of

wearing surplices should be revived. This seemed to Penn an infringement

of the simplicity of Christian worship: whereupon he with some friends

tore the surplices from the backs of those students who appeared in

them. For this act of violence, totally inconsistent, it is to be

observed, with the principles of toleration which regulated his conduct

in after life, he and they were very justly expelled.

Admiral Penn, who like most sailors possessed a quick temper and high

notions of discipline and obedience, was little pleased with this event,

and still less satisfied with his son’s grave demeanour, and avoidance

of the manners and ceremonies of polite life. Arguments failing, he had

recourse to blows, and as a last resource, he turned his son out of

doors; but soon relented so far as to equip him, in 1662, for a journey

to France, in hope that the gaiety of that country would expel his

new-fashioned and, as he regarded them, fanatical notions. Paris,

however, soon became wearisome to William Penn, and he spent a

considerable time at Saumur, for the sake of the instruction and company

of Moses Amyrault, an eminent Protestant divine. Here he confirmed and

improved his religious impressions, and at the same time acquired, from

the insensible influence of those who surrounded him, an increased

polish and courtliness of demeanour, which greatly gratified the Admiral

on his return home in 1664.

Admiral Penn went to sea in 1664, and remained two years on service.

During this time the external effects of his son’s residence in France

had worn away, and he had returned to those grave habits, and that rule

of associating only with religious people, which had before given his

father so much displeasure. To try the effect of absence and change of

associates, Admiral Penn sent William to manage his estates in Ireland,

a duty which the latter performed with satisfaction both to himself and

his employer. But it chanced that, on a visit to Cork, he again attended

the preaching of Thomas Loe, by whose exhortations he was deeply

impressed. From this time he began to frequent the Quakers’ meetings;

and in September, 1667, he was imprisoned, with others, under the

persecuting laws which then disgraced our statute-book. Upon application

to the higher authorities, he was soon released.

Upon receiving tidings that William had connected himself with the

Quakers, the Admiral immediately summoned him to England; and he soon

became certified of the fact, among other peculiarities, by his son’s

pertinacious adherence to the Quakers’ notions concerning what they

called Hat Worship. This led him to a violent remonstrance. William Penn

behaved with due respect: but in the main point, that of forsaking his

associates and rule of conduct, he yielded nothing. The father confined

his demands at last to the simple point, that his son should sit

uncovered in the presence of himself, the King, and the Duke of York.

Still William Penn felt bound to make not even this concession; and on

this refusal, the Admiral again turned him out of doors.

Soon after, in 1668, he began to preach, and in the same year he

published his first work, ‘Truth Exalted, &c.’ We cannot here notice his

very numerous works, of which the titles run, for the most part, to an

extraordinary length: but ‘The Sandy Foundation Shaken,’ published in

the same year, claims notice, as having led to his first public

persecution. In it he was induced, not to deny the doctrine of the

Trinity, which in a certain sense he admitted, but to object to the

language in which it is expounded by the English Church; and for this

offence he was imprisoned for some time in the Tower. During this

confinement, he composed ‘No Cross, No Crown,’ one of his principal and

most popular works, of which the leading doctrine, admirably exemplified

in his own life, was, that the way to future happiness and glory lies,

in this world, not through a course of misery and needless

mortification, but still through labour, watchfulness, and self-denial,

and continual striving against corrupt passions and inordinate

indulgences. This is enforced by copious examples from profane as well

as sacred history; and the work gives evidence of an extent of learning

very creditable to its author, considering his youth, and the

circumstances under which it was composed. He was detained in prison for

seven months, and treated with much severity. In 1669 he had the

satisfaction of being reconciled to his father.

