It is a fixed idea with the American people, that in due course of time
they are to have the control of all the North American continent, and of
the Island of Cuba; they consider this their “manifest destiny,” and any
movement in that direction is looked on by them as a matter of course,
and deserving of encouragement.
The popular name for the agency by which such a state of things is to be
brought about is “filibusterism.” The word “filibuster” is a French and
Spanish corruption of the English word freebooter, an appellation which,
in former days, from its being frequently assumed by a certain class of
men, who disliked the harsher name of pirate, became familiar to the
inhabitants of the West India Islands and Central America; but as
filibusterism is now used, it expresses the action of the American
people, or a portion of the people, in the acquisition of territory
which does not belong to them, unrestrained by the responsibilities of
the American Government.
The sovereign people of the United States, and the United States
Government, are two distinct bodies, influenced by different motives.
The Government is obliged to maintain the appearance of keeping faith
with other friendly powers, but at the same time is so anxious to gain
popularity at home, that it does not take really effectual measures to
check any popular movement, however illegal it may be, if favoured by
the majority of the people.
The manner in which the State of Nicaragua has been reduced, or, it
should rather be said, raised to her present position, by being occupied
and governed by a large body of Americans, affords an instance of the
truth of this statement.
For the last two years the American and English Governments have been
exchanging diplomatic letters, arguing at great length on the abstract
meaning of certain words of a treaty, by which either power was equally
bound not to occupy, fortify, colonise, or take possession of, any part
of Central America. In the mean time a party of American citizens, under
command of a certain Colonel Walker, have virtually taken possession of,
and do now govern the State of Nicaragua, one of the States specially
mentioned in the treaty. When they first landed in Nicaragua, not ten
months ago, they numbered only fifty-six men; but in as far as they had
the good-will of the majority of the American people, they represented
the nation as truly as General Pierce and his Cabinet. Colonel Walker
was merely the practical exponent of a popular theory, and his success
has been so rapid and decisive, and such is the position he now holds in
Nicaragua, strengthened by daily accessions to his force from California
and from the United States, that the Americanisation of Nicaragua may be
almost considered an established fact.
Should the Americans in that country be able to maintain their position,
of which, at present, there seems to be every probability, the
successful filibustering of Nicaragua will be but the beginning; the end
will be the occupation, by Americans, of all the Central American
States, and, in due course of time, of Mexico and Cuba.
In order to show why the filibustering energies of the Americans have
been specially directed to Nicaragua, and how it is that so small a
party of them have so quickly got control of that State, and also to
appreciate fully the position which their leaders occupy as members of
the newly-formed government, it is necessary to give some information on
the political condition of the country, and on recent events there,
which the writer, while a resident in the country during the greater
part of the revolution, had good opportunity of acquiring.
On the discovery of gold in California in 1848, when there was such a
rush of gold-hunters to that land of promise both from the Old and the
New World, the route generally followed was that by Panama, as the most
expeditious—lines of steamers being established by American companies
from New York and New Orleans to Chagres, and from Panama to San
Francisco.
The supply of steamers, however, was never sufficient for the
accommodation of the crowds of eager emigrants; the profits of the
steamship companies were enormous, and American enterprise was not long
in discovering and opening a new, and in many respects superior, route
to the golden regions of the Pacific.
The new route lay through the State of Nicaragua, one of the five States
into which the Central American Confederation was dissolved in the year
1831.
It was to the advantages offered by its geographical position that
Nicaragua owed its distinction. The Lake of Nicaragua, a splendid sheet
of water ninety miles long by about fifty broad, lies within the State.
Its most western extremity is only twelve miles from the Pacific, and at
its eastern extremity about one hundred and fifty miles from the
Atlantic: it empties itself into that ocean through the river San Juan,
which is navigable all the distance for small vessels, and forms at its
mouth the harbour of Greytown or San Juan del Norte. An inter-oceanic
canal was first talked of, but it was found that it would take all the
gold in California to construct it; so that idea was for the time
abandoned, and a New York company, styled the Accessory Transit Company
of Nicaragua, got a charter from the State, granting them for
considerations the exclusive privilege of steam-navigation of the river
San Juan, and of the Lake Nicaragua, for a period of ninety-nine years.
Steamboats of various capacities, to suit the navigation of the river
and of the lake, were sent out—a road over the twelve miles of land,
between the lake and the harbour of San Juan del Sur on the Pacific, was
commenced—steamships were put on between that port and San Francisco,
and between New York and Greytown, and a large share of the Californian
emigration began to stream through the country.
The difficulties of the route were at first considerable, owing to the
number of rapids in the River San Juan requiring boats of peculiar
construction for their navigation, and from the fact of the country
through which lies the road to the Pacific being a mountainous
wilderness, the greater part covered by a dense tropical forest.
In the rainy season, which lasts for about five months, the road was so
bad that a mule would sink to his belly at every step; the twelve miles
were not unfrequently a two days’ journey, and many a poor mule, after
vainly struggling to extricate himself, succumbed to his fate, and was
absorbed in the mud, leaving his rider to fight his own way through,
which he generally did without much trouble. Such little difficulties
were not thought much of by Californian emigrants in those days.
The Company, however, soon completed the road, and so far perfected
their arrangements that the passage from ocean to ocean is performed in
two days.
The travel to and fro between California and the Atlantic States is not
confined to any particular class of the community. Capitalists,
merchants, professional men, mechanics, labourers,—in fact, people of
all classes, are constantly going and coming. For the last five years an
average of two thousand Americans per month have passed to and fro by
this route, and, during the few days occupied in transit, have had ample
time to admire and covet the splendid country through which they passed,
to look with utter contempt on the natives, and to speculate on what a
country it would be if it were only under the Stars and Stripes.
The country, its climate, its advantages, resources, and social and
political condition, have thus been gradually made familiar to a
constantly increasing proportion of the people of the United States and
of California.
