But, adds Professor Lefranc, “If many still refuse to admit

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BACONIAN ESSAYS

BACONIAN ESSAYS

BY

E. W. SMITHSON

WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND TWO ESSAYS

BY

SIR GEORGE GREENWOOD

LONDON

CECIL PALMER

OAKLEY HOUSE, 14-18 BLOOMSBURY ST., W.C. 1

_First

Edition

Copyright

1922_

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTORY (by G. GREENWOOD) 7

_Five Essays_ by E. W. SMITHSON

THE MASQUE OF “TIME VINDICATED” 41

SHAKESPEARE--A THEORY 69

BEN JONSON AND SHAKESPEARE 97

BACON AND “POESY” 123

“THE TEMPEST” AND ITS SYMBOLISM 149

_Two Essays_ by G. GREENWOOD

THE COMMON KNOWLEDGE OF SHAKESPEARE AND BACON 161

THE NORTHUMBERLAND MANUSCRIPT 187

FINAL NOTE (G. G.) 223

ERRATA.

(Corrected in this etext.)

Page 17 line 12 _for_ “hat” _read_ “that.”

” 19 line 13 from bottom _for_ “Spain” read “Spa in.”

” 38 line 7 ” ” _for_ “Magwell” read “Mugwell.”

” 169 line 13 ” ” _for_ “swet” read “sweet.”

” 193 line 10 from bottom _for_ “tilt-hard” read “tilt-yard.”

BACONIAN ESSAYS

INTRODUCTORY

Henry James, in a letter to Miss Violet Hunt, thus delivers himself with

regard to the authorship of the plays and poems of “Shakespeare”[1]:--“I

am ‘a sort of’ haunted by the conviction that the divine William is the

biggest and most successful fraud ever practised on a patient world. The

more I turn him round and round the more he so affects me.”

Now I do not for a moment suppose that in so writing the late Mr. Henry

James had any intention of affixing the stigma of personal fraud upon

William Shakspere of Stratford-upon-Avon. Doubtless he used the term

“fraud” in a semi-jocular vein as we so often hear it made use of in the

colloquial language of the present day, and his meaning is nothing more,

and nothing less, than this, viz., that the belief that the plays and

poems of “Shakespeare” were, in truth and in fact, the work of “the man

from Stratford,” (as he subsequently, in the same letter, styles “the

divine William”) is one of the greatest of all the many delusions which

have, from time to time, afflicted a credulous and “a patient world.”

He believed that when, in the year 1593, the dedication of _Venus and

Adonis_ to the Young Earl of Southampton was signed “William

Shakespeare,” that signature did not, in truth and in fact, stand for

the Stratford player who never so signed himself, but for a very

different person, in quite another sphere of life, who desired to

preserve his anonymity. He believed that when plays were published in

the name of “Shake-speare” that name did not, in truth and in fact,

stand for “the man from Stratford,” but again for that same person--or

it might be, and in certain cases certainly was, for some other--who

desired to publish plays under the mask of a convenient pen-name. And if

the authorship of these poems and plays came, in course of time, to be

attributed to William Shakspere, the player from Stratford-upon-Avon,

who himself never uttered a word, or wrote a syllable, or took any steps

whatever to claim the authorship of those poems and plays for himself,

but was content merely to play the part of “William the Silent” from

first to last, there is, surely, no reason to brand him as a cheat and a

“fraud” upon that account, and we may be quite sure that that

highly-gifted and distinguished man of literature, Henry James--one of

the intellectuals of our day--had no intention of so branding him.

A lady, a short time ago, wrote a book to explain the play of _Hamlet_

in quite a new light, by making reference to the special political

circumstances of the time when it appeared, such as the “Scottish

succession,” the character of James I, certain events in the lives of

Mary Queen of Scots, Burleigh, Essex, Southampton, Elizabeth Vernon, and

other historical figures, and producing “detailed analogies between

episodes of contemporary history and the play,”[2] and, in reply to

certain objections raised by a well-known critic, she essayed to justify

herself by an appeal to the doctrine of “Relativity,” which, as she

declared with some warmth, had come to stay whether her captious critic

wanted it or not!

This lofty invocation of Einstein’s theory of Time, Space, and the

Universe--a theory so difficult of comprehension that only a favoured

few can even affect to understand it--in support of a new interpretation

of one of Shakespeare’s plays, was, certainly, somewhat ridiculous, but

the lady was quite right in her contention--which would equally hold

good though Einstein had never lived or taught--that in forming our

judgments on men long gone, whether of their characters or their

actions, or their sayings or their writings, we must ever bear in mind

the views, the beliefs, the opinions, and the special circumstances of

the time and the society in which they lived. Now, it is well known that

in Elizabethan and Jacobean times opinion with regard to what I may call

literary deception was very different from what it is at the present day

when we at any rate affect much greater scrupulosity with regard to

these matters. Such literary deceptions, which in these days would be

condemned as “frauds,” were, in those times, constantly and habitually

practised, and considered quite venial sins, if, indeed, they were

looked upon as sins at all. That is a fact which should never be lost

sight of when we are considering problems of authorship, or writings of

dubious interpretation (such as some of Ben Jonson’s, e.g.) in those

long-gone and very different times.

