effect five days after their publication in the Opelousas Courier.
Official copy:
J. LOVELL,
_Captain and Assistant Adjutant General_.
At a meeting of the citizens of the parish of St. Mary, held at the
court-house in the town of Franklin, on Saturday, the 15th instant, P.C.
Bethel, Esq., was called to the chair, when a committee was appointed to
report upon certain matters submitted to the consideration of the
meeting, which committee reported by their chairman the following, which
was unanimously adopted:
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE.
The committee appointed for the purpose of embodying the views and
objects of the meeting of the citizens of the parish of St. Mary,
assembled at the court-house of said parish on the 15th day of July, A.D.
1865, to deliberate concerning the discipline of colored persons or
freedmen, respectfully report that they recommend to the town council of
the town of Franklin the adoption of the ordinance of the board of police
of the town of Opelousas, passed on the third day of the present month,
with such alterations and modifications as may suit the wants and
necessities of this locality; also the ordinance of the same board of
police passed on the same day, relative to the town of Opelousas; which
ordinances are herewith presented for reference. And they furthermore
recommend to the police jury of the parish of St. Mary, whenever
convened, to make such regulations with regard to the discipline and
management of the freedmen or colored population for the entire parish as
may be most conducive to the quiet, tranquillity, and productiveness of
said parish generally. The committee further recommend to all
well-disposed citizens to co-operate with the authorities and with each
other in producing a return to civil rule and good order within the
shortest delay possible, that the State of Louisiana may be restored to
her proper condition as regards internal political stability and
tranquillity, as well as the representation she is entitled to in the
councils of the nation, which representation is more important to her now
than at any previous period of her history.
W.T. PALFREY, Chairman.
_Proceedings of the Mayor and Council of the town of Franklin_.
Friday, _July_ 28, 1865.
Pursuant to call of the major commanding, the mayor and council met this
day. Present: A.S. Tucker, mayor; Wilson McKerall, Alfred Gates, John C.
Gordy, and J.A. Peterman, members of the council.
The following was unanimously adopted, viz:
ORDINANCE relative to the police of negroes or colored persons within the
corporate limits of the town of Franklin.
SEC. 1. _Be it ordained by the mayor and council of the town of
Franklin_, That no negro or colored person shall be allowed to come
within the limits of said town without special permission from his
employer, specifying the object of his visit and the time necessary for
the accomplishment of the same. Whoever shall violate this provision
shall suffer imprisonment and two days work on the public streets, or
shall pay a fine of two dollars and a half.
SEC. 2. _Be it further ordained. &c_., That every negro or colored person
who shall be found on the streets of Franklin after ten o'clock at night
without a written pass or permit from his or her employer, shall be
imprisoned and compelled to work five days on the public streets or pay a
fine of five dollars.
SEC. 3. No negro or colored person shall be permitted to rent or keep a
house within the limits of the town under any circumstances; and any one
thus offending shall be ejected and compelled to find an employer, or
leave the town within twenty-four hours. The lessor or furnisher of the
house kept as above shall pay a fine of ten dollars for each offence:
_Provided_, That the provisions of this section shall not apply to any
free negro or colored person who was residing in the town of Franklin
prior to the 1st January (1865) last.
SEC. 4. No negro or colored person shall reside within the limits of the
town of Franklin who is not in the regular service of some white person
or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said
negro or colored person; but said employer or former owner may permit
said negro or colored person to hire his or their time by special
permission in writing, which permission shall not extend to over
twenty-five hours at any one time. Any negro or colored person violating
the provisions of this section shall be imprisoned and forced to work for
two days on the public streets: _Provided_, That the provisions of this
section shall not apply to negroes or colored persons heretofore free.
SEC. 5. No public meetings or congregations of negroes or colored persons
shall be allowed within the limits of the town of Franklin, under any
circumstances or for any purpose, without the permission of the mayor.
This prohibition is not intended, however, to prevent negroes or colored
persons from attending the usual church service, conducted by established
ministers of religion. Every negro or colored person violating this law
shall be imprisoned and put to work five days on the public streets.
SEC. 6. No negro or colored person shall be permitted to preach, exhort,
or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people without a special
permission from the mayor, under the penalty of a fine of ten dollars or
twenty days' work on the public streets.
SEC. 7. No negro or colored person who is not in the military service
shall be allowed to carry fire-arms or any kind of weapons within the
limits of the town of Franklin without the special permission of his
employer in writing, and approved by the mayor. Any one thus offending
shall forfeit his weapons and shall be imprisoned and made to work five
days on the public streets, or pay a fine of five dollars in lieu of said
work.
SEC. 8. No negro or colored person shall sell, barter, or exchange any
articles of merchandise or traffic within the limits of Franklin, without
permission in writing from his employer or the mayor, under the penalty
of forfeiture of the said articles and imprisonment and one day's labor,
or a fine of one dollar in lieu of said work.
SEC. 9. Any negro or colored person found drunk within the limits of the
town shall be imprisoned and made to labor five days on the public
streets, or pay five dollars in lieu of said labor.
SEC. 10. Any negro or colored person not residing in Franklin who shall
be found within its corporate limits after the hour of three o'clock p.m.
on Sunday without a special written permission from his employer or the
mayor, shall be arrested and imprisoned and made to work two days on the
public streets, or pay two dollars in lieu of said work.
SEC. 11. All the foregoing provisions apply to negroes or colored persons
of both sexes.
SEC. 12. It shall be the special duty of the town constable, under
direction of the mayor, to see that all the provisions of this ordinance
are faithfully executed.
SEC. 13. Whoever in Franklin shall sell or give to any negro or colored
person any intoxicating liquors, or shall exchange or barter for the same
with any such negro or colored person, without special permission from
the mayor or employer of said negro or colored person, shall, on
conviction thereof before the mayor or justice of the peace in and for
the seventh ward of the parish of St. Mary, pay a fine of twenty-five
dollars and costs of prosecution, and in default of the payment of said
fine and costs the person thus offending shall suffer imprisonment in the
parish jail for ten days.
A.S. TUCKER, _Mayor_.
R.W. McMILLAN, _Clerk_.
Approved: GEO. R. DAVIS,
_Major Third Rhode Island Cavalry, Commanding Post_.
