CHAPTER XVI

_Paris under the Regency and Louis XV.--The brooding Storm_

Under the regency of the profligate Philip of Orleans, a profounder

depth was sounded. The vices of Louis' court were at least veiled by a

certain regal dignity, and the Grand Monarque was always keenly

sensitive, and at times nobly responsive, to any attack upon the

honour of France; but under the regent, libertinage and indifference

to national honour were flagrant and shameless. The Abbe Dubois, a

minister worthy of his prince, was, says St. Simon, "a mean-looking,

thin little man, with the face of a ferret, in whom every vice fought

for mastery." This creature profaned the seat of Richelieu and

Colbert, and rose to fill a cardinal's chair. The revenues of seven

abbeys fed his pride and luxury, and his annual income was estimated

at 1,534,000 livres, including his bribe from the English Government.

Visitors to Venice whose curiosity may have led them into the church

of S. Moise, will remember to have seen there a monument to a famous

Scotchman--John Law. This is the last home of an outlaw, a gambler,

and an adventurer, who, by his amazing skill and effrontery, plunged

the regency into a vortex of speculation, and for a time controlled

the finances of France. He persuaded the regent that by a liberal

issue of paper money he might wipe out the accumulated national

deficit of 100,000,000 livres, revive trade and industry, and

inaugurate a financial millennium. In 1718 Law's Bank at Paris after

a short and brilliant career as a private venture, was converted into

the Banque Royale, and by the artful flotation of a gigantic trading

speculation called the Mississippi Company, the bank-notes and company

shares were so manipulated that the latter were inflated to twenty

times their nominal value. The whole city seethed in a ferment of

speculation. The offices of the Bank in the Rue Quincampoix were daily

besieged by a motley crowd of princes, nobles, fine ladies,

courtesans, generals, prelates, priests, bourgeois and servants. A

hunchback made a fortune by lending his back as a desk; lacqueys

became masters in a day, and a _parvenu_ foot-man, by force of habit,

jumped up behind his own carriage in a fit of abstraction. The

inevitable catastrophe came at the end of 1719. The Prince of Conti

was observed taking away three cartloads of silver in exchange for his

paper; a panic ensued, every holder sought to realise, and the

colossal fabric came down with a crash, involving thousands of

families in ruin and despair. Law, after bravely trying to save the

situation and narrowly escaping being torn in pieces, fled to poverty

and death at Venice, and the financial state of France was worse than

before. Law was not, however, absolutely a quack; there was a seed of

good in his famous system of mobilising credit, and the temporary

stimulus it gave to trade permanently influenced mercantile practice

in Europe.

In 1723, Louis XV. reached his legal majority. The regent became chief

minister, and soon paid the penalty of his career of debauchery,

leaving as his successor the Duke of Bourbon, degenerate scion of the

great Conde and one of the chief speculators in the Mississippi

bubble. A perilous lesson had two years before been instilled into the

mind of the young Louis. After his recovery from an illness, an

immense concourse of people had assembled at a _fete_ given in the

gardens of the Tuileries palace; enormous crowds filled every inch of

the Place du Carrousel and the gardens; the windows and even the roofs

of the houses were alive with people crying "_Vive le roi!_" Marshal

Villeroi led the little lad of eleven to a window, showed him the sea

of exultant faces turned towards him, and exclaimed, "Sire, all this

people is yours; all belongs to you. Show yourself to them, and

satisfy them; you are the master of all."

The Infanta of Spain, at four years of age, had been betrothed to the

young king, and in 1723 was sent to Paris to be educated for her

exalted future. She was lodged in the Petite Galerie of the Louvre,

over the garden still known as the Garden of the Infanta,[151] and

after three years of exile the homesick little maid was returned to

Madrid; for Louis' weak health made it imperative that a speedy

marriage should be contracted if the succession to the throne were to

be assured. The choice finally fell on the daughter of Stanislaus

Leczynski, a deposed king of Poland and a pensioner of France.

Voltaire relates that the poor discrowned queen was sitting with her

daughter Marie in their little room at Wissembourg when the father,

bursting in, fell on his knees, crying, "Let us thank God, my child!"