Now, I am one of those who agree with the late Mr. Henry James, and with

the present highly-distinguished French scholar and historian, Professor

Abel Lefranc--I refer here to his negative views only--with regard to

the authorship of the plays and poems of “Shakespeare.” In my humble

opinion (which, to be quite honest, I may say is not “humble” at all!),

that the plays and poems of “Shakespeare” were not written by William

Shakspere, the player who came from Stratford, is as certain as anything

can be which is not susceptible of actual mathematical proof. Who then

wrote the plays? (Let us leave the poems on one side for the present).

Well, that the work of many pens appears in the Folio of 1623 is surely

indisputable. Few if any, of the “orthodox” would be found to deny it.

There is little, if any, of “Shakespeare”--whoever he was--in the first

part of _Henry VI_, and, surely, not much more in the second and third

parts. Very little, if any part, of _The Taming of the Shrew_ is

“Shakespearean.” The great majority of critics exclude _Titus_

altogether. The work of pens other than the Shakespearean pen is to be

found in _Pericles_, and _Timon_, and _Troilus and Cressida_, and even

in _Macbeth_. _Henry VIII_, though published as by “Shakespeare,” was

almost undoubtedly the work of Fletcher and Massinger in

collaboration.[3] The list might be added to but it is unnecessary to do

so. I repeat, the work of many pens is to be found in the Folio of 1623,

but there is, of course, one man whose work eclipses that of all the

rest, one man who stands pre-eminent and unrivalled, towering high above

the others; one man of whom it may be said, as of Marcellus of old, that

_insignis ingreditur, victorque viros supereminet omnes_. Find that man,

find the author of _Hamlet_, and _Lear_, and _Othello_--to give but a

few examples--and you will have found the true “Shakespeare.” But set

your hearts at rest; you will never find him in the man whose vulgar and

banal life (in the course of which not one--I do not say generous

but--even respectable action can be discovered by all the researches of

his biographers) is to be read in the pages of Halliwell-Phillipps and

Sir Sidney Lee--the life of which so little is known, and yet so much

too much!

Meantime it is amusing, or would be so if it were not so lamentable, to

see our solemn and entirely self-satisfied Pundits and Mandarins of

“Shakespearean” literature ever trying to see daylight through the

millstone of the Stratfordian faith; ever broaching some brand-new

theory, and affecting to find something in this Shakespearean literature

which nobody ever found before them, but which as they fondly imagine,

somehow, and in some way, tends to support the old outworn Stratfordian

tradition. Perhaps some “prompt copy” of an old Elizabethan drama is

discovered. It is hailed with exultation as affording proof that plays

in those times were printed from “prompt copies,” and further cryptic

arguments are adduced in support of the absurd theory that the Stratford

player dashed off the plays of “Shakespeare,” _currente calamo_, and

handed them over to his fellow “deserving men,” Heminge and Condell, and

the rest, with “scarse a blot” upon them, and that the plays were

printed from these precious “unblotted autographs.” An old Manuscript

Play is found. It is the work of several pens. In it are discovered

three pages in an unknown hand. See now! Here is a hand “of the same

class” as the “Shakespeare” (i.e., “Shakspere”) signatures! Why, it is

Shakspere’s own handwriting! Look at Shakspere’s will--the will in which

no book or manuscript is mentioned, but wherein are small bequests to

Shakspere’s fellow-players, those “deserving men” Burbage, and Heminge,

and Condell, to buy them rings withal, and of the testator’s sword, and

parcel-gilt bowl, and “second-best bedstead”--and there you will find

three words well and distinctly written in a firm hand--“By me William.”

Yes, and the “W” of “William” is so carefully written that it even has

“the ornamental dot” under the curve of the right limb thereof! But why,

then, are the signatures themselves such miserable, illegible scrawls?

Oh, fools and blind! Cannot you see that player William in this case

reversed the usual procedure; that he intended to sign the last of the

three pages of his Will first (“But _why_?”--“Oh, never mind _why_!”);

that the poor man was _in extremis_ (true he lived another month after

signing, and his Will witnesses that he was “in perfect health and

memorie, God be praysed!” _Mais cela n’empêche pas_); and that he made a

tremendous effort, and wrote the words “By me William,” in a fine

distinct hand--“ornamental dot” and all!--and then collapsed utterly and

could only make illiterate scrawls for his surname, and the other two

signatures. But these words, “By me William,” are in the same

handwriting as that of the “addition” to _Sir Thomas More_! What? You

say they were manifestly written by the Law Scrivener! _What?_ You say

the handwriting of this “addition” differs manifestly and fundamentally

from the handwriting of the “Shakspere” signatures (which, wretched

scrawls as they are, differ profoundly one from the other), as anybody

can see who does not happen to be a “paleographer” with an _idée fixe_!

What? You say that! Yah, fool! Yah, fanatic! What do _you_ know about

it, I should like to know![4]

Such is all too frequently the language of the _soi-disant_ “orthodox”

to the poor “heretic”; such are “the spurns that patient merit of the

unworthy takes”!