It is in natural consequence of all this, and of the apparent
hopelessness of immediate success in Cuba, that the attention of the
filibustering portion of the American community has been gradually
directed to the State of Nicaragua, and the late civil war in that
country offered too favourable an opportunity to be lost for making a
beginning in furtherance of the cherished idea.
The constitution of Nicaragua, like that of all the Spanish-American
States, is republican—that is to say, in name; in effect it approaches
more nearly to a despotism, a mode of government much better adapted to
a people the majority of whom are quite incompetent to form any idea on
the subject of self-government.
Since the dissolution of the Central American Confederation the country
has been in a constant state of revolution. Two years is about the
longest period of peace which has intervened. The people are wantonly
destructive and cruel in their civil warfare; and having been so
actively employed for nearly twenty years in cutting each other’s
throats, battering down each other’s cities, spending their money in
gunpowder, and ruining all producing interests by taking the labourers
from the field to serve as soldiers, they had managed to reduce
themselves and their country to such a wretched state of misery, that it
really appeared to be the duty of some civilised nation to step in and
keep them all in order.
In passing through the country, one cannot but be struck with the ruin
and desolation everywhere apparent, and with the remains of bygone
wealth and grandeur, but little in accordance with the poverty and
listless indolence in which the inhabitants are now contented to live.
Their cities are half in ruins, and the churches, which, in their mode
of warfare, they use as fortresses, have come in for their full share of
destruction. Those which remain are peppered all over with cannon balls.
The ruins on the old indigo and cotton estates give one an idea of the
different way in which the people once employed themselves; but now, in
a country capable of producing in the greatest abundance indigo, cotton,
sugar, rice, coffee, tobacco, and nearly every other tropical
production, little else is to be seen but plantains and Indian corn, the
two great staple articles of food. The tobacco grown in the country is
good; the people, men, women, and children, are inveterate smokers, but
they do not even raise sufficient tobacco for their own consumption. The
“cacao,” or chocolate, raised in the neighbourhood of the town of Rivas,
is the finest in the world: it is a national beverage, and the greater
part of the crop is consumed in the country; a small quantity is
exported to the neighbouring States; but with the exception of a few
bullock hides and deerskins, which are sent to New York, the country
cannot be said to have any exports.
The climate generally is by no means unhealthy. It varies very much
throughout the State, being in some parts much tempered by a constant
breeze off the lake, while in the high lands of Segovia and Matagalpa,
the temperature is so moderate that most of the grains and fruits of the
north can be raised in great perfection.
The rainy season commences about the end of July, and continues till
November or December. During this season it rains in torrents for days
at a time, and the roads become almost impassable. The most sickly
periods of the year are the beginning and the end of this season; fever
and ague are then very prevalent, but the natives suffer more than
foreigners, chiefly owing to the wretched way in which they live, the
habitations of the lower orders affording generally but poor protection
against the weather.
In the mountains of the district of Matagalpa, which form part of the
great range which traverses all the North American continent, are mines
of gold and silver. They have hitherto only been worked by the Indians
in a very rude manner, but sufficient has been done to prove that they
are rich: if scientifically worked, they will no doubt prove very
productive.
The forests abound in rosewood, mahogany, and other beautiful woods, and
throughout the State many valuable medicinal gums and plants are found.
The scenery is varied and very beautiful; at certain seasons the trees
are completely covered with flowers, and the forests are a confused mass
of luxuriant vegetation.
There are several volcanic mountains in the country, all of great
similarity of appearance: the finest is Ometepe, which rises out of the
lake, in the shape of a perfect cone, to the height of many thousand
feet.
The people are very deficient in ambition and energy, and have a very
decided objection to labour. As long as a man has sufficient to supply
his immediate wants, he cannot be induced to work, but will devote
himself to the passive enjoyment of swinging in his hammock, and smoking
a cigar. In this way they pass the greater part of their time, as very
little labour is requisite to provide plantains, beans, and Indian corn,
which are the principal articles of food.
Gambling is a prevailing vice, cards and dice being chiefly played.
Cockfighting, however, is the great national sport, and at this the most
money is staked. The fight is never of very long duration, being
generally nothing more than a flutter of wings for a moment, when one
cock crows over the other lying dead at his feet, nearly cut in two by
the long sharp knives with which their heels are armed.
They have celebrated breeds of chickens, on which they pride themselves,
and in almost every house in the country may be seen one or more
gamecocks tied by the leg in a corner. The owner is always ready to
fight a cock on any occasion, but Sunday afternoon is the time generally
devoted to this amusement, which is patronised by all classes.
The people possess a great deal of natural grace, and are extremely
polite and formal in their manners; even the lower orders are remarkable
for their gracefulness of gesture, and for their courteous phraseology.
The principal cities of Nicaragua are Granada, on the northern shore of
the lake, and Leon, about a hundred and fifty miles to the north, and
not far from the Pacific coast. They are both fine cities, built in the
usual Spanish-American style, with narrow streets, and large houses of a
single storey, covering an immense area, and built in the form of a
square, the centre being an open space, generally planted with trees and
flowers, and all round which is a wide open corridor. The houses are
very spacious and lofty, and admirably adapted to the climate.
The population of Granada is about 15,000, that of Leon is rather more.
Between the inhabitants of these two cities there has always existed a
bitter feeling of jealousy and enmity, and in most of their revolutions
the opposing factions have been the Granadinos against the Leoneses. So
it was in the revolution which is only now terminated, and which
commenced in May 1854.
The government at that time was in the hands of the Granada party. The
president, the late Don Fruto Chamorro, was a man of great energy and
determination, but unfortunately also of most stubborn obstinacy. He
would listen to advice from no one, but blindly insisted on carrying out
his own ideas. After being a little more than a year in power, and
becoming more despotic every day, he issued a decree, declaring himself
president for four years more than the usual term.
