There are objections from various quarters to the establishment of our
party,--some urged in ignorance, some in the sophist spirit, which
would "make the worse appear the better reason." Glance at them.
_Single Idea._--It is often said that it is a party of a single idea.
This is a phrase, and nothing more. The moving cause and animating
soul of our party is the idea of Freedom. But this idea is manifold
in character and influence. It is the idea of the Declaration of
Independence. It is the great idea of the founders of the Republic. In
adopting it as the paramount principle of our movement we declare our
purpose to carry out the Great Idea of our institutions, as originally
established. In other words, it is our lofty aim to bring back the
administration of the Government to the standard of a Christian
Democracy, with a sincere and wide regard for Human Rights,--that it
may be in reality, as in name, a Republic. With the comprehensive cause
of Freedom are associated in our vows, as has been already seen, other
questions important to the well-being of the people. Nor is there any
cause by which mankind can be advanced that is not embraced by our
aspirations. "I am a man, and regard nothing human as foreign to me,"
was the sentiment of the Roman poet, who had once been a slave; and
these words may be adopted as the motto of our movement.
* * * * *
_Sectional, or against the South._--Again, it is said that ours
is a sectional party; and the charge is sometimes put in another
form,--that it is a party against the South. The significant words
of Washington are quoted to warn the country against "geographical"
questions.[10] Now, if we proposed any system of measures calculated
to exclude absolutely any "geographical" portion of the country
from the benefit of the general laws and Constitution of the United
States, or to operate exclusively and by name upon any "geographical"
section,--or perhaps, if we proposed to interfere with Slavery in
the States,--there might be some ground for this charge; but, as we
propose to act against Slavery only where it exists under the National
Government, and where this Government is responsible for it, nobody
can say that we are sectional, or against the South. Our aim is in no
respect sectional, but in every respect national. It is in no respect
against the South, but against the Evil Spirit having its home at the
South, which has obtained the control of the Government. As well might
it be said that Jefferson, Franklin, and Washington were sectional, and
against the South.
[10] "In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union,
it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should
have been furnished for characterizing parties by _geographical_
discriminations, _Northern_ and _Southern_, _Atlantic_ and
_Western_; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief
that there is a real difference of local interests and views.
One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within
particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of
other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against
the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these
misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those
who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection."--_Farewell
Address: Writings_, ed. Sparks, Vol. XII. p. 221.
It is true that at present a large portion of the party are at the
North; but if our cause is sectional on this account, then is the
Tariff sectional, because its chief supporters are also in the North.
Unquestionably there is a particular class of individuals against whom
we are obliged to act. These are the slave-masters, wherever situated
throughout the country, constituting, according to recent calculations,
not more than 248,000 in all. Those most interested are probably not
more than 100,000. For years this band has acted against the whole
country, and subjugated it to Slavery. Surely it does not become them,
or their partisans, to complain that an effort is now made to rally the
whole country against their tyranny. There are many who forget that
the larger portion of the people at the South are non-slaveholders,
interested equally with ourselves--nay, more than we are--in the
overthrow of that power which has so long dictated its disastrous and
discreditable policy. To these we may ultimately look for support, so
soon as our movement is able to furnish them with the needful hope and
strength.
If at the present moment our efforts seem in any respect sectional
or against the South, it is simply because the chief opponents of our
principles are there. But our principles are not sectional; they are
applicable to the whole Union,--nay, more, to all the human race. They
are universal as Man.
* * * * *
_Interference with other Parties._--Again, it is sometimes said that we
interfere with the other parties. This is true. And it is necessary,
because the other parties do not represent the principles which we
consider of paramount importance. No intelligent person, careful and
honest in his statements, will undertake to say that either of them
does represent these. Failing thus, they are unworthy of support. They
do not embody the great ideas of the Republic.
Here again it is important to distinguish between individuals and the
parties to which they adhere. There are many, doubtless, in both the
old parties, who subscribe to our principles, but still hug the belief
that these principles can be best carried into action by the parties to
which they are respectively attached. Influenced by the common bias,
which indisposes distrust of the political party with which they have
been associated, they continue in the companionship early adopted, and
often learn to combat for an organization, which, _as a whole_, is
hostile to the very principles they have at heart. _Most certainly his
devotion to Freedom may well be questioned, who adheres to a national
party which declines to be the organ of Freedom._ He only is in earnest
who places Freedom above party, and does not hesitate to leave a party
which neglects to serve Freedom. Such men we trust to welcome in large
numbers from both the old organizations.
* * * * *
_Alleged Injurious Influences in the Slave States._--Once more, it is
said that the Antislavery Movement at the North, and particularly its
political form, have caused unnecessary irritation among slave-owners,
and thwarted a more proper movement at the South. It is sometimes
declared that we have not promoted, but rather retarded, the cause of
Emancipation.
To this let it be said, in the first place, that our direct and primary
object is not Emancipation in the States, but the establishment
of Freedom everywhere under the National Government; and there is
reason to believe that we have already done something towards the
accomplishment of this object. By the confession of slaveholders
themselves, in one of the recent "Addresses" put forth from their
conclave at Washington, it appears that we have not labored in vain.
