"_Resolved_, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed
to consider the expediency of reporting a bill for the immediate
repeal of the Act of Congress, approved September 18, 1850, usually
known as the Fugitive Slave Act."
In pursuance of this notice, on the next day, 28th July, during the
morning hour, an attempt was made by Mr. Sumner to call it up, that
he might present his views on Slavery.
Mr. President,--I now ask permission of the Senate to take up the
resolution which I offered yesterday. For that purpose, I move that the
prior orders be postponed, and upon this motion I desire to say a word.
In asking the Senate to take up this resolution for consideration, I
say nothing now of its merits, nor of the arguments by which it may be
maintained; nor do I at this stage anticipate any objection to it on
these grounds. All this will properly belong to the discussion of the
resolution itself,--the main question,--when it is actually before the
Senate. The single question now is, not the resolution, but whether I
shall be heard upon it.
As a Senator, under the responsibilities of my position, I have deemed
it my duty to offer this resolution. I may seem to have postponed this
duty to an inconvenient period of the session; but had I attempted
it at an earlier day, I might have exposed myself to a charge of a
different character. It might then have been said, that, a new-comer
and inexperienced in this scene, without deliberation, hastily, rashly,
recklessly, I pushed this question before the country. This is not the
case now. I have taken time, and, in the exercise of my most careful
discretion, at last ask the attention of the Senate. I shrink from any
appeal founded on a trivial personal consideration; but should I be
blamed for delay latterly, I may add, that, though in my seat daily, my
bodily health for some time past, down to this very week, has not been
equal to the service I have undertaken. I am not sure that it is now,
but I desire to try.
And now again I say, the question is simply whether I shall be heard.
In allowing me this privilege,--this right, I may say,--you do not
commit yourselves in any way to the principle of the resolution; you
merely follow the ordinary usage of the Senate, and yield to a brother
Senator the opportunity which he craves, in the practical discharge of
his duty, to express convictions dear to his heart, and dear to large
numbers of his constituents. For the sake of these constituents,
for my own sake, I now desire to be heard. Make such disposition of
my resolution afterward as to you shall seem best; visit upon me any
degree of criticism, censure, or displeasure; but do not refuse me a
hearing. "Strike, but hear."
A debate ensued, in which Messrs. Mason, of Virginia, Brooke, of
Mississippi, Charlton, of Georgia, Gwin, of California, Pratt, of
Maryland, Shields, of Illinois, Douglas, of Illinois, Butler, of South
Carolina, Borland, of Arkansas, and Hunter, of Virginia, took part.
Objections to taking up the resolution were pressed on the ground of
"want of time," "the lateness of the session," and "danger to the
Union."
The question being put upon the motion by Mr. Sumner to take up his
resolution, it was rejected,--Yeas 10, Nays 32,--as follows.
YEAS,--Messrs. Clarke, Davis, Dodge, of Wisconsin, Foot, Hamlin,
Seward, Shields, Sumner, Upham, and Wade:--10.
NAYS,--Messrs. Borland, Brodhead, Brooke, Cass, Charlton, Clemens,
De Saussure, Dodge, of Iowa, Douglas, Downs, Felch, Fish, Geyer,
Gwin, Hunter, King, Mallory, Mangum, Mason, Meriwether, Miller,
Morton, Norris, Pearce, Pratt, Rusk, Sebastian, Smith, Soulé,
Spruance, Toucey, and Weller:--32.
* * * * *
Mr. Sumner was thus deprived of an opportunity to present his views
on this important subject, and it was openly asserted that he should
not present them during the pending session. Such was the proslavery
tyranny which prevailed. He was thus driven to watch for an
opportunity, when, according to the rules of the Senate, he might be
heard without impediment. On one of the last days of the session it
came.
* * * * *