The Leon party of course immediately got up a revolution, of which the
leaders were a few prominent men, whom Chamorro had a few months before
banished from the State, on suspicion of their being engaged in a
conspiracy against the government. At the head of them was Francisco
Castillon, a man of superior education, and with much more liberal and
enlightened views than most of his countrymen, having spent some years
in England as minister for Nicaragua. The object of the revolution was
to place Castillon in power, and the party professed to entertain
liberal ideas, and styled themselves the Democratic Party. They
commenced their operations at Realejo, a small port on the Pacific, at
the northern extremity of the State, where, with a small force, they
surprised the few soldiers of the garrison. They proceeded to
Chinandega, a considerable town about six miles on the way to Leon. Here
they met but slight resistance, the majority of the people being
favourable to them; and with a large addition to their force, they
marched towards Leon, distant about thirty miles, where they established
their head-quarters, after fighting one battle in the neighbourhood with
the government forces under Chamorro in person, who was defeated, and
retired to Granada. In Leon they remained some time recruiting their
forces, before venturing to attack Granada, which is the great
stronghold of the government party.
The system adopted of recruiting is very simple indeed. A few soldiers
with fixed bayonets are sent out to bring in fresh men, or, to use their
own expressive term, to “catch” men. When the unfortunate recruit is
“caught,” a musket is put in his hands, and he becomes a soldier.
Soldiering is by no means a popular occupation: during a revolution, at
the approach of forces of either party, the peace-loving natives, in
order to escape being “caught,” and forced into the service, will remain
hidden in the woods till they are nearly starved. The lower orders take
but little interest in the revolutions, or in politics, and from troops
raised in this way, of course very valorous deeds are not to be
expected. They generally desert on the first opportunity; but, if they
do not take their muskets with them, it is of little consequence, as
other men are soon caught, and made to carry them. Sometimes, however,
men become scarce, the able-bodied having emigrated to some more
peaceful locality; in such a case one-half of a garrison is placed to
keep guard over the other half, to prevent their running away.
There is consequently no mutual feeling of confidence between officers
and men. During impending danger of an attack, the officers will keep
their horses saddled all night, and sleep with their spurs on, ready to
cut and run at a moment’s notice, and leave their men to take care of
themselves. The men, in their turn, when led into battle, will turn
round and desert their officers at the most critical moment. There are
exceptions, of course; and during the late revolution, many, both
officers and men, fought well and bravely; none more so than the late
President Chamorro.
While the Democrats were recruiting in Leon, Chamorro was busy
collecting his forces in Granada, and preparing to stand a siege.
In all these Spanish towns is a large public square called the Plaza, in
which are generally the principal church, the barracks, and other public
buildings. The Plaza, in case of war, becomes the citadel, the streets
leading into it being all barricaded, and cannon planted so as to
command the approaches. Chamorro enclosed within his barricades the
Plaza, and a considerable portion of the city immediately surrounding
it. The streets being narrow, barricades were soon made of logs of wood
and “adobes,” a sort of sun-dried bricks, of which the houses are built.
Double and triple barricades of this sort, eight or ten feet high,
presented a very effectual resistance to anything which the enemy had to
bring against them. The Democrats soon made their appearance, and taking
possession of all that part of the city not enclosed in the barricades,
they fixed their head-quarters in an elevated situation, from which they
could pop their cannon balls into any part of the Plaza.
Neither party were well provided with artillery. They had each three or
four guns, twelve and twenty-four pounders, with which they blazed away
at each other for nearly a year, and between them managed to lay about
three-fourths of the city in ruins.
The city was never completely invested, and occasional skrimmages
between small parties of the opposing forces took place outside the
town, but nothing worthy the name of an assault was ever attempted. The
Democrats soon became masters of the entire country, with the exception
of the besieged portion of the city of Granada occupied by Chamorro and
his party, the Legitimists, as they called themselves.
When a small detachment of the Democratic army marched upon Rivas, the
only town of importance in the part of the country through which the
Transit road passes, the inhabitants, being mostly in favour of the
Chamorro government, fled _en masse_, taking with them all their
valuables and movable property, to the neighbouring state of Costa Rica,
the frontier of which is within twenty miles.
The few who had the courage to remain were not molested, but the
Democrats appropriated to their own use as barracks, &c., whatever
private houses suited their convenience, and commenced levying
contributions on the inhabitants; but as they had fled, and were not
present to respond to the call, their property was advertised for sale,
their stores broken open, their goods sold, and sundry other forcible
measures taken to raise funds.
The mode of financing in time of revolution is equally simple with that
of recruiting.
When a contribution, as they call it, is levied on a town, the principal
inhabitants are assessed arbitrarily by the officers in command for as
much as each is supposed to be able to pay. The unfortunate victims have
then to fork out the dollars; there is no help for them. If they refuse,
or plead poverty, they are perhaps imprisoned and kept on low diet: a
few days of this treatment has a wonderful effect on the memory, and
frequently enables a man to remember where he has buried his cash, or to
discover some means of raising the needful, to be handed over for the
support of the party, to which probably he may be opposed. When his own
party come in to power again, they will make him disgorge to double the
amount by way of punishment. For these forced loans he may get some sort
of debenture, worth about as much as the paper it is written on. In such
times the people are afraid to let it be supposed that they have any
money at all; they feign poverty, burying their money secretly, and the
houses of foreign residents are lumbered up with all sorts of chests and
boxes, sent there stealthily by the unfortunate natives, in order to
keep them safe from the rapacity of their countrymen.