"This agitation, and the use of means," says the Address prepared by
Mr. Berrien, "have been continued with more or less activity for a
series of years, _not without doing much towards effecting the object
intended_." Take courage, fellow-citizens, from this confession, and do
not doubt that your continued efforts must finally prevail.
But, in the second place, whatever may have been the temporary shock
to Emancipation in the Slave States, it will not be denied by candid
minds that the efforts in the North have hastened the great day of
Freedom. They have encouraged its friends in Kentucky, Missouri,
Virginia, Maryland, and Tennessee, and have contributed to diffuse the
information and awaken the generous resolve which are so much needed.
Nor can it be doubted, that, if the North had continued silent, Mr.
Clay, in Kentucky, and Mr. Benton, in Missouri, would both have been
silent. Without the moral support of the Free States, these powerful
statesmen would have shrunk from the unequal battle. Let us, then,
continue to plead, believing that no honest, earnest voice for Freedom
can be in vain. And let us be sure to vote so as best to promote
this cause, extorting yet other confessions, from other conclaves of
slaveholders, that we are "_doing much towards effecting the object
intended_."
* * * * *
_Why carry the Question of Slavery into State Elections?_--Having
thus reviewed the objections to our organization as a National
Movement, applying its principles as a test in the choice of national
officers, it only remains to meet one other objection, founded on its
introduction into State elections. Here we might content ourselves by
replying, that we are a national party, and, as such, simply follow the
example of both the other parties. From the beginning of the Government
the necessity of such a course has been recognized and acted upon
uniformly by these parties; and it does not become them now to question
its propriety, when recognized and acted upon by us.
But, independent of example, we are led to this course by conviction of
its necessity, in the maintenance of our great cause. It is our duty
so to cast our votes on all occasions as to promote the _principles_
we have at heart. And it would be wrong to disregard the experience
of political history, both at home and abroad, which teaches that it
is through the constant, well-directed organization of party that
these are best maintained. The influence already exerted over both the
old parties, and over the general sentiment of the country, affords
additional encouragement. Assuming, then, what few will be so hardy
as to deny, that it is proper for people to combine in parties for the
promotion of cherished convictions, it follows, as an irresistible
consequence, that this combination should be made most effective for
the purpose in view. What is worth doing is worth well doing. If men
unite in constructing the powerful and complex machine of a political
organization, it must be rendered complete, and thoroughly competent to
its work.
Now it will be apparent to those familiar with political transactions,
that such an organization, acting only in National elections, and
suspending its exertions in State elections, cannot effectually do
its work. People acting antagonistically in State elections cannot be
brought to act harmoniously in National elections. It is practically
impossible to have one permanent party in National affairs and another
in State affairs. Such a course would cause uncertainty and ultimate
disorganization.
Peculiar local interests may control certain local elections. These
constitute the exceptions, and not the rule. They arise where, within
the locality, a greater sum of good may be accomplished by sustaining a
certain person, independent of party, than by voting strictly according
to party. But it is clear that such instances cannot be frequent
without impairing the efficiency of the movement.
It is natural that parties in our country should take their strongest
complexion from National affairs, because these affairs are of the most
absorbing interest. Justly important as is the election of Municipal
and State officers, we feel that they are of less importance than
the election of a President of the United States,--as the character
of the State Government, whose influence is confined to a limited
sphere, is of less importance than that of the National Government,
whose influence embraces all the States, and reaches to foreign lands.
Therefore the organizations of party in the States are properly treated
as subordinate, though ancillary, to the National organizations. They
are branches or limbs, which repay the strength they derive from the
great trunk by helping to extend in all directions its protecting
power. But these branches cannot be lopped off or neglected.
Again, the influence of each individual is of importance. But the State
itself is a compound individual, and just in proportion to its size
and character it is important that it should be arrayed as a powerful
unit in support of our organization. In this way its influence can
be brought to bear most effectually upon the National Government in
support of our _principles_.
Fellow-citizens, the question again recurs, "Are you for Freedom,
or are you for Slavery?" If you are for Freedom, do not hesitate to
support the National party dedicated to this cause. Strive in all
ways to extend its influence, to enlarge its means of efficiency,
and to consolidate its strength. And consider well, that this can be
accomplished only by casting your votes for those who, while avowing
our principles, are willing to sacrifice ancient party ties in order to
maintain them. By her towns, counties, and districts, by her executive
and legislative departments, Massachusetts must call upon the National
Government to change from the policy of Slavery to the policy of
Freedom. _Massachusetts must refuse to support any Government which
does not hearken to this request._
* * * * *
_Local Matters._--The sentiments which inspire the Party of Freedom
in opposition to Slavery must naturally control their conduct on all
questions of local policy. Friends of Human Rights, they cannot regard
with indifference anything by which these are impaired. Recognizing
Justice and Beneficence as the end and aim of Government, they must
sympathize with all efforts to extend their sway. Let the Government
be ever just. Let it be ever beneficent. Abuses and wrongs will then
disappear, and the State will stand forth in the moral dignity of true
manhood. If there be anything in the Commonwealth inconsistent with
these sentiments, it must be changed. This should be done in no spirit
of political empiricism, but with an honest and intelligent regard to
practical results.