Then we have a man--an “orthodox” wiseacre--who tells us that, without

doubt, the “dark lady” of the Sonnets was Mistress Mary Fitton, and we

are to subscribe to the belief that Mary Fitton, one of Elizabeth’s

Maids of Honour, had an intrigue with a common player--one “i’ the

statute!” It is nothing to tell the people who have made this wonderful

discovery that Mary Fitton was _not_ a “dark lady,” but a _fair_ lady,

as her portraits at Arbury show. It is nothing to tell them that, though

among the remarkable contemporaneous documents in the Muniment Room at

Arbury there is much mention of Mary Fitton’s _liaison_ with that proud

nobleman, Lord Pembroke, not a breath is to be discovered of any

suggestion of her so degrading herself as to have an intrigue with “a

man-player”--one who was a “rogue and vagabond” were it not for the

licence of a great personage. No, all this goes for nothing when it is

necessary somehow, by hook or by crook, to identify the Stratford player

with the author of the Sonnets of “Shakespeare.” _O miseras hominum

mentes, O pectora cæca!_

Then yet another finds this “dark lady” in the person of the wife of an

Oxford Inn Keeper, with whom, forsooth, player Shakspere had an

intrigue, on his way from Stratford to London, or _vice versa_, and

laborious investigations are undertaken, and many learned letters are

written to the Press about this other imaginary “dark lady”--“that woman

colour’d ill”[5]--and all the family history of the Davenants is

exploited in this foolish quest. Then, again, another makes the

discovery that William Shakspere, the Stratford player, had conceived a

feeling of violent hatred against “Resolute John Florio,” the translator

of Montaigne (who was, by the way, so far as we know, a good worthy

man), so he caricatures this hateful person in the hateful (!) character

of Jack Falstaff--the Falstaff of _King Henry IV_! But we _don’t_ hate

Jack Falstaff! On the contrary we all love old Jack Falstaff, in spite

of his many faults and failings. We can’t help loving him, for his

unfailing good humour and his unrivalled wit! “Oh, that is nothing,

nothing,” says our critic from across the Atlantic--one Mr. Acheson of

New York--who has made this grand discovery. “Will Shakspere of

Stratford _hated_ Florio, so he has lampooned him and ridiculed him in

this hateful character of Falstaff! Of that there is no possible doubt.

I am Sir Oracle, and when I speak let no dog bark![6]”

And so I might go on to multiply the examples of this “Stratfordian”

folly. And we, who see the absurdity of all this, are called “Fanatics!”

But what is “Fanaticism”? It is the madness which possesses the

worshippers at the shrine. These men have bowed themselves down at the

traditional Stratfordian Shrine; they have accepted without thinking the

dogmas of the Stratfordian faith; they are impervious to reasoning and

to common sense; they have surrendered their judgment; “their eyes they

have closed, lest at any time they should see with their eyes, and hear

with their ears, and should understand with their hearts, and should be

converted” to truth and reason. Verily, _these_ are the real “fanatics.”

Let me for a moment, before passing on, call attention to some words

written by those distinguished “Shakespearean” critics Dr. Richard

Garnett, and Dr. Edmund Gosse, in their _Illustrated English

Literature_. They speak of “that knowledge of good society, and that

easy and confident attitude towards mankind which appears in

Shakespeare’s plays _from the first_, and which are so unlike what might

have been expected from _a Stratford rustic_.... The first of his plays

were undoubtedly the three early comedies, _Love’s Labour’s Lost_, _The

Comedy of Errors_, and _The Two Gentlemen of Verona_, which must have

appeared in 1590-1591, or perhaps in the latter year only. The question

of priority among them is hard to settle, but we may concur with Mr.

[now Sir Sidney] Lee in awarding precedence to _Love’s Labour’s Lost_.

All three indicate that the runaway Stratford youth had, within five or

six years, made himself the perfect gentleman, master of the manners and

language of the best society of his day, and able to hold his own with

any contemporary writer.”[7]

Now this miraculous “runaway Stratford youth,” came to London “a

Stratford rustic,” in the year 1587,[8] and, according to his

biographers, being a penniless adventurer, had to seek for a living in

“very mean employments,” as Dr. Johnson says, whether as horse-holder,

or “call boy,” or “super” on the stage, or what you will. His parents

were entirely illiterate, and he left his two daughters in the same

darkness of ignorance. We may assume that he had attended for a few

years at the “Free School” at Stratford (as Rowe, his earliest

biographer, calls it), although there is really no evidence in support

of that assumption, but it is admitted even by the most zealous and

orthodox Stratfordians that he “had received only an imperfect

education.”[9] But I will not again recapitulate the facts (real or

supposed) of this mean and vulgar life. Let the reader, I say again,

study it in the pages of Halliwell-Phillipps, and Sir Sidney Lee.[10]

And now let us consider for a moment that extraordinary play, _Love’s

Labour’s Lost_, which, as we have seen, “appeared” in 1590 or 1591,

according to Messrs. Garnett and Gosse, but of which Mr. Fleay writes:

“The date of the original production cannot well be put later than

1589.” It was, as the “authorities” are all agreed, Shakespeare’s first

drama, and it is remarkable for this fact, among other things, that

unlike other Shakespearean plays it is not an old play re-written, nor

is the plot taken from some other writer. The plot of _Love’s Labour’s

Lost_ is an original one.

And now let us see what Professor Lefranc, who has made a very special

study of this play, has to tell us about it, premising that I do not

cite his remarks as “authoritative,” but merely as a clear statement of

the facts of the case by one who has exceptional knowledge of the

history of the time in which the action of the play is supposed to take

place.