The Democrats from the first were eager to obtain the good-will of the
American residents; and as they professed to be fighting in the cause of
liberty and progress, against tyranny and old-fogeyism, they succeeded
in enlisting a dozen or so of Americans in San Juan del Sur and Virgin
Bay. The latter place is a small village on the lake, where the
passengers by the Transit route embark on the steamers. They paid these
men about a hundred dollars per month, gave them commissions as colonels
and captains, and sent them to Granada to pepper the Chamorro party with
their rifles.
With the aid of some Americans, they also took possession of San Carlos,
which is an old fort situated at the point where the lake debouches into
the river San Juan. It is a position of great importance, as it commands
the entrance into the lake, by which is the only communication between
the interior of the country and the Atlantic. They also occupied an old
Spanish fort about fifty miles down the river, called Castillo, where
there are a few hotels kept by Americans for the accommodation of
passengers by the Transit route.
In Leon, the head-quarters of the Democrats, they proclaimed their
government, declaring Castillon president. They appointed all the
necessary government functionaries throughout the State, and in fact
were the virtual government of the country.
The Legitimists remained in a state of siege in Granada, and would have
had to surrender for want of ammunition, had they not succeeded in
retaking San Carlos from the Democrats, and thereby opening their
communication with the Atlantic; they then procured a large supply of
powder and shot from Jamaica.
During the siege the besieging army of Democrats numbered about fifteen
hundred, while the Legitimists did not number more than a thousand.
The Democrats were assisted by the state of Honduras to the extent of
two hundred men; and the Legitimists were long in negotiation with the
government of Guatemala, which was favourable to their cause, but they
did not succeed in getting any material aid from that State.
After ten months’ vain endeavour to take the Plaza of Granada, the
Democrats, last February, broke up their camp, and retired to Leon. At a
town called Masaya, about half-way from Granada, they were overtaken and
attacked by the opposite party. A bloody fight ensued—the thickest of it
took place in the church, in which some three hundred men were killed.
The Granada party now regained possession of the southern part of the
State, while the Democrats continued to hold Leon and all the northern
portion.
During the time that the Transit route had been held by the Democrats,
they had been most active in their endeavours to enlist Americans in
their cause. Cash was scarce, but their offers of lands to those who
would join them were very liberal; and it soon became known, both in
Nicaragua and in California, that a negotiation had been concluded
between Colonel Walker in San Francisco, through his agent in Nicaragua,
and the Democratic government, whereby large tracts of land were granted
to him, and other privileges guaranteed to him, on condition of his
coming down with a certain number of men to serve in the Democratic
army.
This Colonel Walker had already distinguished himself as the most daring
filibuster of the day. In the month of October 1853, he was the leader
of an expedition which sailed from San Francisco, with the intention of
taking possession of Sonora, a northern state of Mexico, adjoining
California. He landed at a small place on the coast, with some fifty or
sixty men, where he met but little resistance. He proclaimed himself
president, and appointed each one of his party to some high office of
state. He very soon, however, had to evacuate the premises, and escaped
to California, with but a small portion of his original band; and on his
arrival in San Francisco, was tried for a violation of the neutrality
laws: he conducted his own defence, and of course was acquitted. The
people of California are not disposed to judge very harshly of such an
enterprise, and from the larger portion of the community he met with
more sympathy than condemnation.
It was so publicly known in San Francisco that Walker was fitting out
his Nicaraguan expedition, that the authorities were of course compelled
to interfere. Their endeavours to stop the sailing of his brig, however,
were not very effectual, as Walker, having embarked all his small party
of fifty-six men, managed to get under weigh during the night.
In the month of May they arrived in the port of Realejo, and marched to
Leon to join the head-quarters of the Democratic army.
The Legitimists were now in a perpetual state of consternation: during
the siege of Granada they had learned to appreciate the efficacy of an
American rifle in American hands; and in their frightened imaginations,
Walker’s modest force of fifty-six men was augmented to 500. They made
active preparations, however, to give him a warm reception:
proclamations were issued with the object of rousing the patriotism of
the people, calling on all to be ready to take up arms to save the
independence of the country, and ordering all the inhabitants, on the
approach of Walker, to retire to the nearest garrison. However,
excepting among the political leaders of the party, and those
compromised with them in the revolution, the prospect of Americans
gaining the ascendancy in the country seemed to be regarded with
indifference. Indeed, many of the upper classes, tired of their constant
revolutions, and the ruin and misery attendant upon them, longed
secretly for the presence of any foreign influence which should
guarantee peace in the country.
The first active service in which Walker and his men were engaged was in
an expedition which was formed by the Democrats to recapture the town of
Rivas. About the end of June, the expeditionary force, consisting of
Walker’s party, and two hundred native troops under the immediate
command of their own officers, embarked at Realejo in two or three small
vessels, and landing in the neighbourhood of San Juan del Sur, marched
across the country upon the town of Rivas, distant about twenty-five
miles.
The people of Rivas, when the Legitimists retook the town in February,
had returned from their voluntary exile in Costa Rica; and feeling, no
doubt, ashamed of the inglorious way in which, a year before, they
abandoned their town to the Democrats without ever firing a shot, they
roused themselves now to make a stout resistance, their spies having
given them ample warning of the enemy’s approach.
When the Democrats arrived, and the fight began, Walker was most
shamefully deserted by the whole of the native troops, and he found
himself, with his fifty-six Americans, opposed to a force of about four
hundred.
His party, however, had taken up their position in a house, from which
their rifles dealt sudden death most profusely—all the natives killed
were hit in the head; but at last they expended their ammunition, and
the Legitimists setting fire to the house, they were obliged to cut
their way through them, and retired to San Juan del Sur, which place
they reached unmolested, the natives not caring to follow them.
The loss on Walker’s side, in this affair, was six men killed; while the
Legitimists lost about seventy.
