de la Clite, and George Halluin, we owe to the kindness of Monsieur
Leuridan, Archiviste of Roubaix. The accounts hitherto published
contain manifest errors. For instance, Dupont represents Jeanne de
Wazières as Dame de Comines et de Halewin, and when the property comes
to Jeanne de la Clite she is only Dame de Comines, and as such marries
the Seigneur of Halewin (Halluin). Monsieur Leuridan’s account of the
Seigneurs of Comines will appear shortly in the fourteenth volume of
the _Bulletin de la Commission historique du Nord_, under the title of
_Recherches sur les Sires de Comines_.
[37] De Barante, _Histoire des Ducs de Bourgogne_, xi. 196.
[38] Philippe de Comines, book vi. chap. 2.
[39] Molinet, chap. lix.
[40] The Halluins formed a numerous and powerful family, of which
the Seigneur of Halluin was the head. At the battle of Gavre, 1453,
Jean Halluin, husband of Jeanne de la Clite, is said to have brought
forty-four knights on to the field, every one of the blood and every
one of the name of Halluin. Le Glay, _Catalogue descriptif des
manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Lille_, preface, xviii.
[41] Jeanne de la Clite had been created Vicomtesse de Nieuport.
[42] George Halluin was sent on one occasion as Ambassador
extraordinary to Henry VIII. of England. Like Veltwick (see p. 54) he
was, it would appear, the joint envoy of the brothers Charles V. and
Ferdinand. Foppens, in his _Bibliotheca Belgica_, says he was sent
by the Emperor. With this statement compare the following extract of
a letter from Lord Berners to Wolsey dated Calais, June 29, 1524.
‘On this Wednesday, the 29th, there came to Calais, Mons. de Halwyn
from the Archduke of Ostrych (Ferdinand) with 20 horse.’ Halluin asks
Berners to inform the Cardinal of his arrival, and intends crossing as
soon as he can obtain a safe conduct. See Brewer’s _Letters and Papers
of the Reign of Henry VIII._, vol. iv. part 1, p. 191.
[43] Published at Strasburg, 1512.
[44] The following inscription was placed over the tomb of Despauteres
in the church of Comines:—
Epitaphium doctissimi viri JOHANNIS DESPAUTERII,
quondam hujus oppidi ludi-magister.
Hic jacet unoculus visu præstantior Argo,
Flandrica quem Ninove protulit et caruit.
Obiit 1520. Requiescat in pace.
The following is a free translation of his epitaph somewhat amplified.
Underneath this stone doth lie
The famous master of one eye,
That eye it served him for a hundred,
To catch his scholars when they blundered.
His birthplace is at Ninove seen,
His fame and glory in Comines.
[45] The famous Ἐγκώμιον Μωρίας, dedicated to Sir Thomas More. George
Halluin published a French translation of the work.
[46] This visit to Erasmus at Louvain is mentioned in Strauss’s _Life
of Ulrich von Hutten_, English translation, p. 215.
[47] These notes are still preserved in the library of the cathedral at
Arras.
[48] See Monsieur Dalle, _Histoire de Bousbecque_, chap. vi.
[49] See page 141.
[50] The object of this statement is to show that Daniel de Croix had
no intention of attacking Desrumaulx. The account is evidently drawn
up so as to represent the young Seigneur’s case in the most favourable
light possible.
[51] De Lickerke, after the capture of Courtrai (see page 17), slew
the Seigneur of Heulle, who had seized the castle while the former was
engaged in superintending an execution. Jean Molinet is greatly moved
at the thought of his dying before he could be confessed. ‘Lui féru
d’une espée trois cops en la teste, tellement qu’il morut illec sans
confession, qui fut chose piteuse et lamentable.’—Molinet, chap. clxiii.
[52] This was not the first time that a Ghiselin of Bousbecque had
ventured to differ with his Count. See page 25.
[53] A copy of the deed is given in the Appendix.