“Everybody knows,” he writes, “that the scene of this very original

comedy is laid at the Court of Navarre, at a date nearly contemporaneous

with the play, when Henri de Bourbon was the reigning sovereign of this

little kingdom, before he became Henri IV of France.... That the author

of _Love’s Labour’s Lost_ knew and had visited the Court of Navarre is

at once obvious to anyone who will study the play without any

preconceived hypothesis and who takes the trouble to learn something

about the history of this little Kingdom of Nérac.... All the

explanations which have been given of this play, the first of the

Shakespearean dramas, in order to bolster up the theory of its

composition by Shakspere the player at the very outset of his career as

a playwright, as also every element of the comedy itself, and every

known incident in the life of the Stratford player, prove the

impossibility of his being the author of it. All these theories and

hypotheses put forward during the last 120 years are of such total

improbability, indeed of such miserable tenuity, that some day people

will wonder how they could possibly find acceptance for so long.”

M. Lefranc cites Montegut, a French Shakespearean scholar and a critic

of noted insight and perspicacity, who writes: “It is extraordinary to

see how Shakespeare is faithful even in the most minute details to

historical truth and to local colour,” and he proceeds to demonstrate

that many allusions in this wonderful play of _Love’s Labour’s Lost_

cannot be properly understood or appreciated without reference to the

memoirs of the celebrated Marguerite de Valois, who is herself the

“Princess of France” of the comedy (in the original edition called “The

Queen”[11]), who comes with her suite to visit Henri at his Court of

Nérac. The Princess of France, then, was originally Queen Marguerite of

Navarre, and this comedy represents her as coming to rejoin her husband

at Nérac to endeavour to regain his love, and to settle many questions

relative to her dowry of Aquitaine. That this journey actually took

place, that Marguerite paid a long visit to the Court of Navarre where a

series of entertainments were held in her honour, and that the question

of her dowry in Aquitaine was then discussed at length is established by

the Memoirs of Marguerite de Valois.[12] The author, then, had in his

mind events of contemporaneous history which had taken place at the

Court of Navarre, and with which he appears to have been personally

familiar. The memoirs, too, throw light on several passages of the drama

which would be obscure without them. Take (e.g.) Act II, Sc. 1, where

Biron asks Rosaline, “Did not I dance with you at Brabant once?” Here we

have an allusion to the visit of Marguerite to Spa in 1577, of which a

full account is given in her Memoirs, where she tells of balls at Mons,

Namur, and Liege, all in a country which was at that time constantly

spoken of as Brabant. Again, in Act V, Sc. 2, there is an obscure

allusion, which seems to be satisfactorily explained by a reference to

the story of the unfortunate Hélène de Tournon, related by Marguerite

in her Memoirs. Further, in Act V, Sc. 2, we have an allusion to the

manner in which Henri of Navarre, the “Vert Galant,” wrote, prepared,

and sealed his love letters, as though the author was familiar with the

amorous King’s poetical letter addressed by him to the “Charmante

Gabrielle” d’Estrés; while the circumstances described in Act I, Sc. 1,

are explained in the light of fact by a letter from Cobham to Walsingham

dated from Paris in June, 1583.

But it would take far too much time to dilate further upon this, the

first of the Shakespearean plays. I can only refer my readers, for

further light, to Professor Lefranc’s work _Sous le Masque de William

Shakespeare_.[13]

Yet we are required to believe--nay, we are “fanatics” if we do not

believe--that this extraordinary play was composed by the “Stratford

rustic” some two years after he had “run away” from Stratford, and,

further, that he composed two other remarkable comedies, _The Comedy of

Errors_, and _The Two Gentlemen of Verona_, just about the same time!

Verily this is a faith which does not remove mountains, but simply

swallows them whole--a faith which appears to me more worthy of Bedlam

than of the intelligence of rational human beings. On the other hand,

there is no difficulty whatever in believing that this unique

play--which shows that the author of it was not only a “perfect

gentleman, master of the manners and language of the best society of the

day,” but also one familiar with the doings, and “happenings” and

amusements and _entourage_ of the Court of Henri of Navarre at Nérac on

the occasion of the visit of Marguerite de Valois to that Court--was

written by a man who lived and moved in a very different sphere of

society from that in which Shakspere of Stratford lived and moved, but

who was desirous of concealing his identity as a playwright under a

convenient mask-name.

Yet, as M. Lefranc truly says, “L’hétérodoxie dans ce domaine [the

“Shakespearean” authorship to wit] a paru jusqu’à présent aux maïtres

des universités et aux érudits, une opinion de mauvais goût, temeraire

et malséante, dont la science patentée n’avait pas à s’occuper, sauf

pour la condamner.”[14] But he continues--I will now translate--“I am

convinced that every one who has preserved an independent opinion

concerning the Shakespeare problem will recognise that the old positions

of the traditional doctrine can no longer be maintained.... The laws of

psychology, and, what is more, of simple common sense, ought to banish

for ever the absurd theory which would have us believe in an

incomparable writer whose life was absolutely out of harmony with the

marvellous works which appeared in his name. It is time to take decisive

action against that immense error, and against the incredible _naiveté_

upon which it rests.”

“Simple common sense.” Aye, but when I spoke not long ago to a

well-known writer, who is a Stratfordian _enragé_, of “common sense” in

this matter, what was his reply? “_Oh, damn common sense!_”--a

characteristic interjection which might well be adopted as the motto of

all the “Stratfordian” highbrows of the present day.

