found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account of
their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been
expected from this province, as most able to furnish them; but,
through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had
not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.
[96] By chance.
"It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these
counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should
be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be
necessary to drive and take care of them.
"I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through these
counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper they
are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with many
and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more
willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair
and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately
complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you
have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very
considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedition should
continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and
twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will amount to
upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver and
gold of the king's money.
"The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march
above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as
they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare
of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the
army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a
march or in a camp.
"If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to
his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it
easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as cannot separately
spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four horses
and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another
one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay
proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your
king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms
are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The
king's business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for
your defense, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what
may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and horses must be had;
violent measures will probably be used, and you will be left to seek
for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be
little pitied or regarded.
"I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the
satisfaction of endeavouring to do good, I shall have only my labour
for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses is
not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in
fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a
body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose,
which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly
your friend and well-wisher,
"B. Franklin."
I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed
in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but that sum being
insufficient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two
weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and
fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The
advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in case any
waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did
not know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his
promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly
gave them.
While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of
Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the
subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and could
ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be
necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness, where nothing was to
be purchas'd. I commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavour
procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my
intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the
Assembly, who had the disposition of some public money, warmly
recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and
proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and
refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of
its wants, drew up a list for me, which I enclos'd in my letter. The
committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son,
the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted
of twenty parcels, each containing
6 lbs. loaf sugar.
6 lbs. good Muscovado do.
1 lb. good green tea.
1 lb. good bohea do.
6 lbs. good ground coffee.
6 lbs. chocolate.
1-2 cwt. best white biscuit.
1-2 lb. pepper.
1 quart best white wine
vinegar.
1 Gloucester cheese.
1 kegg containing 20 lbs.
good butter.
2 doz. old Madeira wine.
2 gallons Jamaica spirits.
1 bottle flour of mustard.
2 well-cur'd hams.
1-2 dozen dry'd tongues.
6 lbs. rice.
6 lbs. raisins.
These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses, each
parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer.
They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd by
letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most
grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct
in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of
disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther
assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and
was busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for
the service of my own money, upwards of one thousand pounds sterling,
of which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for me,
a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an order
on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the
remainder to the next account. I consider this payment as good luck,
having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more
hereafter.
This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a
figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much
self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of regular
troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George
Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one
hundred of those people, who might have been of great use to his army
as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he
slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him.
In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his
intended progress. "After taking Fort Duquesne,"[97] says he, "I am to
proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac,[98] if the
season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly
detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can
obstruct my march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd in my mind the
long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to
be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read
of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois
country, I had conceiv'd some doubts and some fears for the event of
the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say, "To be sure, sir, if you
arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided
with artillery, that place not yet completely fortified, and as we
hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but a short
resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march
is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are
dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near
four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be
attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into
several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to
support each other."
[97] Pittsburg.
[98] Kingston, at the eastern end of Lake Ontario.
He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages may, indeed, be
a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king's
regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make
any impression." I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing
with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more.
The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I
apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance
without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then,
when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front
had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the
woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its advanced guard by heavy
fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence
the general had of an enemy's being near him. This guard being
disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance,
which was done in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle;
and presently the fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on
horseback, were more easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and
fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle,
having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till
two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a panick,
the whole fled with precipitation.
[Illustration: "The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your
march is from ambuscades of Indians"]
The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their
example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons,
provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general,
being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr.
Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers,
sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men
killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men
from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel
Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores,
provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at
Dunbar's camp, and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd
him and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men,
and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four
hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding, and
endeavouring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the
stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might have more
horses to assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber
to remove. He was there met with requests from the governors of
Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on
the frontier, so as to afford some protection to the inhabitants; but
he continued his hasty march thro' all the country, not thinking
himself safe till he arrived at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants
could protect him. This whole transaction gave us Americans the first
suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars
had not been well founded.[99]
[99] Other accounts of this expedition and defeat may be
found in Fiske's _Washington and his Country_, or
Lodge's _George Washington_, Vol. 1.