[54] The monuments in Bousbecque Church show that after Busbecq’s
death the Hespiels were in fairly good circumstances; one of them
was burgomaster of the village. From this Monsieur Dalle concludes
that Busbecq was not forgetful of his mother’s family.—_Histoire de
Bousbecque_, chap. xxvii.
[55] See Motley’s _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, i. 6.
[56] ‘Guere loing de Messine sur la Lisse est le village de Commines,
avec un bon chasteau, ou y ha une tres-belle et tres-noble librairie,
rassemblee par George, Seigneur de Hallewin et de Commines,
gentilhomme tres-docte, lequel entre ses autres œuvres plus dignes
et louables entretenoit et carressoit continuellement gens doctes et
vertueux.’—L. Guicciardini, _Description de tout le Païs bas_, page 311.
[57] An attempt is here made to give the views of Erasmus as they would
present themselves to such a mind as George Halluin’s. The ideas are
in a great measure adopted from Nisard’s _Renaissance et Réforme_,
to which a little local colouring has been added, and are offered as
an explanation of Busbecq’s neutrality with regard to the religious
differences, which sent his countrymen into opposite camps.
[58] ‘Le moine est inquiet, furieux, au milieu de cette universelle
renaissance des lettres et des arts; il baisse sa lourde paupière
devant la lumière de l’antiquité resuscitée, comme un oiseau de
nuit devant le jour.’—Nisard, _Renaissance et Réforme_, i. 55. ‘Le
génie de l’antiquité chassant devant lui les épaisses ténèbres de
l’ignorance.’—_Renaissance et Réforme_, i. 66.
[59] ‘Mais ce qui rendit surtout Érasme odieux aux moines ce fut son
rôle littéraire, si brillant et si actif. Chose singulière, il excita
peut-être plus de haines par ses paisibles travaux sur l’antiquité
profane, que par ses critiques des mœurs et des institutions monacales,
ses railleries contre l’étalage du culte extérieur, ses insinuations
semi-hérétiques contre quelques dogmes consacrés même par les chrétiens
d’une foi éclairée. A quoi cela tient-il? Est-ce que la science fait
plus peur à l’ignorance que le doute à la foi? Est-ce que la foi des
moines, extérieure, disciplinaire, pour ainsi dire, mais nullement
profonde, était plus tolérante que leur ignorance? Enfin, y avait-il
moins de péril pour eux dans le tumulte des dissensions religieuses,
que dans l’éclatante lumière répandue par les lettres sur le monde
moderne, rentré dans la grande voie de la tradition?’—_Renaissance et
Réforme_, i. 63-4.
[60] Erasmus was by nature extremely timid, ‘animo pusillo,’ as he
describes himself to Colet (Ep. xli.). When writing to George Halluin
he seems delighted at his having translated the Ἐγκώμιον Μωρίας, but
he was by no means willing to stand the odium which arose on the
publication of his satire in French. He shifts the responsibility
entirely on to his friend. No doubt he thought that the shoulders of
the Seigneur of Comines were broader than his own. (See Ep. cclxxxiv.
to Abbot Antony de Berges.) ‘Post hæec accepi a nonnullis, quod me
vehementer commovit, te mihi nescio quid subirasci, opinor ob Moriam,
quam vir clarissimus Georgius Haloinus, me dehortante ac deterrente,
fecit Gallicam, hoc est, ex meâ suam fecit, additis detractis et
mutatis quæ voluit.’ December 13, 1517.
[61] See Appendix. _Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq._ The
Patent is dated November 24, 1540. It is interesting to know that
just before that date Charles had been making a progress throughout
the neighbourhood of Bousbecque. He was at Ghent November 1, at
Oudenarde on the 2nd, at Courtrai on the 3rd, at Tournai on the 5th,
at Lille on the 7th, and at Ypres on the 9th. (_Journal des Voyages de
Charles Quint._ Par J. de Vandenesse.) Probably Ogier’s father took
advantage of the opportunity to procure from the Emperor the grant of
Legitimation.