But, adds Professor Lefranc, “If many still refuse to admit the

existence of a Shakespeare problem, yet the time is at hand when nobody

will any longer venture to deny it, unless he is prepared at the same

time to deny all the evidence in the case. It is clear that a new era of

Shakespearean study has recently presented itself. Scepticism with

regard to the Stratford man is spreading in spite of the resistance of

the multifarious defenders of the old tradition. A number of beliefs,

accepted for many years as dogmas, are disappearing every day. The rock

of credulity is crumbling away. The Stratfordians will, sooner or later,

be reduced, under the pressure of a more enlightened public opinion, to

change their tactics and modify the assumptions of their creed. In

truth, speaking generally, the best-established reproach to which the

learned men who have concerned themselves with Shakespeare, according to

the rules of Stratfordian orthodoxy, have laid themselves open, is not

so much that they have maintained the traditional doctrine with regard

to the poet-actor, but rather that in the face of the innumerable

enigmas which are involved in the history of his life, and his

[supposed] works, and even of the text of those works, they have never

had the candour to admit even the existence of all these obscure

problems. At every step in Shakespearean study these difficulties and

incoherences are encountered, but these learned men affect not to see

them.... Truly, in view of such superb assurance, the lay reader could

never imagine the existence of all the gratuitous assumptions, the naïve

assertions, the inadmissible interpretations that are to be found in the

works of these gentlemen, which the public have been accustomed to

accept as infallible authorities. Yet, even the most famous and the most

admired amongst them would have to yield to an investigation conducted

according to the simple rules of the art of reasoning, that is to say of

sound common sense. The hour has come when the representatives of the

‘Shakespearean’ dogma will have to change their attitude. They will have

to renounce both their silence and their credulity. Above all, they will

have to admit the necessity of inquiries, and discussions hostile to

their creed, to make a _tabula rasa_ of many points, and to take in hand

once more the investigation thereof _ab imis fundamentis_, resolutely

putting away those prejudices which have so long blinded them to the

truth.”

So writes Professor Abel Lefranc, with much more to the same purport and

effect, and, in my judgment, he writes both wisely and well. But if he

really believes that our hidebound Pundits and Mandarins of the

Stratfordian faith will ever “put away those prejudices which have so

long blinded them to the truth,” and give impartial consideration to the

facts of the Shakespeare Problem in the light of reason and

“commonsense,” I fear me he reckons without his host and is destined to

be very sadly undeceived.[15]

We are brought back, however, to the question: Who, then, is the real

“Shakespeare”? That is a question which I have never attempted to

answer. It has been quite sufficient for me to confine my arguments to

the negative side of the Shakespeare Problem. The positive, or

constructive side I have hitherto been content to leave to others.

Now, there is a large number of persons, many of them rational and

intelligent men and women, of quite sound mind and understanding, who

believe that the real “Shakespeare” is to be found in the person of

Francis Bacon. But there are “Baconians and Baconians.” There are the

wild Baconians who find Bacon everywhere, but especially in ciphers,

cryptograms, anagrams, acrostics, and in all sorts of occult figures and

emblems[16]--those who believe amongst other things, that Bacon was the

son of Queen Elizabeth, that he lived in philosophic concealment many

years after the date usually assigned as that of his death, that he

wrote practically all the English literature worthy of that name of the

Elizabethan and Jacobean period, and that he hid his “Shakespearean”

manuscripts in the mud of the River Wye or some other equally

inappropriate and ridiculous place, where no sane man would ever dream

of looking for them.

The wild and unrestrained “Baconians” have, undoubtedly, done great

injury to the cause which they desire to advocate; and not only have

they injured that cause, but they have greatly prejudiced the discussion

of the Shakespeare Problem as a whole. For in such cases we are all

liable to be “tarred by the same brush,” and the sanest of

“Anti-Stratfordian” reasoners has, unfortunately, not escaped the

back-wash of the ridicule which these eccentrics have brought upon

themselves.

There are, however, “Baconians” of another class--the sane “Baconians”

who are content to argue the matter--and some of them have argued it

with great knowledge and ability--in the calm light of reason and common

sense. Of these one of the sanest and ablest was my friend the late

Edward Walter Smithson, whose little book _Shakespeare--Bacon. An

Essay_,[17] published anonymously some three and twenty years ago,

attracted no little attention, and did much to help the cause in support

of which it was written. He published, however, nothing more on the

subject till 1913, in November of which year there appeared in _The

Nineteenth Century_ an article from his pen entitled “Ben Jonson’s Pious

Fraud.” The greater part of this article I have quoted by way of preface

to his essay now published on Jonson’s Masque of _Time Vindicated_,[18]

and it may be as well to cite the commencement of it at this place:

The writer is one of those persons who consider it highly probable

that Shakespeare was at first a mere pen-name of Bacon’s, and

regard Shakspere, Shaxper, or Shayksper--easily mistaken for

Shakespeare--as the usual patronymic from birth to death of an

illiterate actor: he thinks, moreover, that there must have been

some sort of understanding between the poet and the actor

(resembling perhaps that between Aristophanes and the actor

Callistratus), and conjectures that it may have covered proprietary

rights or shares in theatrical ventures.