At San Juan del Sur they found a small schooner to take them back to
Realejo; and before sailing, Walker performed an act of summary justice,
which raised him highly in the opinion of many people in the country. He
and his men had all embarked quietly in the evening on board the
schooner, which was lying in the harbour, and were waiting till morning
for a breeze, when, about midnight, two Americans, who did not belong to
Walker’s party, and were well known to be bad and desperate characters,
set fire to a large wooden building which was used as a barrack: their
object was to burn the town, and take the opportunity of the confusion
to rob and plunder the inhabitants, expecting, no doubt, that Walker’s
party would join them.
They made a great mistake, however; for, on going on board Walker’s
vessel, and boasting of what they had done, he immediately arrested
them, and as there were no authorities ashore to whom he could hand them
over, he had them tried by a court-martial at once, by which they were
sentenced to be shot. One was shot while endeavouring to make his escape
in a boat; the other was taken ashore to be shot, where, in the darkness
of the night, he managed to escape from his guards.
About a month before this time General Chamorro died of an illness,
under which he had been for some months gradually sinking. He was
succeeded as General-in-chief of the Legitimist party by General Corral,
who had already been actually in command for some time.
Walker did not attempt another descent on that part of the country till
the month of August, when he landed at San Juan del Sur with about
seventy-five Americans and two hundred native troops. There he met with
no opposition, the forces of the Legitimists being all concentrated in
the town of Rivas. He shortly marched to the village of Virgin Bay on
the Lake: while there he was attacked by a vastly superior force of
Legitimists under General Guardiola. The fight lasted several hours, but
Walker succeeded in driving them back to Rivas with considerable loss.
The casualties on his side were, two Americans wounded and half-a-dozen
natives killed. After this he again returned to San Juan del Sur, where
he remained quietly receiving reinforcements from California, and
enlisting from the passengers passing through the country.
Virgin Bay and San Juan del Sur are two small villages, called into
existence by the establishment of the Transit route. They form the
termini of the land travel, and are composed principally of American
hotels for the accommodation of passengers; the requirements of the
Transit route also furnish employment to a small number of Americans at
these two points.
About the middle of October, Walker—now holding a regular commission as
Commander-in-chief of the Democratic army, and having gradually
augmented the number of Americans under his command to two hundred, and
having a force of two hundred and fifty native troops—proceeded to
Virgin Bay, and, taking possession of one of the Transit Company’s
steamers, he embarked his whole force. After a few hours’ passage he
landed his troops about two miles from Granada, and marched directly on
that stronghold of the Legitimists. General Corral, the
Commander-in-chief, was in Rivas with the greater part of his forces,
expecting that Walker would make that the first point of attack. The
garrison in Granada were completely taken by surprise, and, after firing
but a few shots, Walker had full possession of the city. The inhabitants
were at first greatly alarmed, expecting that the Democrats would commit
all sorts of excesses; but Walker quickly issued a proclamation,
promising protection to person and property. As the people found that he
maintained such strict discipline among his troops as to be able to keep
his word, tranquillity was soon restored; and no doubt favourable
comparisons were drawn between the order and quiet which prevailed on
the taking of their city by the Democrats under Walker, and the scenes
of plunder and excess which had ensued on such occasions in their former
revolutions.
During the months of July and August, the country had been visited by
cholera in its most deadly form. Many small villages, Virgin Bay and San
Juan del Sur among the number, were almost depopulated. In the town of
Masaya, with a population of about ten thousand, nearly one-third of the
number perished. Castillon, the Democratic president in Leon, fell a
victim to the disease; and Walker, being General-in-chief, was now at
the head of the party. He was offered the Presidency, which he
judiciously declined, retaining his more effective office of
General-in-chief.
The Commander-in-chief of the Legitimist party, General Corral, being at
Rivas with his forces, it was proposed to offer him terms, as it must
have been evident to him that his cause was now hopeless. Colonel
Wheeler, the United States Minister resident in Nicaragua, was induced,
at the urgent solicitation of the people of Granada, to undertake the
duty of negotiating terms, assisted by Don Juan Ruiz, a man of great
influence in the Rivas department.
On their arrival in Rivas, in pursuit of their pacific object, Colonel
Wheeler very soon found himself a prisoner in the hands of the
Legitimists. Some days afterwards, his non-appearance causing alarm to
his friends of the other party, a schooner was despatched to make a
demonstration before Rivas, which is situated about a mile from the
shore of the Lake. After a few guns had been fired, the Legitimists took
the hint, and set Colonel Wheeler at liberty.
A negotiation was afterwards entered into, which resulted in a treaty of
peace being agreed upon, and signed by Walker and Corral, as the
representatives of their respective parties.
By this treaty, which was concluded towards the end of October, it was
agreed that the two governments which had existed in the country since
the commencement of the revolution, should cease. Don Patricio Rivas was
declared provisional President for fourteen months, and General Walker
was acknowledged General-in-chief of the army, who, with four ministers
to be appointed by the President, were to form the government.
According to the stipulations of the treaty, General Corral, a day or
two afterwards, entered the city of Granada with his troops, and was
received by Walker. The two generals then went through an imposing
ceremony of solemnly ratifying the treaty in church. A Te Deum was sung,
the Legitimist troops were joined to the Democrats, and became one army
under command of Walker, and the following government was proclaimed:—
DON PATRICIO RIVAS, _President_.
GENERAL WM. WALKER, _Commander-in-Chief_.
GENERAL MAXIMO XERES, _Minister of State_.
GENERAL PONCIANO CORRAL, _Minister of War_.
COL. PARKER H. FRENCH, _Minister of the Hacienda_.
DON FERMIN FERRER, _Minister of Public Credit_.
Although the Democrats had gained the day, the new government was
composed of men of both parties.
Rivas the President is a gentleman much esteemed and respected; he is
the head of an influential family, who have always been opposed to the
Democratic party. For some years he has been collector of customs at San
Carlos.
General Walker, commander-in-chief, filled the same office in the
Democratic government.