[Telegram.]
New Orleans, _August_ 10, 1865.
The ordinance relative to the "Police of negroes or colored persons
within the corporate limits of the town of Franklin," dated Friday, July
28, 1865, and signed by A.L. Tucker, mayor, being in violation of the
emancipation proclamation, the orders of the War Department, and the
orders of these headquarters, you will prevent their enforcement and
arrest any person attempting to carry them out. The negroes are as free
as other people. This ordinance, if enforced, would be slavery in
substance, which can never be. Attend to this matter with all the vigor
at your command. I have consulted General Canby, who concurs with me in
the matter.
THOMAS W. CONWAY,
Ass't. Comm. Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, &c., State of Louisiana_.
Lieutenant S.E. SHEPARD,
_Provost Marshal, Parish of St. Mary, Brashear City, or Franklin, La_.
Official copy:
D.V. FENNO,
_First Lieutenant and A.A.A. General_.
No. 36.
BUREAU REFUGEES, FREEDMEN AND ABANDONED LANDS, OFFICE ASSISTANT
COMMISSIONER FOR STATE OF MISSISSIPPI,
_Vicksburg, Miss., September_ 28, 1865.
General: I enclose a copy of the city ordinances. You will see that
negroes who sell vegetables, cakes, &c., on the street are required to
pay ten dollars ($10) per month for the privilege of doing so.
To illustrate the workings of this ordinance I will give you an actual
occurrence in this city.
About a year ago an old negro man named Henderson, crippled with
over-work, about seventy years of age, was sent to me for support by the
military authorities. I issued him rations for himself and wife, an old
negro woman, incapable of doing anything but care for herself. I
continued this till about January 1, 1865, when the old man came to me
and informed me that if I would allow him to sell apples and cakes to the
soldiers on a corner of the street near my office, under a large tree
that grew there, he thought he could care for himself and make enough to
support himself and wife. I immediately gave him permission and an order
to protect him. I had but little faith in his being able to do it, as he
was compelled to go on crutches and was bent nearly double, owing to a
severe whipping his old master had given him some years ago.
He commenced his work, and, much to my surprise, made enough to support
himself, and asked for no more assistance from me.
When the city authorities took charge of the city matters the marshal of
the city ordered him to pay the ten dollars per month for the privilege
of supporting himself or desist from such trade.
The old man told him that all his profits would not amount to ten dollars
per month, and that in some months he did not make that amount of sales,
but, as Colonel Thomas provided him with a place to live, he could barely
support himself by such trade. The marshal of the city informed him that
the tax must be paid by all, and that Colonel Thomas could take care of
him, as it was his duty to do so.
The old man came to my office and told me the whole affair. I wrote a
letter to the mayor setting forth the whole case, and that the collection
of this tax on such old cripples would compel me to support them, as they
could not pay the city ten dollars per month and make their support. In
fact, ten dollars per month is the common wages for negro labor. The
mayor refused to allow the negro to continue his sales, and I was
compelled to take charge of him. I would have refused to allow the city
authorities to interrupt him had it not been for General Orders No. 10,
from headquarters department of Mississippi, allowing the mayor to take
charge of such matters.
You will see by the city ordinance that a drayman or hackman must file a
bond of five hundred dollars in addition to paying for his license. The
mayor requires that the bondsmen shall be freeholders. The laws of this
State do not, and never did, allow a negro to own land or hold property.
The white citizens refuse to sign any bonds for the freedmen.
The white citizens and authorities say that it is for their interest to
drive out all independent negro labor; that the freedmen must hire to
white men if they wish to do this kind of work.
I am, general, very respectfully,
SAMUEL THOMAS,
_Colonel, Assistant Commissioner Freedmen's Bureau, State of Mississippi_.
Major General C. SCHURZ.
_Proceedings of the City Council_.
At a regular meeting of the board of mayor and council of the city of
Vicksburg, held at the City Hall, on Monday, August 7, 1865: Present--T.J.
Randolph, mayor; Messrs. Stites, Royall, Johnson, Bender, Spengler,
Manlove, and Porterfield, councilmen.
Mr. Stites introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and, on
motion of Mr. Bender, the rules were suspended, the ordinance read a
second time; and, on motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were again
suspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed.
Mr. Johnson called for the ayes and noes on the passage of the ordinance,
which were taken:
Ayes--Stites, Royall, Bender, Spengler, Manlove, and Porterfield--6.
Nay--Johnson--1.
AN ORDINANCE to raise revenue for the city of Vicksburg.
SEC. 1. That there shall be assessed, levied, and collected upon the
landholders, freeholders, and householders of the city of Vicksburg, for
the year commencing July 9, 1865, upon the _ad valorem_ worth of all
houses, lots and parts of lots, and lands, and on all goods, wares, and
merchandise, on all moneys loaned at interest in said city, whether by a
resident or nonresident or a corporation, a general tax of fifty cents on
every one hundred dollars' value thereof; that said valuation or
assessment shall be assessed from the 9th day of July, A.D. 1865, and
shall be for one year, but the tax so assessed shall be payable in
advance.
SEC. 2. That on all goods, wares, and merchandise, produce, &c.,
contained or sold on board any flatboat, or other water craft, there
shall be assessed, levied, and collected upon the _ad valorem_ worth a
general tax of fifty cents on every one hundred dollars' value thereof.
SEC. 3. That there shall be assessed, levied, and collected a poll tax of
two dollars upon every male inhabitant of said city over the age of
twenty-one years.