William Penn was one of the first sufferers by the passing of the

Conventicle Act, in 1670. He was imprisoned in Newgate, and tried for

preaching to a seditious and riotous assembly in Gracechurchstreet; and

this trial is remarkable and celebrated in our criminal jurisprudence,

for the firmness with which he defended himself, and still more for the

admirable courage and constancy with which the jury maintained the

verdict of acquittal which they pronounced. He showed on this, and on

all other occasions, that he well understood and appreciated the free

principles of our constitution, and that he was resolved not to

surrender one iota of that liberty of conscience which he claimed for

others, as well as for himself. “I am far from thinking it fit,” he

said, in addressing the House of Commons, “because I exclaim against the

injustice of whipping Quakers for Papists, that Papists should be

whipped for their consciences. No, for though the hand pretended to be

lifted up against them hath lighted heavily upon us, and we complain,

yet we do not mean that any should take a fresh aim at them, or that

they should come in our room, for we must give the liberty we ask, and

would have none suffer for a truly sober and conscientious dissent on

any hand.” His views of religious toleration and civil liberty he has

well and clearly explained in the treatise entitled ‘England’s present

Interest, &c.,’ published in 1674, in which it formed part of his

argument that the liberties of Englishmen were anterior to the

settlement of the English church, and could not be affected by

discrepancies in their religious belief. He maintained that “to live

honestly, to do no injury to another, and to give every man his due, was

enough to entitle every native to English privileges. It was this, and

not his religion, which gave him the great claim to the protection of

the government under which he lived. Near three hundred years before

Austin set his foot on English ground the inhabitants had a good

constitution. This came not in with him. Neither did it come in with

Luther; nor was it to go out with Calvin. We were a free people by the

creation of God, by the redemption of Christ, and by the careful

provision of our never-to-be-forgotten, honourable ancestors: so that

our claim to these English privileges, rising higher than Protestantism,

could never justly be invalidated on account of non-conformity to any

tenet or fashion it might prescribe.”

In the same year died Sir William Penn, in perfect harmony with his son,

towards whom he now felt the most cordial regard and esteem, and to whom

he bequeathed an estate computed at 1500_l._ a-year, a large sum in that

age. Towards the end of the year he was again imprisoned in Newgate for

six months, the statutable penalty for refusing to take the oath of

allegiance, which was maliciously tendered to him by a magistrate. This

appears to have been the last absolute persecution for religion’s sake

which he endured. Religion in England has generally met with more

toleration in proportion as it has been backed by the worldly importance

of its professors: and though his poor brethren continued to suffer

imprisonment in the stocks, fines, and whipping, as the penalty of their

peaceable meetings for Divine worship, the wealthy proprietor, though he

travelled largely, both in England and abroad, and laboured both in

writing and in preaching, as the missionary of his sect, both escaped

injury, and acquired reputation and esteem by his self-devotion. To the

favour of the King and the Duke of York he had a hereditary claim, which

appears always to have been cheerfully acknowledged; and an instance of

the rising consideration in which he was held, appears in his being

admitted to plead, before a Committee of the House of Commons, the

request of the Quakers that their solemn affirmation should be admitted

in the place of an oath. An enactment to this effect passed the Commons

in 1678, but was lost, in consequence of a prorogation, before it had

passed the Lords. It was on this occasion that he made that appeal in

behalf of general toleration, of which a part is quoted in the preceding

page.

Penn married in 1672, and took up his abode at Rickmansworth in

Hertfordshire. In 1677 we find him removed to Worminghurst in Sussex,

which long continued to be his place of residence. His first engagement

in the plantation of America was in 1676, in consequence of being chosen

arbitrator in a dispute between two Quakers, who had become jointly

concerned in the colony of New Jersey. Though nowise concerned, by

interest or proprietorship, (until 1681, when he purchased a share in

the eastern district of New Jersey,) he took great pains in this

business; he arranged terms, upon which colonists were invited to

settle; and he drew up the outline of a simple constitution, reserving

to them the right of making all laws by their representatives, of

security from imprisonment or fine except by the consent of twelve men

of the neighbourhood, and perfect freedom in the exercise of their

religion: “regulations,” he said, “by an adherence to which they could

never be brought into bondage but by their own consent.” In these

transactions he had the opportunity of contemplating the glorious

results which might be hoped from a colony founded with no interested

views, but on the principles of universal peace, toleration, and

liberty: and he felt an earnest desire to be the instrument in so great

a work, more especially as it held out a prospect of deliverance to his

persecuted Quaker brethren in England, by giving them a free and happy

asylum in a foreign land. Circumstances favoured his wish. The Crown was

indebted to him 16,000_l._ for money advanced by the late Admiral for

the naval service. It was not unusual to grant not only the property,

but the right of government, in large districts in the uncleared part of

America, as in the case of New York and New Jersey respectively to the

Duke of York and Lord Baltimore: and though it was hopeless to extract

money from Charles, yet he was ready enough, in acquittal of this debt,

to bestow on Penn, whom he loved, a tract of land from which he himself

could never expect any pecuniary return. Accordingly, Penn received, in

1681, a grant by charter of that extensive province, named Pennsylvania

by Charles himself, in honour of the Admiral: by which charter he was

invested with the property in the soil, with the power of ruling and

governing the same; of enacting laws, with the advice and approbation of

the freemen of the territory assembled for the raising of money for

public uses; of appointing judges, and administering justice. He

immediately drew up and published ‘Some Account of Pennsylvania, &c.;’

and then ‘Certain Conditions or Concessions, &c.’ to be agreed on

between himself and those who wished to purchase land in the province.