General Maximo Xeres, minister of state, was Walker’s predecessor in
command of the Democratic army, he and Corral, the new minister of war,
having been the generals of the two hostile armies during the greater
part of the revolution.
Colonel Parker H. French, minister of the Hacienda, is an American who
distinguished himself some years ago in the intestine wars in Mexico,
and has latterly been conducting a newspaper in California.
Don Fermin Ferrer, minister of public credit, is a wealthy citizen of
Granada, who took no active part in the late revolution.
A very few days after General Corral had so solemnly ratified the
treaty, letters were intercepted, written by him to some other leaders
of the old Legitimist party, from which it was evident that he was
conspiring with them to upset the government, of which he had just
become a member. He was immediately tried by court-martial for treason;
and being found guilty, he was sentenced to be shot next day. With his
party he was immensely popular, and during the revolution had displayed
great ability as a military leader; but the evidences of his treachery
admitted of no doubt, and he was shot according to his sentence, in the
Plaza of Granada, in presence of the whole army. His summary execution
will no doubt have a beneficial influence on the people, by inculcating
on them the necessity of acting with sincerity, in whatever obligations
they come under.
The new government was now formally acknowledged by Colonel Wheeler, the
American minister, the only foreign minister resident in the State. The
president was also visited by the captain of the United States sloop of
war Massachusetts, then lying in the harbour of San Juan del Sur.
The natural consequences of a restoration of peace, after a year and a
half of revolution, were soon manifested in the return of many of the
inhabitants, who had absented themselves, to avoid the horrors of civil
war, and in the impulse given to all peaceful pursuits.
The power of the press is such an acknowledged fact in the United
States, and the establishment of a newspaper follows so closely on the
advance of civilisation, that wherever half-a-dozen Americans are
settled together in the backwoods, one of them is sure to publish a
newspaper for the edification of the rest.
So in Granada one of the first things the Americans did was to bring out
a weekly paper, called “_El Nicaraguense_”—“the Nicaraguan,” half
English, half Spanish. It is a very respectable sheet, with a good deal
of its space devoted to the enlightenment of the public regarding the
natural advantages of the country, its fertility, its delightful climate
and great mineral wealth. The only thing in the shape of a newspaper
hitherto known in Nicaragua, had been a mere Government Gazette,
published once a-month or so.
The State of Costa Rica, adjoining Nicaragua on the south, is the most
flourishing of all the Central American States. It has been for many
years free from revolution, and the people are comparatively thrifty and
industrious. The finances of the State are in a good condition, and in
military matters it is far in advance of Nicaragua, having a
well-organised militia of 4000 or 5000 men. A certain proportion of the
troops are armed with the Minié rifle, and they are well provided with
artillery. There are great numbers of Germans in the country, many of
them in the employment of Government, and it is to them that the people
are indebted for the effective state of their army. The principal
production of the country is coffee, of which the export is large, the
greater part being sent to England. The Government were in great
consternation at the success of the Walker party in Nicaragua, thinking,
no doubt, that their turn would soon come. They made active preparations
to resist invasion, but it is not likely that they will attempt to act
on the offensive.
Honduras, which adjoins Nicaragua on the north, was favourable to the
Democratic party, and has acknowledged the Americo-Nicaraguan
Government. The president of that State lately visited Walker in
Granada; and as Honduras is threatened with a renewal of hostilities by
Guatemala, Walker is about to assist the former State with a portion of
his American forces. The fact of Walker taking half of his force from
Nicaragua to the assistance of a neighbouring State, is a convincing
proof of his confidence in the security of the position which he has
attained. In Honduras, of course, the same game will be played as in
Nicaragua. In fighting for the people, the Americans will gain the
ascendancy over them, and will keep it.
Guatemala, which lies to the north of Honduras, is the largest and most
important of the Central American States, and is also the most hostile
to American influence.
But whatever be the feelings of the other States towards Americans, it
is not to be supposed that, having gained the foothold they have in
Central America, they can be restrained by the weak and indolent people
by which they are surrounded from extending their dominion. In whatever
way they may come into contact, whether in war, diplomacy, or peaceful
competition in mercantile and industrial pursuits, the superior
boldness, energy, and perseverance of the Anglo-Saxon character is sure
to assert its supremacy.
The spirit of filibusterism is not confined to any particular class of
the American community. Among the small party with which Walker
originally sailed from San Francisco were several lawyers and doctors,
and others holding a respectable position. General Walker himself is of
a respectable family in Alabama. He is about forty years of age, and is
a man of superior education, the greater part of which he received in
Europe. He originally studied medicine, but afterwards became a member
of the legal profession. For some years he conducted a newspaper in New
Orleans; but when the California excitement broke out, he went to that
country, and for some time edited a journal in San Francisco, and has
latterly been practising his profession in Marysville, a city of some
importance in the northern part of California.
In personal appearance he is not at all what one would suppose such a
daring and successful filibuster to be, being an exceedingly quiet man,
with a mild expression of face, and very decidedly Saxon features. His
followers hold him in the utmost esteem and admiration; and his conduct,
since his accession to power in Nicaragua, has been such as to inspire
with confidence in his judgment and abilities many influential
theoretical filibusters in California, who are not likely to allow the
present flattering prospect of the realisation of their ideas to be lost
for want of support.
He has been receiving continual accessions to his force, and now the
Americans in Nicaragua under his command amount to upwards of 900 men.
The following article from the _San Francisco Herald_ of the 6th October
gives a very good idea of the popular feeling in favour of Walker, even
before the achievement of his success in Granada had become known. The
inefficiency of the executive to repress such a wholesale shipment of
recruits and arms is also remarkable:—
“THE DEPARTURE OF THE WALKER REINFORCEMENTS FROM SAN FRANCISCO.