When and how I came by such views can be of little or no interest

to anyone but myself. To prevent misconception, however, it may be

well to explain that my conversion dates from 1884-5. An essay of

mine (_Shakespeare-Bacon_, Sonnenschein, 1900)[19] belonging in

substance to 1885, would have been published long before the date

of actual publication but for the appearance of a portent called

the _Great Cryptogram_, which put me out of love with the subject.

My earliest suspicions were suggested not by heretics--Mr. W. H.

Smith, Lord Campbell, Lord Penzance, and the rest--whose opinions

were absolutely unknown to me, but, if memory serve, by Mr.

Halliwell-Phillipps and the New Shakspere Society (of which I must

have been an early member). Since 1885, I have tried to keep in

touch with what orthodoxy has had to say for itself, and against

us. Some of our opponents regard Ben Jonson as their prophet. To

him they fly for counsel and comfort. They throw his sayings at our

heads whenever they get a chance. In the index to Mr. Lang’s

_Shakespeare-Bacon and the Great Unknown_ (1912) Ben Jonson’s name

takes up more space than even Shakespeare’s. According to Mr. Lang

“it is easy to prove that Will (i.e. the Stratford man) was

recognised as the author by Ben Jonson.” If this were true there

would be no Shakespeare question at all, none at least so far as I

am concerned. But it is not true. Ben Jonson--whose _Works_ ought

to be familiar to all students of Shakespeare--is in fact what

lawyers would call a difficult witness, and to assert that he is on

the side of orthodoxy is simply to beg the question.[20] Some of

Mr. Lang’s admirers will have it that he has crushed Mr. G. G.

Greenwood much as a motor-car might crumple up a bicycle. But a

reading of Mr. Lang’s book leaves me in doubt whether Mr.

Greenwood’s main contentions (_The Shakespeare Problem Restated_)

are anywhere shaken, and I am not likely to be very strongly

biassed in Mr. Greenwood’s favour, seeing that he ostentatiously

disclaims being a Baconian. Mr. Greenwood indeed may be said to

have quitted Stratford for good and travelled a great many miles.

Where he pulls up it is not easy to say, but he does pull up

somewhere--perhaps where the rainbow ends. Mr. Lang, though he

refrains from imputing imbecility to Mr. Greenwood, is apparently

unable to be quite so lenient to Baconians. He explains, or would

like to explain, the Baconian views of Lord Penzance and Judge Webb

as partly due to senile decay. How he accounts for the views of

Lord Campbell,[21] Mr. George Bidder, Q.C., and others of less note

does not appear. When an unfamiliar theory happens to be at grips

with a popular one, the habit of thinking and calling an opponent

infatuated or not more than half mad is easily caught. Bacon did

not escape it, but he took care to give it a turn which saved it

from mere _brutalité_. In his day two notable theories were at

loggerheads, the Ptolemaic and the Copernican, with Galileo for the

Copernican Achilles. Convinced that the Sun moved round the Earth,

Bacon smiled at his opponents for doubting the immovability of our

planet and dubbed them “car-men,” “terrae aurigas,” chauffeurs, in

other words. No other student of _The Advancement of Learning_

(1605), written be it remembered when Bacon was fully mature, will

be surprised at this. Bacon avowedly took “all knowledge for his

province,” and _The Advancement_ is a comprehensible survey of that

province--as Bacon understood it. Of mathematics he probably knew

little or nothing. It is an open question whether Induction owes

anything to the _Novum Organum_. His acquaintance with the

phenomena of nature (as distinct from human nature) was derived for

the most part from poets and men of letters. More significant

still, his splendid natural gifts were not adapted to scientific

research. His true province in short was literature, above all,

poetry. And here it may not be amiss to note (1) that John Dryden’s

appreciation of Shakespeare--in whom, says J. D., are to be found

“all arts and sciences, all moral and natural

philosophy”--coincides as closely as may be with the traditional

estimate of Bacon, and (2) that Shakespeare seems to have been of

one mind with Bacon upon the motion of the Sun round the Earth.

With the tons of printed matter on the Baconian side, my

acquaintance has always been of the smallest. In a recent pamphlet

by Sir E. Durning Lawrence, that gentleman with the aid of a

newspaper called _The Tailor and Cutter_ labours the point, already

sufficiently obvious, that the figure which does duty as

frontispiece to the first folio of Shakespeare must have been meant

for a caricature.

What the Shakespeare theory is needs no telling. It is developed in

_Biographies_, _Lives_, and so forth, within the reach of every

one.

The Bacon theory on the other hand is still in the rough. “You may

well say that,” an opponent exclaims. “You, Baconians, differ among

yourselves almost as widely as you differ from us. With some of you

it is an article of faith that Bacon looked for fame (poetical) to

after ages, and took unheard-of pains to secure it. Baconians who

hunt for ciphers, key-numbers and so forth, not only in books, but

even under the river Wye belong to this class. You on the contrary

have convinced yourself, I know not how, that Bacon intended his

secret to die with him. What are we to do? How can we help thinking

that there is no such thing as a passably authentic Baconian

theory?” My acquaintance with Baconians, I reply, is far too

limited to justify any important attempt at sketching an

authoritative theory. My object is less ambitious. It is to set

down, as briefly and simply as possible, by way of introduction to

Ben Jonson, certain probable constituents of a reasonable Baconian

theory.