"Are you then recalled to Poland?" asked Marie. "Nay, daughter, far

better," answered Stanislaus, "you are the queen of France." A

magnificent wedding at Fontainebleau exalted gentle, pious Marie from

poverty to the richest queendom in Europe; to a life of cruel neglect

and almost intolerable insult.

[Footnote 151: It extended as far as the entrance to the quadrangle

opposite the Pont des Arts. Blondel's drawings show a double line of

trees, north and south, enclosing a Renaissance garden of elaborate

design: a charming _bosquet_, or wood, filled the eastern extremity.]

The immoral Duke of Bourbon was followed by Cardinal Fleury, and at

length France experienced a period of honest administration, which

enabled the sorely-tried land to recover some of its wonted

elasticity. The Cardinal was, however, dominated by the Jesuits, and

both Protestants and Jansenists felt their cruel hand. During the

persecution of the Jansenists in 1782 a deacon, named Paris, died and

was canonised by the popular voice. Miracles were said to have been

wrought at his sepulchre in the cemetery of St. Medard; fanatics flung

themselves down on the tomb and writhed in horrible convulsions. So

great was the excitement and disorder that the Archbishop of Paris

denounced the miracles as the work of Satan, and the Government

ordered the cemetery to be closed. The next morning a profane

inscription was found over the entrance to the cemetery:--

"_De par le roi defense a Dieu

De faire miracle en ce lieu._"[152]

[Footnote 152: "By order of the king, God is forbidden to work

miracles in this place."]

Before Louis sank irrevocably into the slothful indulgence that

stained his later years, he was stirred to essay a kingly _role_ by

Madame de Chateauroux, the youngest of four sisters who had

successively been his mistresses. She fired his indolent imagination

by appeals to the memory of his glorious ancestors, and the war of the

Austrian succession being in progress, Louis set forth with the army

of the great Marshal Saxe for Metz, where in August 1744 he was

stricken down by a violent fever, and in an access of piety was

induced to promise to dismiss his mistress and return to his abused

queen. As he lay on the brink of death, given up by his physicians

and prepared for the end by the administration of the last sacraments,

a royal phrase admirably adapted to capture the imagination of a

gallant people came from his lips. "Remember," he said to Marshal

Noailles, "remember that when Louis XIII. was being carried to the

grave, the Prince of Conde won a battle for France." The agitation of

the Parisians as the king hovered between life and death was

indescribable. The churches were thronged with sobbing people praying

for his recovery; when the courtiers came with news that he was out of

danger they were borne shoulder high in triumph through the streets,

and fervent thanksgiving followed in all the churches. People hailed

him as Louis le Bien-Aime; even the callous heart of the king was

pierced by their loyalty and he cried, "What have I done to deserve

such love?" So easy was it to win the affection of this warm-hearted

people.

The brilliant victories of Marshal Saxe, and the consequent Peace of

Aix-la-Chapelle, brought some years of prosperity. Wealth increased;

Paris became more than ever a centre of intellectual splendour and

social refinement, where the arts administered to luxurious ease and

to the fair frailties of passion. But it was a period of riotous pride

and regal licentiousness unparalleled even in the history of France.

Louis XIV. at least exacted good breeding and wit in his mistresses:

his descendant enslaved himself to the commonest and most abandoned of

women. For twenty years the destinies of the people, and the whole

patronage of the Government, the right to succeed to the most sacred

and exalted offices in the Church, were bartered and intrigued for in

the chamber of a harlot and procuress, and under the influence of the

Pompadours and the Du Barrys a crowned _roue_ allowed the state to

drift into financial, military and civil[153] disaster.

[Footnote 153: In 1753 between 20th January and 20th February two

hundred persons died of want (_misere_) in the Faubourg St. Antoine.]