SEC. 4. That the rate for license for the houses, business, &c., be
assessed as follows, payable as set forth in section 1: On all family
groceries, porter-houses, eating-houses, oyster houses, and restaurants,
per year $40; on all auction stores, per year, $200; on all public
auctioneers, $50; on all banks, brokers, and exchange offices, $500; on
all insurance companies having agents in this city, $100; on all express
companies, $200; on all wholesale and retail stores and commission
houses, $50; on all drays and carts, $20; on all hacks, $25; on all
private boarding-houses having ten or more boarders, $20; on all hotels,
$100; on all rooms where billiard tables are kept for playing, $200; on
all rooms where bagatelle or pigeonhole tables are kept for playing, $25;
on all alleys known as ten-pin or nine-pin alleys, $200; on all livery
stables, $50; on all wagon yards, $40; on all barber shops, for each
chair, $40; on all manufactories of ale, porter, or soda-water per year,
$75; on all bakeries, $25; on all theatres, circuses, animal shows, or
any public performance or exhibition where compensation is paid in money,
each day, $25; on all bar-rooms, or other places where vinous or
spirituous liquors are sold in less quantities than one gallon, per year,
$500; on all confectionary, fruit or ice cream, soda water or vegetable
stores, $50; on all cigar stores, $50; on all shops where fresh meat is
sold, $50; on all street peddlers of goods, wares, or merchandise, fruit
&c., except from market carts from the country, per month, $10; on all
live stock sold in this city, one-half of one per cent, _ad valorem_.
SEC. 5. That all ordinances in any way conflicting with the provisions of
this ordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed.
SEC. 6. That this ordinance take effect from and after its passage.
Vicksburg, Mississippi, _August_ 7, 1865.
Mr. Stites introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and, on
motion of Mr. Bender, the rules were suspended and the ordinance read a
second time; and, on motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were again
suspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed.
AN ORDINANCE to regulate the mode of obtaining licenses within the city
of Vicksburg.
SEC. 1. That, before license shall be granted to any one to keep a family
grocery, porter-house, oyster-house, eating-house, or restaurant in this
city, the person or persons so applying shall execute a bond in the penal
sum of $500, with one or more securities, payable to the mayor of the
city of Vicksburg and his successors in office, conditioned that he, she,
or they will keep an orderly and well-conducted house, and will not
permit any riotous or disorderly conduct, or any gaming in or about the
same, and will not sell any vinous or spirituous liquors to any one in
less quantity than one gallon during the continuance of his or her
license.
SEC. 2. That before any person or persons shall be licensed to retail
vinous or spirituous liquors within this city, he, she, or they shall
produce before the board of mayor and council of said city the written
recommendation of five freeholders of his or her neighborhood, setting
forth that he or she is of good reputation and a suitable person to
receive such license.
SEC. 3. That no license to sell vinous or spirituous liquors as aforesaid
shall be delivered to any person until he or she shall have first
produced the receipt of the treasurer of the city for the amount of tax
assessed for such license, and shall also have executed a bond in the
penal sum of $1,000, with one or more good and sufficient sureties,
payable to the mayor of the city of Vicksburg and his successor in
office, conditioned that he, she, or they will keep an orderly and
well-conducted house, and will not permit any riotous or disorderly
conduct, or any gaming, in or about the same.
SEC. 4. That the bonds provided for in this ordinance shall be submitted
to, and approved by, the board of mayor and council before said license
shall be issued.
SEC. 5. That if any person shall retail any vinous or spirituous liquors
within this city in less quantity than one gallon without first having
procured license to do so, pursuant to the provisions of this ordinance,
or in any way violate the provisions of this ordinance, he shall, upon
conviction before the mayor of the city, be fined in a sum not less than
one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars.
SEC. 6. That before issuing license to any person or persons for the
privilege of running a public dray, cart, or hack in this city, the party
so applying shall first file with the mayor of the city a bond, with good
and sufficient security, to be approved by the mayor, in the penal sum of
$500, conditioned for the faithful performance of their duties as public
carriers.
SEC. 7. That all ordinances in any way conflicting with the provisions of
this ordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed.
SEC. 8. That this ordinance take effect from and after its passage.
Vicksburg, Mississippi, _August_ 7, 1865
Mr. Johnson introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and on
motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were suspended and the ordinance read a
second time; and on motion of Mr. Bender, the rules were again suspended,
the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed:
AN ORDINANCE to amend the market ordinance.
SEC. 1. That from and after the passage of this ordinance it shall not be
lawful for any person or persons to sell or expose for sale in the
market-house of Vicksburg, after the hour of 9 o'clock a.m., any
lemonade, ice-cream, cakes, pies, fruit, or vegetables, or other
articles usually sold in market, under the penalty of $10 for each and
every offence.
SEC. 2. That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons trading in
the market to buy or bargain for, during market hours, or receive from
any person or persons not renting a stall in the market, any meat, fish,
poultry, butter, eggs, vegetables, or fruits, and offer the same for sale
in the market again within ten days, under a penalty of $10 for each and
every offence.
SEC. 3. That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to buy from
any person on their way to market, within the city, during market hours,
any of the articles named in the second section, or prevent such person
from going to market with aforesaid articles, under a penalty of $10 for
each and every offence.
SEC. 4. That it shall be the duty of the day police of each ward to
arrest and bring before the mayor all persons found violating any section
of the above ordinance.
SEC. 5. That all ordinances or parts of ordinances conflicting with this
ordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed.
Mr. Porterfield introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and
on motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were suspended and the ordinance read
a second time; and on further motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were again
suspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed:
AN ORDINANCE regulating ferry-boats, &c.
SEC. 1. That all ferry-boats crossing the Mississippi river and landing
in the city limits shall pay the sum of $25 per week.
SEC. 2. That this ordinance shall be in force from and after its passage.
On motion of Mr. Manlove, the following resolution was adopted:
_Resolved_, That hereafter it shall be lawful for the city marshal to
charge for prisoners committed to workhouse for board, per day, sixty
cents.
On motion of Mr. Spangler, the following resolution was adopted:
_Resolved_, That the city marshal notify the owners of property to have
their side-walks and gutters repaired on Washington street, between
second corner of East to Depot street, in thirty days; and if not done,
the city marshal have it done, at the expense of the property.
On motion of Mr. Manlove, the following resolution was adopted:
_Resolved_, That the mayor be authorized to pay the policemen the amounts
due them respectively to date, according to the report by the city
marshal.
On motion of Mr. Spangler, the following resolution was adopted:
_Resolved_, That the overseers of street hands' pay shall be $100 per
month.
On motion of Mr. Manlove, the following resolution was adopted:
_Resolved_, That the salary of the city marshal shall be $1,200 per
annum, the salary of the deputy marshal be $900 per annum, and the salary
of the policemen $60 per month, all of which shall be paid monthly.