[62] One of the most remarkable applications of this theory is with
regard to the military art. Busbecq wrote a treatise on the _Art
of Warfare against the Turks_. In it he constantly quotes as his
authorities the great captains of Greece and Rome; some may smile on
reading his work, and imagine that the tactics of Cæsar and Alexander
are out of place in the days of gunpowder and cannon balls, but the
following passage will show how one of his countrymen successfully
followed out the principle, which he may possibly have taken in the
first instance from Busbecq’s work. ‘Lewis William of Nassau had
felt that the old military art was dying out, and that there was
nothing to take its place. He had revived in the swamps of Friesland
the old manœuvres, the quickness of wheeling, the strengthening,
without breaking the ranks or columns, by which the ancient Romans had
performed so much excellent work in their day, and which seemed to have
passed entirely into oblivion. Old colonels and ritt-masters, who had
never heard of Leo the Thracian or the Macedonian phalanx, smiled and
shrugged their shoulders ... but there came a day when they did not
laugh, neither friends nor enemies.’—Motley, _United Netherlands_, iii.
4; see also _United Netherlands_, iv. 34.
[63] His contemporary, L. Guicciardini, says of him in his book,
published 1567, ‘Il est homme sage et prudent: a cause dequoy il ha
este envoyé plusieurs fois ambassadeur par les Princes en divers
endroicts, pour tres-grans affaires et mesmes par l’Empereur Fernand,
a Soliman Empereur des Turcs, ou il traicta, par l’espace de huict
ans continuels les affaires de la Chrestienté, avec telle _fidelité
et loyauté_ que outre le gré qu’il acquit empres de son Seigneur, fut
surnommé par les Turcs mesmes, _Homme de bien_.’—_Description de tout
le Païs bas_, p. 311.
[64] On his way to Constantinople some of his escort complained of his
servants not paying proper respect to paper—an unpardonable offence in
the eyes of a Turk. Another might have argued the question, but Busbecq
thoroughly appreciated the men he was dealing with. He tacitly admitted
the heinousness of the offence; ‘but,’ added he, ‘what can you expect
of fellows who eat pork?’ This argument was in their eyes unanswerable.
[65] Roostem once sent a fine melon to Busbecq, telling him that
there was plenty of such fruit at Belgrade; the melon was supposed to
represent a cannon-ball, and the message was tantamount to a threat of
war. Busbecq thanked him warmly for his present, and at the same time
took the opportunity of observing that the Belgrade melons were very
small compared to those produced at Vienna!
[66] Don Pedro Lasso de Castilla was grandson of Don Pedro de Castilla,
who claimed to be descended from an illegitimate son of Pedro the
Cruel, King of Castile. The grandfather married Catalina Lasso, and was
living at Madrid in 1494. His son, Don Pedro Lasso de Castilla, married
a lady of the noble family of Haro, and three of their children were in
the service of Ferdinand and his son. Francisco was Mayor-domo Mayor of
Maria the wife of the Emperor Maximilian, and accompanied his daughter,
Anne of Austria, to Spain in 1570. Diego was at one time Ferdinand’s
ambassador at Rome, while Pedro served Ferdinand from his childhood,
and accompanied him to Germany, when he left Spain after the death of
his grandfather Ferdinand. He became his Master of Horse, and governor
to his son Maximilian, in whose household he subsequently held the post
of Mayor-domo Mayor. He was created a Knight of the Order of Santiago,
at Brussels, by a Patent dated March 26, 1549. (See Quintana, _Historia
de Madrid_.) This account has been given at greater length because it
has been frequently stated that Busbecq’s chief was Pierre Lasso, a
native of Lille; we can find no trace of any such person.
On the other hand, Ferdinand’s ambassador is frequently spoken of in
the _Calendar of State Papers of the reign of Mary_ (vol. ii. pp. 78,
90, 94, &c.), as Don Pedro Lasso de Castella (Castilla). See also
_Viage de Felipe Segundo á Inglaterra_ by Muñoz. This rare work,
written by a contemporary, was republished at Madrid 1877, under the
supervision of Don Pascual de Gayangos, to whose kindness we are
indebted for the reference.