"Authentic proofs exist," says Taine, "demonstrating that Madame de

Pompadour cost Louis XV. a sum equal to about seventy-two millions of

present value (L2,880,000)." She would examine the plans of campaign

of her marshals in her boudoir, and mark with patches (_mouches_) the

places to be defended or attacked. Such was the mad extravagance of

the court that to raise money recourse was had to taxation of the

clergy, which the prelates successfully resisted; the old quarrel with

the Jansenists was revived, and soon Church and Crown were convulsed

by an agitation that shook society to its very base. During the

popular ferment the king was attacked in 1757 by a crack-brained

fanatic named Damiens, who scratched him with a penknife as he was

entering his coach at Versailles. The poor crazy wretch, who at most

deserved detention in an asylum, was first subjected to a cruel

judicial torture, then taken to the Place de Greve, where he was

lacerated with red-hot pincers and, after boiling lead had been poured

into the wounds, his quivering body was torn to pieces by four horses,

and the fragments burned to ashes.

A few years later the long-suffering Jansenists were avenged with

startling severity. The Jesuits, to their honour be it said, shocked

by the infamies of the royal seraglio in the Parc aux Cerfs, made use

of their ascendency at Court to awaken in the king's mind some sense

of decency: they did but add the bitter animosity of Madame de

Pompadour to the existing hostility of the Parlement of Paris. Louis,

urged by his minister the Duke of Choiseul, and by the arts of his

mistress, abandoned the Jesuits to their enemies: the Parlement

suppressed the Society, secularised its members and confiscated its

property.

The closing years of the Well-Beloved's reign were years of

unmitigated ignominy and disaster. Indian conquests were muddled away,

and the gallant Dupleix died broken-hearted and in misery at Paris.

Canada was lost. During the Seven Years' War the incapacity and

administrative corruption of Madame de Pompadour's favourites made

them the laughing-stock of Paris. In 1770 the Duke of Choiseul refused

to tolerate the vile Du Barry, whom we may see in Madame Campan's

Memoirs sitting on the arm of Louis' chair at a council of state,

playing her monkey tricks to amuse the old sultan, snatching sealed

orders from his hand and making the royal dotard chase her round the

council chamber. She swore to ruin the duke and, aided by a cabal of

Jesuit sympathisers and noble intriguers, succeeded in compassing his

dismissal. The Parlement of Paris paid for its temerity: it and the

whole of the parlements in France were suppressed, and seven hundred

magistrates exiled by _lettres de cachet_. Every patriotic Frenchman

now felt the gathering storm. Madame Campan writes that twenty years

before the crash came it was common talk in her father's house (he was

employed in the Foreign Office) that the old monarchy was rapidly

sinking and a great change at hand. Indeed, the writing on the wall

was not difficult to read. The learned and virtuous Malesherbes and

many another distinguished member of the suppressed parlements warned

the king of the dangers menacing the crown, but so sunk was its wearer

in sensual stupefaction that he only murmured: "Well, it will last my

time," and with his flatterers and strumpets uttered the famous

words--"_Apres nous le deluge_." So lost to all sense of honour was

Louis, that he defiled his hands with bribes from tax-farmers who

ground the faces of the poor, and became a large shareholder in an

infamous syndicate of capitalists that bought up the corn of France in

order to export and then import it at enormous profit. This abominable

_Pacte de Famine_ created two artificial famines in France; its

authors battened on the misery of the people, and for any who lifted

their voices against it the Bastille yawned.

In 1768 the poor abused and neglected queen, Marie Leczinska died. The

court sank from bad to worse: void now of all dignity, all gaiety, all

wit and all elegance, it drifted to its doom. Six years passed, when

Louis was smitten by confluent small-pox and a few poor women were

left to perform the last offices on the mass of pestiferous corruption

that once was the fifteenth Louis of France.[154] None could be found

to embalm the corpse, and spirits of wine were poured into the coffin

which was carried to St. Denis without pomp and amid the

half-suppressed curses of the people. Before the breath had left the

body, a noise as of thunder was heard approaching the chamber of the

Dauphin and Marie Antoinette: it was the sound of the courtiers

hastening to grovel before the new king and queen. Warned that they

had now inherited the awful legacy of the French monarchy, they flung

themselves in tears on their knees, and exclaimed--"O God, guide and

protect us! We are too young to govern."

[Footnote 154: Some conception of the insanitary condition of the

court may be formed by the fact that fifty persons were struck down

there by this loathsome disease during the king's illness.]