“_Exciting Scenes along the Wharves—Ineffectual Attempt of a Party to
board the Steamer in a Sailing Vessel—Three Hundred Stand of Arms for
Walker’s Army—Proceeding in the Twelfth District Court—The Sheriff’s
Party too late—Incidents, &c._
“The current rumours of the past week relative to the number of
adventurers who intended to embark on the steamer Uncle Sam, to join
Walker at Nicaragua, served to attract a large crowd in the vicinity
of the steamer on the occasion of her departure yesterday. The vessel
was advertised to sail at 9 o’clock A. M., and long before that hour
Jackson Street wharf was filled with spectators and those interested
in the embarkation of the Expeditionists. It is stated that nearly
four hundred through passage tickets were sold before the appointed
sailing hour, but, as will be seen, various circumstances compelled
the agent of the line to postpone the steamer’s departure until four
o’clock P. M. Officers were stationed in every part of the vessel,
with positive orders to allow no one on board unless provided with a
passage ticket. There seemed to be no disposition to infringe this
order, and everything went on quietly until about noon, when it was
discovered that some of the passengers were in possession of arms
belonging to the ‘San Francisco Blues’ military corps. A
search-warrant was immediately procured, and twenty-nine muskets,
identified by members of the company named, were recovered. The
warrant was executed by a single officer of the police, who received
no molestation, but was permitted to make a thorough search of every
quarter of the vessel. During this investigation two large crockery
crates, full of arms, were discovered, but as the officer had no
authority to seize upon these, they were left undisturbed, although
information of the fact was immediately given to the Quartermaster,
General Kibbe of the State militia, who soon after ascertained, by
means of the telegraph wires, that the armoury of the Sacramento rifle
company had been entirely divested of every weapon and round of
ammunition. General Kibbe at once commenced suit in the Twelfth
District Court to recover the arms belonging to the State, on board
the Uncle Sam. The business of the suit was despatched with all
possible haste; but before the necessary documents could be procured
and placed in the hands of the sheriff, the hour had arrived for the
sailing of the steamer. As the lines holding the vessel to the wharf
were cast adrift, there was some indication of trouble between the
officers of the vessel and those on the wharf anxious to obtain
passage. The wharf was densely packed with men, and at the first move
of the steamer’s paddles, a general rush was made to board her. The
officers of the boat resisted, and the body of the crowd was driven
back, at the imminent risk of their being crushed between the vessel
and the wharf, or launched overboard. The scene was frightful, indeed;
but fortunately, and singularly enough, no one sustained serious
injury, as far as could be ascertained. About fifteen or twenty
succeeded in getting on board, and the vessel shot out into the
stream, where she came to, evidently with the view of compelling those
to return on shore who had succeeded in boarding the vessel by force.
By this time the expeditionists, to the number of three hundred, had
chartered a large schooner lying convenient to the wharf. This
movement was seen on board the steamer, and as the schooner spread her
canvass, the steamer’s paddles were again put in motion; but she had
not proceeded far when she again lay-to. The schooner was now under
full headway with a fine breeze, and tacking quickly, she came up
under the lee of the steamer, when she was ordered to keep off, and at
the same time the steamer commenced moving ahead. It was now beyond
the power of the schooner to work up to the position of the steamer
until the latter would have sufficient time to send the intruders
ashore and get under way again. Still the schooner persevered, and
stood off for another tack. In the meantime a posse of Sheriff’s
officers, headed by Mr Dowdigan, with the writ of restitution, had
procured a rowboat for the purpose of boarding the steamer. This they
were unable to accomplish, as the steamer got under way just as the
Sheriff’s boat reached her side. The schooner was at this time within
a few cables’ length of the steamer, but, coming up under the lee of
Telegraph Hill, the breeze died away, and all thought of boarding was
at once abandoned, as the steamer was by this time under a full head
of steam, with her bows directed seaward. The schooner landed the
disappointed expeditionists at Jackson Street wharf; and a large
number of ships’ launches and other small craft filled with men who
evidently intended to take the first opportunity to board the steamer,
put back to the shore. It would be useless to attempt a description of
the scenes along the wharves. From Jackson Street to North Point,
every place of observation was crowded with eager spectators of the
movements of the two vessels. It seemed to be the universal impression
that the schooner load would be permitted to board, as it was rumoured
that they had obtained passage tickets by some means just as the
steamer left the wharf. No foundation for this rumour could be
ascertained, and it was undoubtedly erroneous. The city Marshal, with
several policemen, remained on the steamer until she was fully under
way. Among the number who attempted to board in small boats, was a man
named Henry Gray, who strenuously persisted in his endeavours to board
the steamer, although forcibly resisted by officer Connelly. At last
Gray drew a revolver and pointed it at the officer, who also drew his
pistol, when the boatmen in the boat with Gray covered his person with
their own. Gray was subsequently arrested by the police and placed in
confinement. It is generally believed that the Uncle Sam carried away
about three hundred stand of arms for the use of Walker’s army. It is
known that a large quantity of arms and ammunition had been purchased
in this city to be sent to San Juan by this steamer. Just previous to
the sailing of the steamer it was ascertained that a number of
percussion lock muskets, belonging to the Manhattan Fire Company of
this city, were taken from the engine-house during the night. The
rifles taken from the Sacramento military company are said to be
excellent weapons, and they will, undoubtedly, be a valuable
acquisition to the armament of the Nicaragua republican troops. Many
of those who failed to procure passage on the steamer yesterday had
placed their baggage on board. This baggage will unquestionably be
landed at San Juan, and kept for them by their more fortunate comrades
until such time as they shall be successful in their endeavours to
join Walker.”—_San Francisco Herald_, Oct. 6.
This is the way they do things in California, affording a striking
contrast to the very imposing demonstration made in New York about two
months ago in support of the neutrality laws.