[67] See _Calendar of State Papers of the reign of Mary_, vol. ii. p.
90.
[68] See page 75.
[69] This letter is dated Dover, October 6, 1554. See _Calendar of
State Papers of the reign of Mary_, vol. ii. p. 125.
[70] See Appendix. _Sketch of Hungarian History_; see also
_Itineraries_.
[71] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_.
[72] Compare the pardon of Jean Dael in the Appendix with the story of
the Greek steward and the snails, page 122.
[73] L. Guicciardini says of the Netherlanders, ‘La pluspart des gens
ont quelque commencement de Grammaire, et presque tous, voire jusques
au villageois, sçavent lire et escrire.’—_Description de tout le Païs
bas_, p. 34.
[74] Quacquelben means fowler, or bird trapper; the name is still
common at Courtrai.
[75] We take this opportunity of explaining how it comes to pass,
that in this Life of Busbecq, in which so much space is assigned to
an account of his relations, so small a portion comparatively is
devoted to the man himself. Busbecq’s letters are to a great extent an
_autobiography_. It would be impossible to anticipate their contents
without robbing them of their freshness.
[76] See Appendix _Itineraries_.
[77] He was Ambassador for the two Queens, _i.e._, Mary Queen of
Hungary and Leonora Queen of Portugal and France, sisters of Charles
V. and Ferdinand, who after their widowhood lived together in the
Netherlands till the abdication of Charles V., when they accompanied
their brother to Spain.
[78] _Ecuyer (escuier) trenchant._ The first of these words supplies
the derivations for two English titles (1) squire, (2) sewer; the first
being the equivalent of _écuyer_, and the second of _écuyer trenchant_.
The office of sewer (_écuyer trenchant_) is alluded to by Milton,
_Paradise Lost_, ix., where the poet speaks of
_Marshall’d_ feast
Served up in hall by _sewers_ and _seneschals_.
‘Here,’ says Todd in his note, ‘is an allusion to the magnificence of
elder days; the _marshal of the hall_, the _sewer_ and the _seneschal_
having been officers of distinction in the houses of princes and great
men. From Minshew’s _Guide into Tongues_ it appears that the marshal
placed the guests according to their rank, and saw they were properly
arranged, the sewer marched in before the meats and arranged them
on the table, and the seneschal was the household steward, a name
of frequent occurrence in old law books, and so in French “le grand
Seneschal de France,” synonymous with our “Lord High Steward of the
King’s household.”’ Busbecq himself held the offices of sewer and
seneschal. See Appendix, _Sauvegarde &c._, where Parma gives him the
title of ‘Grand maistre d’hostel de la Royne Isabelle.’
[79] See page 9.
[80] See Lipsius’ Letters, _Centuria_ i. 5: ‘Prandium mihi hodie apud
_heroem_ nostrum (non enim virum dixerim) Busbequium. Post prandium
longiusculæ etiam fabulæ; sed _de litteris ut apud eum solet_.’ Vienna,
June 13, 1572. It was at Vienna that Lipsius first made Busbecq’s
acquaintance (Lipsius, _Cent._ iii. 87); they afterwards corresponded
with each other (_Cent._ i. 17, 18, 34, 63). Lipsius felt his death
deeply, and wrote of him in the strongest terms of affection and
regret. (_Cent._ ii. _ad Belgas_, 78). The following inscription is
from his hand:—
IN AUGERII GISLENI BUSBEQUII TRISTEM MORTEM ET SITUM.
Augerius istic est situs Busbequius.
Quis ille? Quem virtutis et prudentiæ,
Habuêre carum, gratiâ, ipsi Cæsares.
Hunc aula eorum vidit, aula et extera
Asiæ Tyranni. Quæ viri felicitas!
Probavit hæc et illa: in omni tempore,
In munere omni, Nestorem se præbuit
Linguâ atque mente. Jam quies eum sibi
Et patria hæc spondebat; ecce sustulit
Viam per ipsam miles incertum an latro.