The degradation of the monarchy during the reign is reflected in the

condition of the Louvre. Henry IV.'s great scheme, which Louis XIII.

had inherited and furthered, included a colossal equestrian statue,

which was to stand on a rocky pedestal in the centre of a new Place,

before the east front of the Louvre, but the regency revoked the

scheme, and for thirty years nothing was done. It had even been

proposed under the ministry of Cardinal Fleury to pull the whole

structure down and sell the site. The neglect of the palace during

these years is almost incredible. Perrault's fine facade was hidden by

the half-demolished walls of the Hotels de Longueville, de Villequier,

and de Bourbon. The east wing itself was unroofed on the quadrangle

side and covered with rotting boarding. Perrault's columns on the

outer facade were unchannelled, the capitals unfinished, the portal

unsculptured, and the post-office stabled its horses along the whole

of the wing from the middle entrance to the north angle. The royal

apartments of Anne of Austria in the Petite Galerie were used as

stables; so, too, were the halls where now is housed the collection of

Renaissance sculpture. The Infanta's garden was a yard where grooms

exercised their horses; a colony of poor artists and court attendants

were lodged in the upper floors, and over most of the great halls

entresols were constructed to increase this kind of accommodation. The

building was described as a huge caravanserai, where each one lodged

and worked as he chose, and over which might have been placed the

legend, "_Ici on loge a pied et a cheval_." Worse still, an army of

squatters, ne'er-do-wells, bankrupts and defaulting debtors took

refuge in the wooden sheds left by the contractors, or built others--a

miserable gangrene of hovels--against the east facade. Perrault's base

had been concealed by rubbish and apparently forgotten. Stove-pipes

issued from the broken windows of the upper floors, the beautiful

stone-work was blackened by smoke, cracked by frost and soiled by

rusting iron clamps; the quadrangle was a chaos of uncut stone,

rubbish and filth, in the centre of which, where the king's statue was

designed to stand, the royal architect had built himself a large

mansion; a mass of mean houses encumbered the Carrousel, and the

almost ruined church of St. Nicholas was a haunt of beggars. Such a

grievous eyesore was the building that the provost in 1751 offered, in

the name of the citizens, to repair and complete the palace if a part

were assigned to them as an Hotel de Ville. In 1754 Madame de

Pompadour's brother, M. de Marigny, had been appointed Commissioner of

Works, and Louis was persuaded to authorise the repair and completion

of the Louvre. Gabriel being made architect set about his work in 1758

by clearing out the squatters and the accumulated rubbish in the

quadrangle, and evicting the occupants of the stables. The ruins of

the Hotels de Longueville, de Villequier, and de Bourbon were

demolished and grass plots laid before Perrault's east front, which

was restored and for the first time made visible. The west front,

giving on the quadrangle, was then repaired and the third floor nearly

completed, when funds were exhausted and it was left unroofed. An

epigram, put into the mouth of the king of Denmark, who visited Paris

in 1768, tersely describes the condition of the palace at this time:--

"J'ai vu le Louvre et son enceinte immense,

Vaste palais qui depuis deux cent ans,

Toujours s'acheve et toujours se commence.

Deux ouvriers, manoeuvres faineants,

Hatent tres lentement ces riches batiments

Et sont payes quand on y pense."[155]

[Footnote 155: "I have seen the Louvre and its huge enclosure, a vast

palace which for two hundred years is always being finished and always

begun. Two workmen, lazy hodmen, speed very slowly those rich

buildings, and are paid when they are thought of."]

During Louis XVI.'s reign little or nothing was done. Soufflot was

making feeble efforts to complete Perrault's north front when the

Revolution came to arrest his work. So lost to reverence and devoid of

artistic sentiment were the official architects of this period, that a

sacrilege worse than any wrought by revolutionists was perpetrated at

the instance of the canons of Notre Dame. Louis XIV. had begun the

vandalism by demolishing the beautiful old Gothic high altar and

replacing it by a huge, ponderous anachronism in marble, on whose

foundation stone, laid in 1699, was placed an inscription to the

effect that Louis the Great, son of Louis the Just, having subdued

heresy, established the true religion in his realm and ended wars

gloriously by land and sea, built the altar to fulfil the vow of his

father, and dedicated it to the God of Arms and Master of Peace and

Victory under the invocation of the Holy Virgin, patroness and

protector of his States. The beautiful fifteenth-century stalls, the

choir screen, and many of the fine old Gothic tombs of marble and

bronze in the church, the monuments of six centuries, were destroyed.

