SEPARATE SCHOOLS ARE IN THE NATURE OF CASTE.

The separation of children in the Schools, on account of race or color,

is in the nature of _Caste_, and, on this account, a violation of

Equality. The case shows expressly that the child was excluded from

the school nearest to her dwelling--the number in the school at the

time warranting her admission--"on the sole ground of color." The first

Majority Report presented to the School Committee, and mentioned in the

statement of facts, presents the grounds of this discrimination with

more fulness, saying, "It is one of _races_, not of _colors_ merely.

The distinction is one which the All-wise Creator has seen fit to

establish; and it is founded deep in the physical, mental, and moral

natures of the two races. No legislation, no social customs, can efface

this distinction."[30] Words cannot be chosen more apt than these to

describe the heathenish relation of Caste.

[30] Report to the Primary School Committee, June 15, 1846, on the

Petition of Sundry Colored Persons for the Abolition of the Schools

for Colored Children, p. 7.

This term, which has its prototype in Spanish and French, finds its

way into English from the Portuguese _casta_, which signifies family,

breed, race, and is generally used to designate any hereditary

distinction, particularly of race. It is most often employed in India,

and it is there that we must go to understand its full force. A recent

English writer says, that it is "not only a distinction by birth, but

is founded on the doctrine of an essentially distinct origin of the

different races, which are thus unalterably separated."[31] This is the

very ground of the Boston School Committee.

[31] Roberts on Caste, p. 134.

This word is not now for the first time applied to the distinction

between the white and black races. Alexander von Humboldt, speaking of

the negroes in Mexico, characterizes them as a caste.[32] Following

him, a recent political and juridical writer of France uses the same

term to denote not only the distinctions in India, but those of our own

country, especially referring to the exclusion of colored children from

the Common Schools as among "the humiliating and brutal distinctions"

by which their caste is characterized.[33] It is, then, on authority

and reason alike that we apply this term to the hereditary distinction

on account of color now established in the schools of Boston.

[32] Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne, Liv.

II. ch. 6.

[33] Charles Comte, Traité de Legislation, Tom. IV. pp. 129, 445.

Boston is set on a hill, and her schools have long been the subject of

observation, even in this respect. As far back as the last century,

the French Consul here made a report on our "separate" school;[34] and

De Tocqueville, in his masterly work, testifies, with evident pain,

that the same schools do not receive the children of the African and

European.[35] All this is only a reproduction of the Cagots in France,

who for generations were put under the ban,--relegated to a corner of

the church, as in a "negro pew," and even in the last resting-place,

where all are equal, these wretched people were separated by a line

of demarcation from the rest.[36] The Cagots are called an "accursed

race," and this language may be applied to the African under our laws.

Strange that here, under a State Constitution declaring the Equality

of all men, we should follow the worst precedents and establish among

us a Caste. Seeing the discrimination in this light, we learn to

appreciate its true character. In India, Brahmins and Sudras, from

generation to generation, were kept apart. If a Sudra presumed to sit

upon a Brahmin's carpet, his punishment was banishment. With similar

inhumanity here, the black child who goes to sit on the same benches

with the white is banished, not indeed from the country, but from the

school. In both cases it is the triumph of Caste. But the offence is

greater with us, because, unlike the Hindoos, we acknowledge that men

are born equal.

[34] Grégoire, De la Littérature des Nègres, p. 177.

[35] Democracy in America, Vol. I. p. 461, Ch. XVIII. § 2.

[36] Michel, Histoire des Races Maudites, Tom. I. p. 3.

So strong is my desire that the Court should feel the enormity of

this system, thus legalized, not by the Legislature, but by an

inferior local board, that I shall introduce an array of witnesses

all testifying to the unchristian character of Caste, as it appears

in India, where it is most studied and discussed. As you join in

detestation of this foul institution, you will learn to condemn its

establishment among our children.

I take these authorities from the work of Mr. Roberts to which I have

already referred, "Caste opposed to Christianity," published in London

in 1847. Time will not allow me to make comments. I can only quote the

testimony and then pass on.

The eminent Bishop Heber, of Calcutta, characterizes Caste in these

forcible terms:--

"_It is a system which tends, more than any else the Devil has yet

invented, to destroy the feelings of general benevolence, and to

make nine tenths of mankind the hopeless slaves of the remainder._"

But this is the very system now in question here. Bishop Wilson, also

of Calcutta, the successor of Heber, says:--

"The Gospel recognizes no such distinction as those of Castes,

imposed by a heathen usage, bearing in some respects a supposed

religious obligation, condemning those in the lower ranks to

perpetual abasement, placing an immovable barrier against all

general advance and improvement in society, cutting asunder the

bonds of human fellowship on the one hand, and preventing those of

Christian love on the other. Such distinctions, I say, the Gospel

does not recognize. On the contrary, it teaches us that God 'hath

made of one blood all the nations of men.'"

Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 03 (of 20) · 第 29 / 123 题