In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the
settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally
ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining
the people if they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of
conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any. How different
was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march
thro' the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to
Virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest
complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.
Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being
grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him
to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was
totally silent all the first day, and at night only said, "_Who would
have thought it?_" That he was silent again the following day, saying
only at last, "_We shall better know how to deal with them another
time_"; and dy'd in a few minutes after.
The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions,
and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected and
translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed,
to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the
declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to
the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the
army, and recommending me to their notice. David Hume,[100] too, who was
some years after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France,
and afterward to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he
had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly
recommending me. But, the expedition having been unfortunate, my
service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those
recommendations were never of any use to me.
[100] A famous Scotch philosopher and historian
(1711-1776).
As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would
give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought
servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already
enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were accordingly
return'd to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command
devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia, on his
retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge of the
servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had
enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that head. He
promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where
he should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would there
deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and
trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus'd to perform his
promise, to their great loss and disappointment.
As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all
the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to
pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting
them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that
orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley,[101]
and my assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter;
but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and
they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and
some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this
terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims,
and ordering payment. They amounted to near twenty thousand pound,
which to pay would have ruined me.
[101] Governor of Massachusetts and commander of the
British forces in America.
Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me
with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of a
grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on
receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave, and
said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing
when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd
that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. "Why the
d----l!" says one of them, "you surely don't suppose that the
fort will not be taken?" "I don't know that it will not be taken, but
I know that the events of war are subject to great uncertainty." I
gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and
the projectors thereby missed the mortification they would have
undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other
occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings.
Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message
after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the
making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without
taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all
their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his
attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being
greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they had
justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential
right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In one
of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his
propos'd amendment was only of a single word. The bill express'd "that
all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the
proprietaries _not_ excepted." His amendment was, for _not_ read
_only_: a small, but very material alteration. However, when the news
of this disaster reached England, our friends there whom we had taken
care to furnish with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's
messages, rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness
and injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going
so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province,
they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this, and
sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of
their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such
purpose.
This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share
of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause,
which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the
commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had
been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had,
at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining a
voluntary militia, which I carried thro' the House without much
difficulty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their
liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I
wrote a dialogue,[102] stating and answering all the objections I could
think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought,
great effect.
[102] This dialogue and the militia act are in the
Gentleman's Magazine for February and March,
1756.--_Marg. note._
XVII
FRANKLIN'S DEFENSE OF THE
FRONTIER
While the several companies in the city and country were forming, and
learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take charge
of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and
provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and
building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I
did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission
with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to
be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising
men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who
had in the preceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against
Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had
burned Gnadenhut,[103] a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred
the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one of
the forts.
[103] Pronounced Gna´-den-hoot.
In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the
chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it in so
good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them
apprehend danger. The principal buildings were defended by a stockade;
they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York,
and had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones between the
windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon
the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The
armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in
any garrison town. In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I
mention'd this my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of
Parliament exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had
suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He
answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles, but
that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a
principle with many of their people. On this occasion, however, they,
to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they were
either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the Parliament; but common
sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too strong for
whimsical opinions.
It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business of
building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with
instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of the
country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions; and
I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where
a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians procur'd me
five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.
Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven
from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply
of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I
gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd many
miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there
were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near
night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all
huddled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we were
not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary
sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks[104] dry. The Indians
are dexterous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They
met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten
of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his companions'
guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain.
[104] Flint-lock guns, discharged by means of a spark
struck from flint and steel into powder (priming) in an
open pan.
[Illustration: "We had not march'd many miles before it began to rain"]
The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at the
desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were left
several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an
operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no
tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found
there, who had been half interr'd by the country people.
The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the
circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would
require as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a
foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, were
immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being
dexterous in the use of them, great despatch was made. Seeing the
trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch when two
men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon the
ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made
three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end. While these
were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet
deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our waggons, the
bodies being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated
by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch,[105] we
had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the palisades from
the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a
stage
[Illustration: "Our axes ... were immediately set to work to cut down
trees"]