Sed sustulit, simulque sidus Belgicæ,
Quod nunc choreas fulget inter astricas.
Justus Lipsius magno amico exiguum
monumentum P.
[81] Busbecq’s letters to Maximilian appear to have altogether escaped
the notice of historians and biographers. They are printed only in
one rare book, Howaert’s second edition of Busbecq’s letters from
France, 1632. In the same edition are to be found five more letters to
Rodolph, written during the wars of the League. It seems impossible
to suppose that Motley knew of them, for they contain some of those
striking details which the historian of the Netherlands would certainly
have appropriated—for example, the chain shot, the musket balls joined
together with copper wire, and the fences of rope, with which Parma
prepared to encounter the cavalry of Henry of Navarre.
[82] It is impossible to regard Motley as fair in his treatment of
Matthias. The historian of the Netherlands evidently considers that
he holds a brief for William of Orange; if the great patriot fails to
act wisely and rightly, some justification must be made out! Matthias
accordingly is treated as a meddlesome interloper, for venturing
to accept the invitation of a large body of the leading men of the
Netherlands—amongst whom were some of Orange’s friends—to come amongst
them as their governor. And yet Matthias was a descendant of their last
native sovereign, Mary of Burgundy, and brother of the head of that
Empire of which the Low Countries formed part. Motley cannot call in
question his courage, his humanity, or his honourable conduct, but he
damns him with faint praise, dismissing him with these words: ‘It is
something in favour of Matthias that he had not been base, or cruel, or
treacherous.’—_Rise of the Dutch Republic_, part vi. chap. 4.
[83] See Fourth Turkish Letter.
[84] The deed by which this transfer was effected is dated December 18,
1587. It will be found in the Appendix.
[85] No doubt the garden was such as Erasmus loved. See Nisard: ‘Au
sortir de table, on va s’asseoir dans le jardin, au milieu des fleurs
étiquetées, portant des inscriptions qui indiquent leurs noms et leurs
qualités médicinales.’—_Renaissance et Réforme_, i. 60.
[86] Elizabeth of Austria having died January 22, 1592, Busbecq’s
duties as her seneschal had come to an end, but he was still acting as
Rodolph’s representative. It is probable that he took his holiday as
soon as he had wound up the affairs of his late mistress.
[87] Large sums were paid on this occasion; the accounts are still
preserved among the archives of Bousbecque.
[88] The word used by Busbecq is ‘iter,’ the best equivalent to which
in English is perhaps ‘itinerary.’ This first letter was originally
published by itself as an itinerary, under the title _Itinera
Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum_. The writing of itineraries, which
were generally in Latin Verse, was a special feature among the students
of Busbecq’s days; for an account of them, see Appendix _Itineraries_.
[89] These letters were written to Nicolas Michault. See page 58.
[90] The wedding took place at Winchester, July 25, 1554. The
ambassador was Don Pedro Lasso de Castilla, a Spaniard, who held a
high post in Ferdinand’s household. ‘Ajour d’huy (June 26, 1554) sont
arrivez en ceste ville (London) dom Pietro Lasso et dom Hernando
Gamboa, ambassadeurs de la part des roys des Romains et de Bohesme,
lesquelz ont esté saluez de l’artillerie de la Tour, ce quel’on a
trouvé fort estrange comme fabveur qui ne fust oncques faicte à aultres
ambassadeurs.’—Noailles, iii. 262. See also p. 52.
[91] The Busbecq family had a magnificent hotel at Lille; his
grandmother, Agnes Gommer, had lived there after the death of her
husband, and his aunt, Marie Ghiselin, was probably living there at
this time.
[92] Veltwick (Velduvic) went as ambassador to Constantinople A.D.
1545. An account of his embassy is given in the _Iter_ of Hugo
Favolius. See Appendix _Itineraries_.
[93] For an explanation of these transactions, see _Sketch of Hungarian
History_.