(_a_) Shakespeare was a pseudonym adopted by Bacon to mask his

personality whenever he created or “made” for the stage.

(_b_) The date at which Bacon gave up writing for public theatres

coincided pretty nearly with the beginning of his rise to high

place in the State.

(_c_) By the year 1623 (if not earlier) Bacon’s friends and

admirers must have become very uneasy about the fate of his still

unpublished plays. These plays had long been hidden away from the

public eye. What if the veil should never be lifted? Lest that

should happen, publication, and the sooner the better, must have

been eagerly desired by all lovers of literature. The conditions

were not unpromising. Softened by misfortune, Bacon would be open

to entreaty, and publication just then would put it in the power of

influential friends to minister with perfect delicacy to the more

urgent needs of the fallen man, “old, weak, ruined, in want, a very

subject of pity.” Provided that his true name could be for ever

kept from contact with the “family” of her who had once been his

“mistress,”[22] his consent or rather acquiescence might be hoped

for. Values it is true, literary and poetical values especially,

were no longer what they had been in the days of the late Queen.

But a parent’s affection for the offspring of his brain is never

perhaps wholly uprooted. Even so, the task was one for a master of

literary craft. But the thing had to be done and that quickly, if

it was to be of any use to the great man who, to quote Jonson’s

_Discoveries_, had “filled up all numbers, and performed that in

our tongue which may be compar’d or preferr’d either to insolent

Greece or haughty Rome.” No considerable help was to be looked for

from Bacon himself. The lie downright was to be avoided if

possible; but the motive being perfectly clean, economy of truth

and suggestion of untruth were neither of them barred. The

pseudonym was ready to hand, and the players Heminge and Condell

were not likely to deny their names to any prefatory matter

whatever which the editor might think fit to invent.

(_d_) Among the notable persons who openly interested themselves in

the publication of the First Folio were the Earl of Pembroke, the

Earl of Montgomery, and Ben Jonson. But it is safe to say that they

were not the only promoters of the undertaking, and in my opinion

King James (himself a poet in days gone by), Prince Charles, and

some _alter ego_ of Bacon’s (possibly Sir T. Mathews) were of the

number.

(_e_) A private printing press may have been among the tools

habitually employed by the author. Heminge and Condell in the First

Folio are made to say: “We have scarce received from him

(Shakespeare) a blot in his papers.” As an allusion to the use of a

press this statement would pass muster.[23] It occurs in the

prefatory matter, thoroughly Jonsonian, which seems to have served

as receptacle for what he preferred to put upon other shoulders

than his own.

(_f_) As for Shakspere--the man who emerged from and returned to

Stratford somehow and somewhen--he while he lived was a nobody

outside Stratford, and by the year 1622 must have been almost

forgotten even there, except as a good sort of fellow who, having

made money in London, had invested it in Stratford with a view to

enjoying the congenial society of its artless natives. His

_Apotheosis_ probably began with the publication of Jonson’s own

Ode.

“Guesswork!” exclaims one. “Mere figments of the brain!” says

another. Well, where is the theory which does not consist of such

material? Take away from any orthodox life-story of Shakspere all

figments of somebody’s brain, and what remains? According to

Professor Saintsbury, “almost all the received stuff of his

life-story is shreds and patches of tradition, if not positive

dream-work.”

Here it becomes necessary to say a word in explanation of the present

work. The late Edward Smithson left by his Will a sum of money to myself

and a friend who prefers to remain anonymous, with the suggestion that

it might be made use of in the endeavour to ascertain--to use his own

words--“the true parentage of Shakespeare (not Shakspere),” meaning

thereby, as there can be no doubt, that such sum might be employed, if

thought well--for there was no definite trust attached to it--in

furtherance of the quest of the true “Shakespeare,” whether he might be

found in Francis Bacon (as he himself thought was the case) or in some

other writer of the period in question. Moreover, he had left in type

certain “Baconian” essays, which, although he gave no specific

directions to that effect, it was known that he desired to be published

as his last words on a matter in which he was so deeply interested, and

these, at the request of his wife who survives him, I have supervised

and prepared for publication. Here a difficulty presented itself. Some

of these essays deal, to a certain extent, with the same subject matter,

and, consequently, the reader will find in them a certain amount of

repetition. At first I thought it might be possible to avoid this by

collating the various manuscripts, and fusing them together, as it were,

into one volume. It soon became apparent, however, that such “fusion”

would lead to “confusion,” and would be detrimental to Mr. Smithson’s

work. I trust, therefore, that the recurrence of various arguments, or

sentiments, in the following essays, will meet with generous toleration

on the part of the reader. After all, a certain amount of repetition is,

sometimes, likely to do more good than harm. The famous Mr. Justice

Maule, while still at the Bar, was once arguing a case before three

Judges, one of whom, finding the distinguished counsel somewhat prolix

on this occasion, and inclined to repeat his arguments, exclaimed

testily: “Really, Mr. Maule, that is the third time you have made that

observation!” “Well,” replied Maule, quite imperturbably, “there are

_three_ of your Lordships!” To repeat an argument once for each Judge on

the Bench was, then, in this great advocate’s opinion, quite a right,

proper, and useful thing to do. I am in hopes, therefore, that there may

be the same justification for a considerable amount of repetition in the

case now presented to a court--that of the reading public--which, it is

hoped, may consist of many more Judges than those addressed by Mr.