On motion of Mr. Manlove, the following resolution was adopted:
_Resolved_, That a committee of two be appointed to receive proposals to
publish the proceedings of the city council to the third Monday in March
next, and also inquire on what terms the city printing can be done, and
report to next meeting of this council.
The mayor appointed Messrs. Manlove and Bender on said committee.
On motion of Mr. Bender, the board adjourned till Thursday evening,
August 10, at six o'clock.
T.J. RANDOLPH, _Mayor_.
No. 37.
FREEDMEN'S BUREAU, STATE OF MISSISSIPPI,
_Office State Superintendent of Education,
Vicksburg, Miss., September_ 28, 1865.
General: At the request of Colonel Thomas, I beg your attention to a few
considerations touching the turning over of the care of the freedmen in
Mississippi to the State authorities, so far as the transfer bears upon
the religious and educational privileges of the colored people. Perhaps
no one who has been less engaged in caring for the education and the
moral interests of these people can fully appreciate the facts that I
intend to lay before you, or understand them as having the intensity of
meaning that I see in them.
I have seen a good deal of the people of Mississippi, and have purposely
sounded them as to their feelings with regard to the effort to educate
the blacks. The general feeling is that of strong opposition to it. Only
one person resident in Mississippi before the rebellion has expressed
himself to me as in favor of it, and he did not propose to do anything to
aid it; and, to show how much his favor was worth, he said he regretted
that he was not able to prevent the negroes from having shouting
meetings, and that he would keep them from going off the plantation to
meeting now if he could, as he formerly did. Aside from this gentleman,
every native Mississippian and Irishman with whom I have conversed
opposes the instruction of freedmen. Some disguise their opposition by
affected contemptuous disbelief of the negro's capacity. All the facts
that we can give them, however rich and suggestive, are received with
sneering incredulity and the assurance that they know the negroes better
than we do. A little persistence in giving this class of men facts
disproving their assertions usually makes them angry, and leads them to
declare that if the negroes can learn, the greater the damage that will
be done them, for the education will do them no good, and will spoil
them. Others take this last-mentioned ground at first, and say that a
learned negro is a nuisance; for, while he is ignorant, stupid, and
loutish, he may be compelled to labor; but as soon as he comes to know
something the white people cannot make so profitable use of him.
Some manifest great spite when this subject is mentioned. They say we are
trying to make the negro equal with them. Many do not hesitate to say
that he ought to be kept uneducated in order that he may not be superior
to ignorant white men.
I have discovered that many object to the negro women's being educated
lest they should be led to respect themselves, and not so easily be made
the instruments of the white man's lust.
The people of Vicksburg have asked Colonel Thomas to prevent the
establishment of colored schools within the city--they would probably
say, to preserve the peace of the city; but I feel sure it is because the
sight of them gives pain. And if their removal ever becomes necessary to
the peace of a place, the fact will illustrate public feeling
sufficiently.
I have heard more than one person say that he would kill a colored
teacher if he ever saw one.
The children of a community generally express the public feeling, and we
may usually learn from them what the feeling is, even when the parents,
from prudence, seek to conceal it. Children often exaggerate, but they
get their bias at home. The children of Mississippi throw stones at
colored scholars, and are only restrained by fear from mobbing colored
schools.
My memorandum book contains such information as to points in the interior
of the State as I can gather from officers, and from any reliable source,
to guide me in locating teachers. Some of these memoranda are: "Garrison
withdrawn; school impossible." "No resident federal officer; a teacher
could not be protected." "People much prejudiced; protection cannot be
guaranteed." Such things are said in regard to every place not under
northern protection. I think I do not overstate in saying that I do not
know a single northern man in Mississippi who supposes a colored school
possible where there is no federal sword or bayonet. Some northern men do
not regret this fact, perhaps; and this makes their testimony on this
point more valuable.
White churches recover their houses of worship which the blacks helped to
build, and which they have repaired extensively during the last two
years, and remorselessly turn the blacks out without any regard to their
rights in equity, their feelings, or their religious interests.
I may state here that there is such a general expression of contempt for
negro religion, and such a desire to suppress it, if possible, that it
seems as if the whites thought it a piece of terrible impertinence for
the blacks to worship the same God that we do. The white people also
fear, or affect to fear, that opposition to their plans, and even
insurrection, will be hatched at the meetings of colored people. The
Nemesis of slavery still holds her whip over them. From this source arise
the occasional reports of intended insurrections; and these reports are
intended, often, to cause the prevention of meetings, at which the
colored people may consult together, and convey information important to
them.
In view of all these things, I have no doubt but that, if our protection
be withdrawn, negro education will be hindered in every possible way,
including obstruction by fraud and violence. I have not the smallest
expectation that, with the State authorities in full power, a northern
citizen would be protected in the exercise of his constitutional right to
teach and preach to the colored people; and shall look for a renewal of
the fearful scenes, in which northerners were whipped, tarred and
feathered, warned off, and murdered, before the war.
I meant to make this letter shorter, but could not. I hope I need not
assure you, general, that I am not conscious that any part of the above
comes of enmity to the south. I certainly should rejoice to see my
opinion of the state of feeling in Mississippi falsified by patent facts.
I have the honer to be, general, your obedient servant,
JOSEPH WARREN,
_Chaplain, State Superintendent of Education_.
Major General CARL SCHURZ.
No. 39.
OFFICE ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER BUREAU REFUGEES, FREEDMEN AND ABANDONED
LANDS FOR STATE OF MISSISSIPPI,
_Vicksburg, Mississippi, September 30, 1865_.
General: I see by the papers of a late date that Dr. Murdoch, of
Columbus, Mississippi, has made a speech at General Howard's office, in
which he makes strong promises of the hearty co-operation of his
fellow-citizens in the education of the freedmen in the State.
The officer of this bureau at that place, Captain Hubbard, writes that
"the citizens of the place are so prejudiced against the negroes that
they are opposed to all efforts being made for their education or
elevation; that the people will not give rooms, or allow the children of
their hired freedmen to attend the schools; that the citizens of the
place have written a letter to the officer saying that they would
respectfully ask that no freedmen schools be established under the
auspices of the bureau, as it would tend to disturb the present labor
system, and take from the field labor that is so necessary to restore the
wealth of the State." This is signed by half a dozen citizens purporting
to represent the people, and certainly gives us a different idea of the
case from that stated by Dr. Murdoch.