These having been accepted by many persons, he proceeded to frame the

rough sketch of a constitution, on which he proposed to base the charter

of the province. The price fixed on land was forty shillings, with the

annual quit-rent of one shilling, for one hundred acres: and it was

provided that no one should, in word or deed, affront or wrong any

Indian without incurring the same penalty as if the offence had been

committed against a fellow-planter; that strict precautions should be

taken against fraud in the quality of goods sold to them, and that all

differences between the two nations should be adjudged by twelve men,

six of each. And he declares his intention “to leave myself and my

successors no power of doing mischief; that the will of one man may not

hinder the good of a whole country.”

This constitution, as originally organized by Penn, consisted, says Mr.

Clarkson, “of a Governor, a Council, and an Assembly; the two last of

which were to be chosen by, and therefore to be the Representatives of,

the people. The Governor was to be perpetual President, but he was to

have but a treble vote. It was the office of the Council to prepare and

propose bills, to see that the laws were executed, to take care of the

peace and safety of the province, to settle the situation of ports,

cities, market-towns, roads and other public places, to inspect the

public treasury, to erect courts of justice, to institute schools for

the virtuous education of youth, and to reward the authors of useful

discovery. Not less than two-thirds of these were necessary to make a

quorum, and the consent of not less than two-thirds of such quorum in

all matters of moment. The Assembly were to have no deliberative power,

but when bills were brought to them from the Governor and Council, were

to pass or reject them by a plain Yes or No. They were to present

Sheriffs and Justices of the Peace to the Governor; a double number, for

his choice of half. They were to be chosen annually, and to be chosen by

secret ballot.” This ground-work was modified by Penn himself at later

periods, and especially by removing that restriction which forbade the

Assembly to debate, or to originate bills: and it was this,

substantially, which Burke, in his ‘Account of the European Settlements

in America’ describes as “that noble charter of privileges, by which he

made them as free as any people in the world, and which has since drawn

such vast numbers of so many different persuasions and such various

countries to put themselves under the protection of his laws. He made

the most perfect freedom, both religious and civil, the basis of his

establishment; and this has done more towards the settling of the

province, and towards the settling of it in a strong and permanent

manner, than the wisest regulations could have done on any other plan.”

In 1682 a number of settlers, principally Quakers, having been already

sent out, Penn himself embarked for Pennsylvania, leaving his wife and

children in England. On occasion of this parting, he addressed to them a

long and affectionate letter, which presents a very beautiful picture of

his domestic character, and affords a curious insight into the minute

regularity of his daily habits. He landed on the banks of the Delaware

in October, and forthwith summoned an assembly of the freemen of the

province, by whom the frame of government, as it had been promulgated in

England, was accepted. Penn’s principles did not suffer him to consider

his title to the land as valid, without the consent of the natural

owners of the soil. He had instructed persons to negotiate a treaty of

sale with the Indian nations before his own departure from England; and

one of his first acts was to hold that memorable Assembly, to which the

history of the world offers none alike, at which this bargain was

ratified, and a strict league of amity established. We do not find

specified the exact date of this meeting, which took place under an

enormous elm-tree, near the site of Philadelphia, and of which a few

particulars only have been preserved by the uncertain record of

tradition. Well and faithfully was that treaty of friendship kept by the

wild denizens of the woods: ‘a friendship,’ says Proud, the historian of

Pennsylvania, ‘which for the space of more than seventy years was never

interrupted, or so long as the Quakers retained power in the

government.’

Penn remained in America until the middle of 1684. During this time much

was done towards bringing the colony into prosperity and order. Twenty

townships were established, containing upwards of 7000 Europeans;

magistrates were appointed; representatives, as prescribed by the

constitution, were chosen, and the necessary public business transacted.

