In the Senate, Wednesday, 26th May, 1852, on the presentation of
a Memorial against the Fugitive Slave Bill, the following passage
occurred, which illustrates the sensitiveness of the Senate with regard
to Slavery and the impediments to its discussion. Mr. Sumner said:--
Mr. President,--I hold in my hand, and desire to present, a memorial
from the representatives of the Society of Friends in New England,
formally adopted at a public meeting, and authenticated by their clerk,
in which they ask for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Bill. After
setting forth their sentiments on the general subject of Slavery, the
memorialists proceed as follows.
"We, therefore, respectfully, but earnestly and sincerely, entreat
you to repeal the law of the last Congress respecting fugitive
slaves: first and principally, because of its injustice towards a
long sorely oppressed and deeply injured people; and, secondly,
in order that we, together with other conscientious sufferers,
may be exempted from the penalties which it imposes on all who,
in faithfulness to their Divine Master, and in discharge of their
obligations to their distressed fellow-men, feel bound to regulate
their conduct, even under the heaviest penalties which man can
inflict for so doing, by the divine injunction, 'All things
whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to
them,' and by the other commandment, 'Thou shalt love the Lord thy
God with all thy heart, and thy neighbor as thyself.'"
Mr. President,--This memorial is commended by the character of the
religious association from which it proceeds,--men who mingle rarely
in public affairs, but with austere virtue seek to carry the Christian
rule into life.
THE PRESIDENT [Mr. KING, of Alabama]. The Chair will have to
interpose. The Senator is not privileged to enter into a discussion
of the subject now. The contents of the memorial, simply, are to
be stated, and then it becomes a question whether it is to be
received, if any objection is made to its reception. Silence gives
consent. After it is received, he can make a motion with regard to
its reference, and then make any remarks he thinks proper.
MR. SUMNER. I have but few words to add, and then I propose to move
the reference of the memorial to the Committee on the Judiciary.
THE PRESIDENT. The memorial has first to be received, before
any motion as to its reference can be entertained. The Senator
presenting a memorial states distinctly its objects and contents;
then it is sent to the Chair, if a reference of it is desired. But
it is not in order to enter into a discussion of the merits of the
memorial until it has been received.[95]
MR. SUMNER. I do not propose to enter into any such discussion. I
have already read one part of the memorial, and it was my design
merely to refer to the character of the memorialists,--a usage
which I have observed on this floor constantly,--and to state the
course I should pursue, concluding with a motion for a reference.
[95] On any subject but Slavery there was no check upon Senators
at any time.
THE PRESIDENT. The Chair will hear the Senator, if such is the
pleasure of the Senate, if he does not go into an elaborate
discussion.
MR. SUMNER. I have no such purpose.
MR. DAWSON [of Georgia]. Let him be heard.
SEVERAL SENATORS. Certainly.
MR. SUMNER. I observed that this memorial was commended by the
character of the religious association from which it proceeds. It
is commended also by its earnest and persuasive tone, and by the
prayer which it presents. Offering it now, Sir, I desire simply
to say, that I shall deem it my duty, on some proper occasion
hereafter, to express myself at length on the matter to which it
relates. Thus far, during this session, I have forborne. With the
exception of an able speech from my colleague [Mr. DAVIS], the
discussion of this all-absorbing question has been mainly left
with Senators from another quarter of the country, by whose mutual
differences it is complicated, and between whom I do not care
to interfere. But there is a time for all things. Justice also
requires that both sides should be heard; and I trust not to expect
too much, when, at some fit moment, I bespeak the clear and candid
attention of the Senate, while I undertake to set forth, frankly
and fully, and with entire respect for this body, convictions
deeply cherished in my own State, though disregarded here, to
which I am bound by every sentiment of the heart, by every fibre
of my being, by all my devotion to country, by my love of God and
man. Upon these I do not enter now. Suffice it, for the present,
to say, that, when I undertake that service, I believe I shall
utter nothing which, in any just sense, can be called _sectional_,
unless the Constitution is sectional, and unless the sentiments
of the Fathers were sectional. It is my happiness to believe, and
my hope to be able to show, that, according to the true spirit of
the Constitution, and according to the sentiments of the Fathers,
FREEDOM, and not _Slavery_, is NATIONAL, while SLAVERY, and not
_Freedom_, is SECTIONAL.
In duty to the petitioners, and with the hope of promoting their
prayer, I move the reference of their petition to the Committee on
the Judiciary.
A brief debate ensued, in which Messrs. Mangum, of North Carolina,
Badger, of North Carolina, Hale, of New Hampshire, Clemens, of Alabama,
Dawson, of Georgia, Adams, of Mississippi, Butler, of South Carolina,
and Chase, of Ohio, took part; and, on motion of Mr. Badger, the
memorial was laid on the table.
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