I am, general, very respectfully,
SAMUEL THOMAS,
_Colonel, Assistant Commissioner for Mississippi_.
Major General CARL SCHURZ.
No. 40.
_To the Voters of Wilkinson county_:
Fellow-Citizens: When I consented, some days ago, to be a candidate for
the State convention, I confess that, with some of my personal friends, I
was vain enough to believe that I was sufficiently well known to the
people of Wilkinson county to make it unnecessary for me to publish my
political creed. But, to my surprise, it is rumored, to the prejudice of
my humble claim upon your suffrage, that I am an "_unconditional,
immediate emancipationist--an abolitionist_."
In the freedom of casual, friendly conversation, it is certainly not
unreasonable that I may, as any other man, be misunderstood. I cannot
think any of my fellow-citizens capable of misrepresenting me purposely.
But certain it is I am misunderstood if any man believes me to favor the
policy that wrongs and impoverishes my country. It does occur to me,
fellow-citizens, that the _charity_, at least, if not the good sense of
those who know me, would contradict any such insinuation. True, I only
claim to have done my duty, but my record for the last four years, I
trust, is sufficient proof of my fidelity to the interests of the south
and all her institutions. Can any man believe me now in favor of, and
ready to advocate, the abolition of an institution for which I have
contended so long, and which I am as fully persuaded to-day, as ever, was
the true status of the negro? Surely not.
But, fellow-citizens,--what I may, in common with you all, have to submit
to, is a very different thing. Slavery has been taken from us. The power
that has already practically abolished the institution threatens totally
and forever to abolish it. But does it follow that I am in favor of this
thing? By no means. And, certainly, you who know me will not demand of me
any further assurance than my antecedents afford that I will, as your
representative, should you elect me, "do all and secure all" I could for
the best interest of the State, and the rights and interests of a free
people.
I have thought, and have said, and do now repeat, that my honest
conviction is, we must accept the situation as it is until we can get
control once more of our own State affairs. We cannot do otherwise and
get our place again in the Union, and occupy a position, exert an
influence, that will protect us against further and greater evils which
threaten us. I must, as any other man who votes or holds an office,
submit, for the time, to evils I cannot remedy.
I want it distinctly understood that _I do not run on "Mr. Burruss's
platform," or any other man's, save my own_.
Should you send me to the convention I will go committed, as I think an
honest man can only commit himself, i. e., according to my best judgment,
and with an intention to guard all the blessings we now enjoy, to the
extent of my ability, exert myself, as I have said, to secure all I can
for the interest of our State. If I cannot be trusted, then choose some
other man, who may have shown himself hitherto, and is now, more truly
your friend, and who is, in your judgment, more capable of representing
you.
W.L. BRANDON.
Wilkinson County, _August_ 6.
No. 41.
OFFICE ACTING ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER BUREAU FREEDMEN, &c., FOR SOUTHERN
DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI,
_Natchez, Miss., September_ 25, 1865.
General: In obedience to your request, I have the honor to submit the
following as the result of my observations during the past year among
freedmen:
The opinion and feeling among the negroes throughout this district,
comprising the counties of Claiborne, Copiah, Lawrence, Covington, Jones,
Wayne, Jefferson, Franklin, Pike, Marion, Perry, Greene, Adams,
Wilkinson, Amite, Hancock, Harrison, and Jackson, and Concordia and
Teusas parishes, Louisiana, are almost unanimous on one point, viz: they
will remain this year on their old places for a support, and such
remuneration as the crop raised can give them, but next year they will
leave and make other arrangements. They say that they have tried their
old masters, know what they require, and how they will be treated, and
that, as they are now free, they will try some other place and some other
way of working. They take this view not because they are tired of work,
or because they want to be idle, but because they are free, and want to
find out in what their freedom consists.
To contend with the results of this opinion will be the great work flung
upon the hands of some one next year. And not only will they have to see
that the laborers are properly settled, but they must provide for the
crippled, the helpless and the children. The planters cannot be made to
support those who are too feeble to give any return, and who only remain
because they are too old or too young to get away. What, then, is to
become of them?
As to those who can labor, there will be no difficulty--the demand for
laborers will far exceed the supply. The great trouble will be to keep
the negro in the State, and to provide assistance for those who are
unable to take care of themselves. Another want to be provided for is
that of education. If we are to have good, industrious, and law-abiding
people, we must provide some means for their education. It is intended to
place a teacher in every town in which schools can be established and
protected. From conversations with intelligent citizens, whom I feel
assured, represent the feelings of a large class of people, I think that
for some time the equality of negroes and whites before the law, as
regards testimony, will be merely an equality in name.
Citizens say that their legislature may, and probably will, make laws
receiving the testimony of negroes in all cases, as a means of inducing
the government to re-admit them to a full exercise of their State
jurisdiction and representation, but that no southern jury can ever be
found that, when it comes to a case where twenty negroes testify one way,
and two white men testify the other, will not decide in favor of the
white, and virtually throw out the negro testimony. Of course this matter
of testimony will settle itself with time, and a negro's word obtain the
same credit from his individual character as among whites, for the
whites, having cases that they are dependent upon negro testimony for,
will in the course of time be brought by their own interests to take and
demand the full benefit of the law; but for some time, although legally
admitted, it will in fact be excluded.
The report of Captain Warren Peck, a copy of which I have the honor to
enclose, gives a very fair view of what the result would be, were the
officers of this bureau removed.
When I took charge here I found a perfect state of terror among whites
and blacks; but now that officers are thickly distributed over the
district, complaints are few, and the laborers are well, and, so far as
possible, comfortably fixed for this year. Out of a negro population of
over 75,000, only 649 receive rations from the government as destitutes.
I feel no hesitation in saying that it is imperatively necessary to give
the system of free labor a fair trial, and to secure to the freedmen all
the benefits contemplated by the emancipation proclamation; that officers
or agents should be retained whose duty it is to look after the interests
of this large class of people, and see that they are gradually accustomed
to manage their own business and protect their own interests.
I have the honor to be, general, very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
GEORGE D. REYNOLDS,
_Major 6th United States Colored Heavy Artillery, and Acting Assistant
Comm. Bureau of Freedmen, &c., Southern Dist. of Mississippi_.