Justice Maule.

I would make this further observation with regard to Edward Smithson’s

Essays, though perhaps it is hardly necessary to make it. Although it

has been a pleasure to me to edit them, so far as they required editing

at all, I have, of course, no responsibility for the arguments or the

opinions expressed in them. Mr. Smithson, in the passage I have quoted

above from his article in _The Nineteenth Century_, says that I

“ostentatiously disclaim being a Baconian.” I am sorry if that

disclaimer was made “ostentatiously,” but speaking now, after the lapse

of many years, and I trust without a shred of “ostentation”--which,

certainly, would be very much out of place--I must say that I am still

unwilling to label myself as a “Baconian.” It was, I think, Professor

Huxley who said that, if asked whether he believed that there were

inhabitants in Mars, his reply would be that he neither believed nor

disbelieved. He did not know. This is the “agnostic” position in which I

find myself with regard to the hypothesis that Bacon is the true

Shakespeare. I really do not know. Nevertheless, an astronomer who had

adopted Professor Huxley’s position concerning the possible existence of

inhabitants in Mars, might without prejudice to that agnostic position,

find himself impelled to set forth certain arguments which seemed to him

to tell in favour of such a possibility. In the same way it occurred to

me some years ago to write certain essays on the Baconian side of the

case, two of which I now venture to publish as a sequel to those of Mr.

Smithson’s authorship. I recognise that there is much that may quite

fairly and reasonably be urged in favour of the Baconian case. Merely to

ridicule that case appears to me to be indicative of folly rather than

wisdom on the part of those who adopt such an attitude. Nevertheless,

when all is said and done, I am far from thinking that the Baconian

authorship of any of the plays or poems published in the name of

“Shakespeare” has been actually proved. That Francis Bacon had, at any

rate, something to do with the production of some of these plays and

poems is, at least, a very plausible hypothesis. As Professor Lefranc

writes, “Que l’auteur du théâtre Shakespearien ait été en rapport avec

Francis Bacon, c’est ce que nous avons toujours été porté à admettre

pour bien des raisons,”[24] and in support of that hypothesis I may be

said to hold a brief _pro hâc vice_ in the two “Baconian” Essays which I

now venture to publish. But that is all. I endeavour to keep an open

mind upon this, as upon many other doubtful questions. Professor Lefranc

himself has shown, with great learning and conspicuous ability, that a

strong case can be made in favour of William Stanley, Sixth Earl of

Derby, as the author of some, at any rate, of the “Shakespearean” plays,

and more especially of that extraordinary play _Love’s Labour’s

Lost_.[25] But the constructive side of the “Shakespeare Problem” I must

be content to leave to younger and abler men, and such as have much more

time to devote to it than I have. With regard, however, to “the man from

Stratford,” as Mr. Henry James styles him, or the “Stratford rustic,” as

Messrs. Garnett and Gosse do not hesitate to characterize him, _his_

supposed authorship may, and, indeed, must be, set aside as one of the

greatest and most unfortunate of the many delusions which have, from

time to time, imposed themselves upon a credulous and “patient

world.”[26]

I cannot conclude this note without a brief reference to two articles

which have lately appeared in the _Quarterly Review_ (October, 1921, and

January, 1922), under the heading of “Recent Shakespearean Research,” by

Mr. C. R. Haines. I can find little or nothing that can be recalled

“recent” in them unless we give a quite unwonted extension to the

meaning of that word. Mr. Haines even includes such _vieux jeu_ as the

Plume MSS. in his “recent” Shakespearean Research, but they certainly

contain some very remarkable statements. I will, however, here content

myself by quoting the following letter which I sent to the _Nation and

Athenæum_ after reading the first of these articles, and which appeared

in that paper on November 26th, last:

“RECENT SHAKESPEAREAN RESEARCH.”

SIR,--In an article under the above heading in the October number

of the _Quarterly Review_, Mr. C. R. Haines writes (p. 229): “There

cannot be the smallest doubt that Shakespeare [i.e., William

Shakspere, of Stratford] was possessed of books at his death. One

of these, _with his undoubted signature_ [my italics], ‘W. Sh^{r}.’

is still extant in the Bodleian Library.... A second, Florio’s

version of Montaigne (1603), bears the signature ‘Wilm Shakspere,’

which is with some reason regarded as genuine.”

Now Sir Edward Maunde Thompson, who, I believe, is generally

considered our foremost “paleographer,” has told us that the

“Florio’s Montaigne” signature is an “undoubted forgery” (I have in

my possession a letter of his addressed from the British Museum in

1904 to the late Sir Herbert Tree, and kindly forwarded by the

latter to me, in which Sir Edward so states); and the same high

authority writes in “Shakespeare’s England” (Vol. I, p. 308, n.):

“Nor is it possible to give a higher character to the signature,

‘W^{m} Sh^{e}.’ (not ‘W. Sh^{r},’ as Mr. Haines prints it) in the

Aldine Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses,’ 1502, in the Bodleian Library.”

How in the face of this Mr. C. R. Haines can assert that the book

referred to, in the Bodleian Library, bears Shakespeare’s

“undoubted signature,” or that the “Florio” signature is with

reason regarded as genuine, I am quite unable to understand.

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