Shortly after the formation of the Walker government in Granada, a
decree was issued, granting two hundred and fifty acres of land to every
emigrant who would come and settle on and improve his grant; and in
consequence of advertisements to that effect, inserted by the Nicaraguan
government in the New York papers, great numbers of men intended sailing
for that country in the regular steamer of the Nicaragua Transit
Company.
Proclamations were issued by President Pierce, warning the citizens not
to violate the neutrality laws; and when the steamer was on the point of
leaving the wharf, the government officers made an attempt to arrest
her. The captain, however, disregarded them, and got under way, but was
brought up, while steaming down the harbour, by two or three shots from
a man-of-war. The steamer was searched, but no evidence of the violation
of the laws was found on board of her. The company, however, requested
the assistance of the government officers in putting ashore about two
hundred men who had not paid their passage. This was done, and the
steamer went on her way, carrying two or three officers of government to
see whether, on using up the coal, some cannon might not be found at the
bottom of the coal-bunkers.
At this time, also, Colonel French, who had resigned his seat in the
Walker cabinet as minister of the Hacienda, presented himself at
Washington as minister-plenipotentiary from the State of Nicaragua; but
the American Government refused to receive him. Colonel Wheeler, the
American minister in Nicaragua, had already formally acknowledged the
Walker government immediately on its formation, and as he visited
Washington in the month of July, it is hardly to be supposed that he
returned to his duties in Nicaragua, without acquainting himself with
the views of his Government on the course to be pursued in event of the
success of the Americans in that State. But Colonel Walker had already
so firmly established himself in Nicaragua that any want of countenance
from the American government could not weaken his position; the
President’s message also was soon about to appear, and too cordial an
acknowledgment of the Americans in Nicaragua would not have been
consistent with the tone observed in that document in regard to the
enforcement of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty.
The Mosquito protectorate question is being practically settled by the
Mosquitians themselves. Mosquitia is a strip of land on the Atlantic
coast, part of which has always been claimed by Nicaragua, and which,
from its geographical position, seems naturally to belong to her. Since
the establishment of peace in that country, the government have sent
commissioners among the Mosquito Indians in the neighbouring parts of
Mosquitia. The natives are reported to have expressed great
dissatisfaction at the exactions of the king, and to have declared their
readiness to come under Nicaragua. So the Mosquito kingdom seems likely
to revert to Nicaragua, the State to which it originally belonged.
The success which has attended Walker’s enterprise offers a strong
contrast to the failure of that which, for the attainment of a similar
end, was originated in New York towards the end of the year 1854.
A company was started under the name of the Central American Land
Colonisation Company, or some such name. The ostensible object was the
colonisation and cultivation of the Mosquito territory, more especially
a certain portion known as the “Sheppard Grant,” a large tract of land
acquired by a Mr Sheppard from the King of Mosquitia. A certain Colonel
Kinney took a prominent part in the organisation of the Company, which
was supported by many capitalists in New York and other cities of the
Union. The government also professed to be favourable to the scheme, and
preparations were commenced on a large scale for carrying it out. A
great deal was said about the promotion of agriculture on the Mosquito
coast; but it was pretty generally understood by the public, that the
real object in view was to filibuster the State of Nicaragua, or at all
events to establish a depôt in that part of the world, from which, when
all should be ready, a descent upon Cuba might be conveniently made.
At the remonstrances of the Nicaraguan minister in Washington, the
administration were compelled to open their eyes to the true nature of
the expedition.
A great fuss was then made; proclamations were issued, warning the
people not to take part in the hostile invasion of a friendly State; a
large steamer, chartered by Colonel Kinney, and all ready to take down
several hundred agriculturists to cultivate the pestiferous swamps of
the King of Mosquitia, was seized by the authorities; several men of war
were stationed in New York harbour to watch her, and Colonel Kinney
himself was arrested and held to bail.
Many of the supporters of the enterprise now withdrew; but Kinney was
not to be deterred; and as he could not go in his steamer with several
hundred followers, he modestly started, about the month of May, in a
small schooner, with a couple of dozen men. He was wrecked somewhere
about the West Indies, and was finally brought into Greytown, his
original destination, by an English brig, which had picked him and his
party off the rocks.
About this time the Accessory Transit Company of Nicaragua raised a
little army in New York, on their own account, of fifty men, principally
French and German. These they sent down in one of their steamers to
Nicaragua, and stationed at Castillo, on the San Juan River, there to
stop the advance of foreign invaders. This is the French legion referred
to in the treaty of peace.
It was given out that Kinney and his small party were only the pioneers;
that reinforcements were coming from New Orleans and other ports, but
they have never yet made their appearance; and Kinney and his men still
remain in Greytown, where, with the exception of starting a newspaper,
they have as yet done nothing.
This Walker business in Nicaragua has been much more cleverly managed.
The Americans in that country appear in the light of men who have gone
there at the request of a party which constituted the majority of the
people. They became citizens of the State, fought for it, and have risen
to power.
The United States have themselves been to a certain extent filibustered
in the same way. The Irish party has of late become so formidable, that
the native Americans have had to form a league to counteract the Irish
influence; and even if the American Government were opposed to the
present movement in Nicaragua, they cannot prevent individual citizens
from emigrating to, and becoming citizens of, that State.
It cannot be doubted that the advantages to Nicaragua, in consequence of
the introduction of American influence, will be very great.
The constant fear of revolution being removed, the people will have more
confidence in carrying on agricultural and commercial undertakings. The
Americans will do away with all the antiquated absurdities of Spanish
law, and amend a ridiculous old tariff, whereby many of the commonest
articles of civilised life have been virtually prohibited; foreign
capital will be freely employed in the cultivation of sugar, rice,
tobacco, indigo, and other valuable crops, in the production of which
Nicaragua can compete with any country in the world; and the resources
of the mining districts will be developed by energetic and experienced
miners from California.