There is complaint in many, and even opposite quarters, of numerous
corporations annually established by our Legislature, of the
considerable time thus consumed in special legislation, and, still
further, of the influence these corporations are able to exert
over political affairs, dispensing a patronage exceeding that of
the National Government within the borders of our State. Without
considering these things in detail, it is impossible to avoid calling
attention to the perverse influence from this source. Of this we can
speak with knowledge. _The efforts to place the National Government on
the side of Freedom_ have received little sympathy from corporations,
or from persons largely interested in them, but have rather encountered
their opposition, sometimes concealed, sometimes open, often bitter
and vindictive. It is easy to explain this. In corporations is the
Money Power of the Commonwealth. Thus far the instinct of property has
proved stronger in Massachusetts than the instinct of Freedom. The
Money Power has joined hands with the Slave Power. Selfish, grasping,
subtle, tyrannical, like its ally, it will not brook opposition. It
claims the Commonwealth as its own, and too successfully enlists in
its support that needy talent and easy virtue which are required to
maintain its sway. Perhaps the true remedy for this evil will be found
in a more enlightened public sentiment; meanwhile we must do what we
can to restrain this influence, by watchful legislation, if need be,
but especially by directing against it the finger-point of a generous
indignation.
The natural influence of the Money Power is still further increased
by defects in our present system of Representation. The large cities,
particularly Boston, electing Representatives by a general ticket, are
able to return a compact delegation, united in political opinions,
while the country, through divisions into small towns, is practically
subdivided into districts, and chooses Representatives differing in
opinions. A careful estimate of the influence thus wrought will show
that Boston alone, actually casting 13,000 votes, is able to neutralize
the 26,000 votes cast by all western Massachusetts, including
Berkshire, Franklin, Hampshire, and Hampden. The large cities, which
are the seat of the Money Power, are thus able, though a minority, to
control the State. Like the Slave Power, they are strong from union.
This abuse calls for amendment; and it will be for the friends of our
cause to urge such measures as the necessity of the case requires.
* * * * *
_Our Candidates._--In the fulfilment of our duty to sustain our
principles at all times, in all elections, National or State,
we have nominated Hon. STEPHEN C. PHILLIPS, of Salem, as our
candidate for Governor. With confidence and pride we ask for him your
support. Few in the community, by a long series of beneficent services,
have entitled themselves to the same degree of kindly regard. In him we
find a liberal education blended with a liberal spirit,--the experience
and the wealth of the successful merchant turned into the channels of
Benevolence, and the influence earned by various labors, in various
posts of honor and trust, consecrated to Human Improvement. All the
great causes which are doing so much to renovate the age, Temperance,
Education, Peace, Freedom, have in him a discreet, practical, devoted,
self-sacrificing friend. Formerly associated with the Whig party, and
a member of Congress, chosen by Whig votes, he set the example of
renouncing his party, when it became openly faithless to Freedom, and
by unreserved and noble effort has done much to strengthen the movement
in which we are engaged.
As candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, we nominate Hon. JOHN
MILLS, of Springfield, a gentleman of spotless life, with ample
experience in many spheres of action, formerly an honored member of
the Democratic party, who has filled responsible stations under the
Governments of the State and the Nation, and who, like Mr. Phillips,
has testified his fidelity to Freedom by renouncing the party to which
he belonged.
* * * * *
Fellow-citizens, such are our principles, and such our candidates.
Join us in their support. Join us, all who love Freedom and hate
Slavery. Join us, all who cherish the Constitution and the Union. Help
us in endeavors to crown them again with their early virtue. Join
us, all who reverence the memory of the fathers, and would have their
spirit once more animate the Republic. Join us, all who would have the
National Government administered in the spirit of Freedom, and not
in the spirit of Slavery. The occasion is urgent. Active, resolute
exertions must be made. It does not become the sons of the Pilgrims,
and the sons of the Revolution, to be _neutral_ in this contest. Such
was not the temper of their fathers. In such a contest neutrality is
treason to Human Rights. In questions _merely political_ an honest man
may stand neuter; but what true heart can be neuter, when the distinct
question is put, which we now address to the people of Massachusetts,
"Are you for Freedom, or are you for Slavery?"
Finally, we appeal to the moral and religious sentiments of the
Commonwealth. When these are thoroughly moved, there can be no
question of the result. We invoke the sympathy of the pulpit. Let
it preach deliverance to the captive. We call upon good men of all
sects and all parties to lend their support. You all agree in our
PRINCIPLES. Do not practically oppose them by continued
adhesion to a national party hostile to them. Join in proclaiming them
through the new Party of Freedom.
The Resolutions at the close of the Address are omitted, being in
the nature of a repetition, which, however important at the time,
is of less value as a record of opinions.