But to the reign of Louis the Well-Beloved was reserved the crowning

infamy: in 1741 the glorious old stained-glass windows, rivalling

those of Chartres in richness, were destroyed by Levreil and replaced

by grisaille with yellow fleur-de-lys ornamentation. Happily the

destruction of the rose windows was deemed too expensive, and they

escaped. The famous colossal statue of St. Christopher, the equestrian

monument of Philip le Bel, and a popular statue of the Virgin, were

broken down by these clerical iconoclasts. In 1771 the canons

instructed Soufflot to throw down the pillar of the central porch,

with its beautiful statue of Christ, to make room for their

processions to enter. The priceless sculpture of the tympanum was cut

through to make a loftier and wider entrance, and the whole symmetry

of the west front was grievously destroyed.[156] This hideous

architectural deformity remained until a son of the Revolution,

Viollet le Duc, restored the portal to its original form. After the

havoc wrought at Notre Dame, Soufflot's energies were diverted to the

holy mount of St. Genevieve. Louis XV. had attributed his recovery at

Metz to the intercession of the saint, and in 1754, when the abbot

complained to the king of the almost ruined condition of the abbey

church, he found a sympathetic listener. Soufflot and the chapter, who

shared the prevalent contempt of Gothic, decided to abandon the

venerable old pile, with its millennial associations of the patron

saint of Paris, and to build a grand domed classic temple on the abbey

lands to the west. Funds for the sacred work were raised by levying a

tax on public lotteries. The old church, with the exception of the

tower, was finally demolished in 1802, when the rude stone coffin

which had held the body of St. Genevieve until it was burnt by

revolutionary fanatics, was transferred to St. Etienne du Mont.

[Footnote 156: The aspect of the west front with Soufflot's

"improvements" is well seen in _Les Principaux Monuments Gothiques de

l'Europe_, published in Brussels, 1843.]

[Illustration: SOUTH DOOR OF NOTRE DAME.]

On 6th September 1764, the crypt of the new St. Genevieve being

completed, the Well-Beloved laid the first stone of the church.

Scarcely was the scaffolding removed after thirteen years of

constructive labour, and the expenditure of sixteen millions of

livres, when it became necessary to call in Soufflot's pupil Rondelet,

to shore up the walls and strengthen the columns which had proved too

weak to sustain the weight of the huge cupola. But before the temple

was consecrated, the Revolutionists came, and noting its monumental

aspect used it with admirable fitness as a Pantheon Francais for the

remains of their heroes; the dome designed to cover the relics of St.

Genevieve soared over the ashes of Voltaire, Mirabeau, Rousseau and

Marat. Thrice has this unlucky fane been the prize of Catholic and

Revolutionary reactionaries. In 1806 Napoleon I. restored it to

Christian worship; in 1822 the famous inscription--"_Aux grands Hommes

la Patrie reconnaissante_" was removed by Louis XVIII., and replaced by

a dedication to God and St. Genevieve; in 1830 Louis Philippe, the

citizen king, transferred it to secular and monumental uses, and

restored the former inscription; in 1851 the perjured Prince-President

Napoleon, while the streets of Paris were yet red with the blood of

his victims, again surrendered it to the Catholic Church; in 1885 it

was reconverted to a national Walhalla for the reception of Victor

Hugo's remains.

The pseudo-classic church of St. Sulpice, begun in 1665 and not

completed until 1777, is a monument of the degraded taste of this

unhappy time. At least three architects, Gamart, Levau and the Italian

Servandoni, are responsible for this monstrous pile, whose towers have

been aptly compared by Victor Hugo to two huge clarionets. The

building has, however, a certain _puissante laideur_, as Michelet said

of Danton, and is imposing from its very mass, but it is dull and

heavy and devoid of all charm and imagination. Nothing exemplifies

more strikingly the mutation of taste that has taken place since the

eighteenth century than the fact that this church is the only one

mentioned by Gibbon in the portion of his autobiography which refers

to his first visit to Paris, where it is distinguished as "one of the

noblest structures in Paris."

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