Major General CARL SCHURZ.
No. 42.
HEADQUARTERS NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI,
_Jackson, Miss., August_ 21, 1865.
Captain: I have the honor to enclose copies of a notice to form companies
in this and a neighboring county, and of my letter to Governor Sharkey in
reference to this matter. In a discussion which I had with the governor
he told me that it was his intention to raise a company of militia in
every county of the State, in accordance with the militia law of
Mississippi, mainly for the purpose of suppressing any acts of violence
which the negroes may attempt to commit during next winter. I called the
attention of the governor to the fact that the docket, until this day,
exhibits only the name of white criminals, and that all information
proves that almost all the cases of robbery, murder, &c., were brought in
connexion with young men in the country lately returned from military
service--just the very same men who, in all probability, would join the
intended meetings to form companies of militia.
The result of the organization of such companies, while the State is
occupied by United States troops, mostly colored, cannot be doubted--the
heterogeneous element must clash and bring about a state of affairs which
certainly would prove detrimental to the peace and best interests of the
State.
Governor Sharkey tells me that he has applied to President Johnson for
authority to raise the militia, and that he would inform me of any
decision he may receive from Washington; in the mean time I consider it
my duty to take action as communicated in my letter, and respectfully
request the approval of the major general commanding department. Very
respectfully, your obedient servant,
P. JOS. OSTERHAUS,
_Major General Volunteers_.
Captain J. WARREN MILLER, _A.A. General, Department of Mississippi_.
Official copy:
W.A. GORDON,
_A.A. General_.
EXECUTIVE OFFICE, _Jackson, Miss., August_ 19, 1865.
Information having reached me that parties of bad men have banded
together in different parts of the State for the purpose of robbing and
plundering, and for violating the law in various ways, and that outrages
of various kinds are being perpetrated, and the military authorities of
the United States being insufficient to protect the people throughout the
entire State, I do therefore call upon the people, and especially on such
as are liable to perform military duty, and are familiar with military
discipline, to organize volunteer companies in each county in the State,
if practicable, at least one company of cavalry and one of infantry, as
speedily as possible, for the detection of criminals, the prevention of
crime, and the preservation of good order. And I urge upon these
companies, when formed, that they will be vigilant in the discharge of
these duties. These companies will be organized under the law in relation
to volunteer companies as contained in the Revised Code, and the
amendment thereto, passed on the 10th of February, 1860, except that as
soon as the proper number shall volunteer, the election for officers may
take place immediately and without further order, and commissions will be
issued as soon as returns are received, and the election may be held by
any justice of the peace. I most earnestly call upon the young men of the
State, who have so distinguished themselves for gallantry, to respond
promptly to this call, which is made in behalf of a suffering people.
It will be the duty, as I hope it will be the pleasure, of these
companies to pursue and apprehend all offenders against law, and by
vigilance to prevent crime, to aid the civil authorities, and to
contribute all in their power to the restoration of good order in the
community. Arms will be procured, if possible, for such as may not have
them, but I would advise an immediate organization with such arms as can
be procured.
Given under my hand and the great seal of State affixed.
W.L. SHARKEY,
_Provisional Governor of Mississippi_.
By the Governor:
JOHN H. ECHOLS,
_Secretary of State_.
HEADQUARTERS NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI,
_Jackson, Miss., August_ 22, 1865.
Captain: I have the honor to enclose copy of a letter received from
Governor Sharkey in reply to my communication of yesterday, copy of which
was sent you by last courier. The governor's proclamation, raising troops
in the whole State, changes the status of things, as it no longer belongs
to the limits of my district, but to the department; and, consequently, I
desist from all further action in the matter until your instructions have
come to hand.
In regard to the robberies, I will state that not a single _regular_
stage, between Big Black and Jackson, has been earnestly interfered with;
they were permitted to run, without molestation, while the "robbers"
operated against a Massachusetts schoolmaster, some darkies, and the
government messengers; not a house was entered in the vicinity of the
field of operations, not an inhabitant robbed. All "home institutions"
are apparently safe. The inference is natural that these highway men are
guerillas in the true sense of the word, and are waging a war against the
"invaders." The governor admits, very candidly, that he knows that the
people are reluctant to give aid to me by imparting information. Several
persons who were halted by the "robbers," but released with the excuse
that they were stopped by mistake, refused flatly to give any name, of
the party they were stopped by, but declared to know them.
You know, captain, that certain parties have importuned the governor,
from the beginning, to raise the militia; and, as there was no cause for
such a measure before, it probably was thought expedient to get up some
cause for the desired purpose. Now we have the "robberies"--they are very
one-sided and extraordinary--but they furnished the cause so badly
wanted. The governor is confident that a few squads of young men, armed
with fowling-pieces and the omnipresent revolvers, can suppress all
irregularities, which the utmost vigilance and constant exertion of a
large number of United States troops failed to suppress!
I must state yet that the parties arrested under suspicion of
participating in the described robberies are young men lately connected
with the rebel army. There is no doubt on my mind that the young men "who
steal the despatches from our messengers" will become good members of the
intended militia.
With great respect, your obedient servant,
P. JOS. OSTERHAUS,
_Major General Volunteers_.
Captain J. WARREN MILLER,
_A.A. General, Department of Mississippi_.
Official copy:
W.A. GORDON,
_A.A. General_.
HEADQUARTERS NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI,
_Jackson, Miss., August_ 21, 1865.
Sir: A notice appears in yesterday's paper, over the signature of Lamar
Fontaine, calling on the young men of Hinds and Madison counties to meet
at Cooper Wells and at Livingstone, respectively, on the 22d and 24th
instant, for the purpose of organizing companies and electing officers.
The notice creates the impression that some kind of military organization
is intended, and in that event I would beg leave to call your attention
to the fact that the State of Mississippi is under occupation, and that
martial law is still in force, and that no military organizations can be
tolerated which are not under the control of the United States officers.
I am, therefore, in duty bound and compelled to prevent and prohibit all
military organization not recognized as a portion of the United States
forces, unless they are formed under special authority of the War
Department, or the major general commanding the department of
Mississippi.