[94] Here and elsewhere Busbecq calls Ferdinand ‘Cæsar.’ He was not
Emperor till 1558, but the title of Cæsar belonged to him as King of
the Romans; so also at the end of the Fourth Turkish Letter Maximilian
is spoken of as ‘Cæsar’ on his election as King of the Romans.
[95] Busbecq’s miles are German Stunden, each equal to about 2-1/2
English miles.
[96] Busbecq’s explanation is correct. The word may possibly be a
corruption of the Latin signum. It is now applied to the district which
was formerly governed by a Sanjak-bey, i.e., Lord of the standard.
Busbecq writes the word Singiaccus, Von Hammer uses the form Sandjak,
while Creasy prefers Sanjak.
[97] See Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap. ii.: ‘The name
of Yeni Tscheri, which means “new troops,” and which European writers
have turned into Janissaries, was given to Orchan’s young corps by the
Dervish Hadji Beytarch. This Dervish was renowned for sanctity; and
Orchan, soon after he had enrolled his first band of involuntary boyish
proselytes, led them to the dwelling-place of the saint, and asked him
to give them his blessing and a name. The Dervish drew the sleeve of
his mantle over the head of one in the first rank, and then said to
the Sultan, “The troops which thou hast created shall be called Yeni
Tscheri. Their faces shall be white and shining, their right arms shall
be strong, their sabres shall be keen, and their arrows sharp. They
shall be fortunate in fight, and shall never leave the battle field
save as conquerors.” In memory of that benediction the Janissaries ever
wore as part of their uniform a cap of white felt like that of the
Dervish, with a strip of woollen hanging down behind, to represent the
sleeve of the holy man’s mantle, that had been laid on their comrade’s
neck.’ See also Gibbon, chap. lxiv.
[98] At Mohacz, A.D. 1526. See _Sketch of Hungarian History_.
[99] The Princes of Servia were styled Despots in Greek, and Cral in
their native idiom. See Gibbon, chap. lxiii. note.
[100] ‘A little below Orsova the Danube issues from the Iron Gate,
and at a village called Severin, where it expands to a width of 1,300
yards, the foundations of the piers, corresponding in number with the
statement of the historian, have been seen when the water was more than
usually low. Here, then, as is now generally agreed, stood the bridge
of Trajan’s architect, Apollodorus.’—Merivale, _History of the Romans_,
chap. lxiii.
[101] Galen, the great physician, who flourished in the second century
of our era. Busbecq’s allusion to him is quite in accordance with the
fashion of his day. See Ranke’s _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France,
Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, chap. xix. ‘Peter de la Ramée
wished to forsake in all things the path hitherto trodden, to alter the
entire system of doctors and professors in the university, and to make
the works of the ancients the immediate text-books of the different
branches of study,—the codex of the civil law in jurisprudence,
Galen and Hippocrates in medicine, and in theology the Old and New
Testaments.... Physicians arose who brought into practice once more
the deserted rules of Hippocrates; and it soon went so far, as Ambrose
Paré, the reformer of surgery, said, that people were not content with
what they found in the ancients, but began to regard their writings
as watch-towers, from which more might be discovered.’ For Busbecq’s
application of these principles see the Life.
[102] An ‘aspre’ or ‘asper’ is still the lowest coin in Turkey. At the
present rate of exchange a penny is worth nearly 100 aspres, but in
Busbecq’s time the Turkish coinage had a considerably higher value.
[103] See Ranke’s _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries_, chap. xiv. ‘As he (the Prince of Condé) had
distinguished himself by his bravery in the field, he now desired
to shine through his versatility, by taking part in the knightly
festivities of the court, in which it was the fashion to _represent the
heroic fables of the Greeks_.’ It would seem that it was the fashion in
high circles to appear on certain occasions in the dress and character
of Greek heroes and heroines.
[104] John Cantacuzenus became Emperor 1341, and abdicated 1354.
His son Matthew was associated with him. His descendants have given
many princes to Moldavia and Wallachia. The Palæologi held the
Empire 1282-1453 (see Gibbon, chap. lxii., and following chapters).
Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, when banished from his kingdom became a
schoolmaster at Corinth.