In 1683 Penn undertook a journey of discovery into the interior; and he

has given an interesting account of the country in its wild state, in a

letter written home to the Society of Free Traders to Pennsylvania. He

held frequent conferences with the Indians, and contracted treaties of

friendship with nineteen distinct tribes. His reasons for returning to

England appear to have been twofold; partly the desire to settle a

dispute between himself and Lord Baltimore, concerning the boundary of

their provinces, but chiefly the hope of being able, by his personal

influence, to lighten the sufferings and ameliorate the treatment of the

Quakers in England. He reached England in October, 1684. Charles II.

died in February, 1685. But this was rather favourable to Penn’s credit

at court; for besides that James appears to have felt a sincere regard

for him, he required for his own church that toleration which Penn

wished to see extended to all alike. This credit at court led to the

renewal of an old and assuredly most groundless report, that Penn was at

heart a Papist—nay, that he was in priest’s orders, and a Jesuit: a

report which gave him much uneasiness, and which he took much pains in

public and in private to contradict. The same credit, and the natural

and laudable affection and gratitude towards the Stuart family which he

never dissembled, caused much trouble to him after the Revolution. He

was continually suspected of plotting to restore the exiled dynasty; was

four times arrested, and as often discharged in the total absence of all

evidence against him. During the years 1691, 1692, and part of 1693, he

remained in London, living, to avoid offence, in great seclusion: in the

latter year he was heard in his own defence before the king and council,

and informed that he need apprehend no molestation or injury.

The affairs of Pennsylvania fell into some confusion during Penn’s long

absence. Even in the peaceable sect of Quakers there were ambitious,

bustling and selfish men: and Penn was not satisfied with the conduct

either of the representative Assembly, or of those to whom he had

delegated his own powers. He changed the latter two or three times,

without effecting the restoration of harmony: and these troubles gave a

pretext for depriving him of his powers as Governor, in 1693. The real

cause was probably the suspicion entertained of his treasonable

correspondence with James II. But he was reinstated in August, 1694, by

a royal order, in which it was complimentarily expressed that the

disorders complained of were produced entirely by his absence. Anxious

as he was to return, he did not find an opportunity till 1699: the

interval was chiefly employed in religious travel through England and

Ireland, and in the labour of controversial writing, from which he

seldom had a long respite. His course as a philanthropist on his return

to America is honourably marked by an endeavour to ameliorate the

condition of Negro slaves. The society of Quakers in Pennsylvania had

already come to a resolution, that the buying, selling, and holding men

in slavery was inconsistent with the tenets of the Christian religion:

and following up this honourable declaration, Penn had no difficulty in

obtaining for them free admission into the regular meetings for

religious worship, and in procuring that other meetings should be holden

for their particular benefit. The Quakers therefore merit our respect as

the earliest, as well as some of the most zealous emancipators. Mr.

Clarkson says, “When Penn procured the insertion of this resolution in

the Monthly Meeting book of Philadelphia, he sealed as assuredly and

effectually the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and the Emancipation of

the Negroes within his own province, as, when he procured the insertion

of the minute relating to the Indians in the same book, he sealed the

civilization of the latter; for, from the time the subject became

incorporated into the discipline of the Quakers, they never lost sight

of it. Several of them began to refuse to purchase Negroes at all; and

others to emancipate those which they had in their possession, and this

of their own accord, and purely from the motives of religion; till at

length it became a law of the society that no member could be concerned,

directly or indirectly, either in buying and selling, or in holding them

in bondage; and this law was carried so completely into effect, that in

the year 1780, dispersed as the society was over a vast tract of

country, there was not a single Negro as a slave in the possession of an

acknowledged Quaker. This example, soon after it had begun, was followed

by others of other religious denominations.”

In labouring to secure kind treatment, to raise the character, and to

promote the welfare of the Indians, Penn was active and constant, during

this visit to America, as before. The legislative measures which took

place while he remained, and the bickerings between the Assembly and

himself, we pass over, as belonging rather to a history of Pennsylvania,

than to the biography of its founder. For the same reason we omit the

charges preferred against him by Dr. Franklin. The union in one person

of the rights belonging both to a governor and a proprietor, no doubt is

open to objection; but this cannot be urged as a fault upon Penn: and we

believe that it would be difficult to name any person who has used power

and privilege with more disinterested views. That he was indifferent to

his powers, or his emoluments, is not to be supposed, and ought not to

have been expected. He spent large sums, he bestowed much pains upon the

colony: and he felt and stated it to be a great grievance, that, whereas

a provision was voted to the royal governor during the period of his own

suspension, not so much as a table was kept for himself, and that

instead of contributing towards his expenses, even the trivial

quit-rents which he had reserved remained unpaid: nay, it was sought by

the Assembly, against all justice, to divert them from him, towards the

support of the government. It is to be recollected that Franklin wrote

for a political object, to overthrow the privileges which Penn’s heirs

enjoyed.

The Gallery of Portraits: with Memoirs. Volume 7 (of 7) · 第 4 / 20 段