I can assure your excellency that the number of troops in the counties of
Hinds and Madison is amply sufficient to give the civil authorities all
the assistance they may possibly need, and the means at my disposal are
amply sufficient to stop all crime, provided the civil authorities will
co-operate sincerely with the military commanders, and furnish
information promptly and voluntarily, as the public peace and safety
require them to do.
I respectfully request that you will communicate the tenor of this
communication to Mr. Fontaine.
Believe me, with great esteem, your excellency's obedient servant,
P. JOS. O'STERHAUS,
_Major General Volunteers_.
His Excellency Hon. W.L. SHARKEY,
_Provisional Governor of Mississippi_.
Official copy:
W.A. GORDON,
A.A.G.
EXECUTIVE OFFICE, _Jackson, Miss., August_ 22, 1865.
General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of yesterday, in which you call my attention to the fact
that the State of Mississippi is still under military occupation, and
that martial law is still in force, and that no military organizations
can be tolerated which are not under the control of United States
officers; and you add that you will feel bound to prevent such
organizations, and you also assure me that you have sufficient troops in
the counties of Hinds and Madison to aid the civil authorities. This last
remark was made by you with reference to a particular organization which
has been proposed in those counties. I have, however, issued a general
order on this subject, a copy of which I hand you, regretting that you
have felt yourself compelled to take this view of the subject, and I know
you are prompted by a sense of duty. I beg to remind you that for twelve
or fifteen consecutive nights passengers travelling in the stage between
here and Vicksburg have been robbed, and these things have occurred
within twelve or fifteen miles of your own headquarters. I would not be
understood as reflecting in the slightest degree on you. I know you have
every desire to prevent such occurrences, and will use every means in
your power to do so, and to arrest the culprits. I know, too, that the
people are reluctant to give you aid by imparting information to you,
but, in addition to these robberies, information daily reaches me of the
perpetration of outrages, committed in various ways in distant parts of
the--State where you have no military force. The people are calling on me
for protection, which I cannot give them under existing circumstances,
and it was to give them relief that the military organizations have been
ordered. If further justification be necessary, I may add in the last
interview I had with the President, in speaking of anticipated troubles,
he distinctly stated to me that I could organize the militia if it should
become necessary. I think the necessity is now manifest, and therefore
claim the authority of the President of the United States for my action.
It was precisely under this authority that in my proclamation of the 1st
of July I called upon the people in unprotected counties to organize for
their security. I will also state that the President has been apprised of
what I am doing in this respect, and when he shall change his
instructions I will, of course, yield obedience; but until he shall do
so, I shall feel it to be my duty to carry out the line of policy I have
adopted. I need scarcely assure you, general, that this is not in any
sense a hostile demonstration, and feel quite sure no evil can result
from it. Mississippi has spoken too plainly in her convention to leave
any doubt about her future purposes.
Believe me, with great respect, your most obedient servant,
W.L. SHARKEY,
_Provisional Governor of Mississippi_.
Major General P. Jos. OSTERHAUS.
Official copy:
W.A. GORDON,
A.A.G.
No. 43.
OFFICE ACTING ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER FREEDMEN'S BUREAU
FOR NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI,
_Jackson, Miss., September_ 28, 1865.
Major: In compliance with your request desiring me to furnish you a list
of crimes and assaults against freedmen, I have the honor to report that
on or about the 18th day of August, 1865, Matilda, a colored woman, was
murdered by one J.H. Kiley and son, in Newton county, in this State, for
simply remonstrating against whipping her son. Lucinda, a colored woman,
in Yalobusha county, was stripped naked, tied to a tree, and severely
whipped by three men, names unknown. In the county of Holmes, between the
5th and 15th days of September, 1865, five negroes were murdered; names
of the perpetrators unknown. In Simpson county, about the 1st of August,
a father and his two sons cruelly whipped and abused a colored woman in
their employ. Near Lauderdale Springs, Castwell Eads, a citizen, by his
own statement, shot and wounded a colored man for simply refusing to obey
his command, _halt_! while he was running from him after being cruelly
whipped. In Smith county, S.S. Catchings, a citizen, followed a colored
man, who had left his plantation, overtook him, knocked him down, and
beat him brutally.
These are all the cases of which I have detailed accounts, none but
general reports having yet been received from the agents. These indicate
that cruelty is frequently practiced.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
E.S. DONALDSON,
_Lieutenant Colonel, Acting Assistant Commissioner_.
Major W.A. GORDON,
_Assistant Adjutant General_.
No. 44.
Savannah, Ga., _August_ 1, 1865.
General: In answer to your question with regard to free labor at the
South, and particularly the way in which the contract system is viewed by
persons who were formerly slaveholders, I would state that these persons
accept the present condition of affairs as an alternative forced upon
them, believing still that the emancipation of their slaves was a great
blunder, and that slavery is the only system by which the colored laborer
can be made profitable to his employer.
Within this district the plantation contracts now in force were entered
into just subsequent to the arrival of the army, and when it was
impossible for planters to undertake the care of their plantations. The
negroes, therefore, planted for themselves, promising the owner a fair
proportion of the crop as rent for the use of the land.
Now, however, the matter comes up in a different shape. Owners have
returned, and it is necessary to make arrangements for the next season.
Most of them complain and find fault with the government, and remain
inactive. So long as the military form prevails they seem to submit and
to conform to present requirements, but at heart they are unfriendly.
Some few, however, ask of us what we are going to do with the negro, and
what provision will be made with regard to labor. There is nothing in
their conduct that betokens sympathy with our movements, or a desire to
co-operate with us earnestly in our work. The rebel spirit is as bitter
as ever in the minds of the southern people. To return to the old customs
is now their effort, and step by step they would take us back to where we
were when the war broke out. They will contract with the freedmen, not
because they prefer to, but because they are obliged to, and so long as
the authority of the United States is present for the protection of all
parties, and to compel a faithful performance, the agreement will be
carried out; but should the army be withdrawn, the freedmen would
virtually be reduced to slavery, and freedom-loving men would find a
southern residence unsafe.
I think the negro is disposed to fulfil his contract, and in cases where
it has seemed otherwise, the other party has often been at fault.
While I have met a few planters who seem to realize that emancipation is
a fixed fact, and that they must make the most of present circumstances,
by resorting to the only means by which labor can now be obtained, (the
contract system,) I have found scarcely one who will enter into the
matter with any kind of sympathy, or with either the belief or the hope
that our plans will eventually succeed, for they feel keenly that the
success of those plans will prove the foolishness of slavery.
The coming year will produce a change of opinion at the South, I think,
if by thorough supervision we secure protection to free labor.
I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A.P. KETCHUM.
Major General CARL SCHURZ.
LETTER OF GENERAL GRANT CONCERNING AFFAIRS AT THE SOUTH.
HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,
_Washington, D.C., December_ 18, 1865.
Sir: In reply to your note of the 16th instant, requesting a report from
me giving such information as I may be possessed of coming within the
scope of the inquiries made by the Senate of the United States in their
resolution of the 12th instant, I have the honor to submit the following:
With your approval, and also that of the honorable Secretary of War, I
left Washington city on the 27th of last month for the purpose of making
a tour of inspection through some of the southern States, or States
lately in rebellion, and to see what changes were necessary to be made in
the disposition of the military forces of the country; how these forces
could be reduced and expenses curtailed, &c.; and to learn, as far as
possible, the feelings and intentions of the citizens of those States
towards the general government.
The State of Virginia being so accessible to Washington city, and
information from this quarter, therefore, being readily obtained, I
hastened through the State without conversing or meeting with any of its
citizens. In Raleigh, North Carolina, I spent one day; in Charleston,
South Carolina, two days; Savannah and Augusta, Georgia, each one day.
Both in travelling and whilst stopping I saw much and conversed freely
with the citizens of those States as well as with officers of the army
who have been stationed among them. The following are the conclusions
come to by me.
I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men of the south accept the
present situation of affairs in good faith. The questions which have
heretofore divided the sentiment of the people of the two
sections--slavery and State rights, or the right of a State to secede
from the Union--they regard as having been settled forever by the highest
tribunal--arms--that man can resort to. I was pleased to learn from the
leading men whom I met that they not only accepted the decision arrived
at as final, but, now that the smoke of battle has cleared away and time
has been given for reflection, that this decision has been a fortunate
one for the whole country, they receiving like benefits from it with
those who opposed them in the field and in council.
Four years of war, during which law was executed only at the point of the
bayonet throughout the States in rebellion, have left the people possibly
in a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority the
American people have generally been in the habit of yielding. This would
render the presence of small garrisons throughout those States necessary
until such time as labor returns to its proper channel, and civil
authority is fully established. I did not meet any one, either those
holding places under the government or citizens of the southern States,
who think it practicable to withdraw the military from the south at
present. The white and the black mutually require the protection of the
general government.
There is stick universal acquiescence in the authority of the general
government throughout the portions of country visited by me, that the
mere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, is
sufficient to maintain order. The good of the country, and economy,
require that the force kept in the interior, where there are many
freedmen, (elsewhere in the southern States than at forts upon the
seacoast no force is necessary,) should all be white troops. The reasons
for this are obvious without mentioning many of them. The presence of
black troops, lately slaves, demoralizes labor, both by their advice and
by furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distances
around. White troops generally excite no opposition, and therefore a
small number of them can maintain order in a given district. Colored
troops must be kept in bodies sufficient to defend themselves. It is not
the thinking men who would use violence towards any class of troops sent
among them by the general government, but the ignorant in some places
might; and the late slave seems to be imbued with the idea that the
property of his late master should, by right, belong to him, or at least
should have no protection from the colored soldier. There is danger of
collisions being brought on by such causes.
My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the
southern States are anxious to return to self-government, within the
Union, as soon as possible; that whilst reconstructing they want and
require protection from the government; that they are in earnest in
wishing to do what they think is required by the government, not
humiliating to them as citizens, and that if such a course were pointed
out they would pursue it in good faith. It is to be regretted that there
cannot be a greater commingling, at this time, between the citizens of
the two sections, and particularly of those intrusted with the law-making
power.
I did not give the operations of the Freedmen's Bureau that attention I
would have done if more time had been at my disposal. Conversations on
the subject, however, with officers connected with the bureau, lead me to
think that, in some of the States, its affairs have not been conducted
with good judgment or economy, and that the belief, widely spread among
the freedmen of the southern States, that the lands of their former
owners will, at least in part, be divided among them, has come from the
agents of this bureau. This belief is seriously interfering with the
willingness of the freedmen to make contracts for the coming year. In
some form the Freedmen's Bureau is an absolute necessity until civil law
is established and enforced, securing to the freedmen their rights and
full protection. At present, however, it is independent of the military
establishment of the country, and seems to be operated by the different
agents of the bureau according to their individual notions. Everywhere
General Howard, the able head of the bureau, made friends by the just and
fair instructions and advice he gave; but the complaint in South Carolina
was that when he left, things went on as before. Many, perhaps the
majority, of the agents of the Freedmen's Bureau advise the freedmen that
by their own industry they must expect to live. To this end they endeavor
to secure employment for them, and to see that both contracting parties
comply with their engagements. In some instances, I am sorry to say, the
freedman's mind does not seem to be disabused of the idea that a freedman
has the right to live without care or provision for the future. The
effect of the belief in division of lands is idleness and accumulation in
camps, towns, and cities. In such cases I think it will be found that
vice and disease will tend to the extermination or great reduction of the
colored race. It cannot be expected that the opinions held by men at the
south for years can be changed in a day, and therefore the freedmen
require, for a few years, not only laws to protect them, but the
fostering care of those who will give them good counsel, and on whom
they rely.
The Freedmen's Bureau being separated from the military establishment of
the country, requires all the expense of a separate organization. One
does not necessarily know what the other is doing, or what orders they
are acting under. It seems to me this could be corrected by regarding
every officer on duty with troops in the southern States as an agent
of the Freedmen's Bureau, and then have all orders from the head of
the bureau sent through department commanders. This would create a
responsibility that would secure uniformity of action throughout all the
south; would insure the orders and instructions from the head of the
bureau being carried out, and would relieve from duty and pay a large
number of employees of the government.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
U.S. GRANT,
_Lieutenant General_.
His Excellency ANDREW JOHNSON,
_President of the United States_.