TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

Fellow-citizens,--Another year has gone round, and you are once more

called to bear testimony at the polls to those truths which you deem

vital in the government of the country. By votes you are to declare

not merely predilections for men, but devotion to principles. Men are

erring and mortal; principles are steadfast and immortal.

If the occasion is calculated less than a Presidential contest to

arouse ardors of opposition, it is also less calculated to stimulate

animosities. With less passion, the people are more under the

influence of reason. Truth may be heard over the prejudices of party.

Candor, kindly feeling, and conscientious thought may take the place

of embittered, unreasoning antagonism, or of timid, unprincipled

compliance. If the controversy is without heat, there may be no viper

to come forth and fasten upon the hand.

Though of less apparent consequence in immediate results, the election

now approaching is nevertheless of great importance. We do not choose a

President of the United States, or Members of Congress, but a Governor,

Lieutenant-Governor, and other State officers. Still, the same question

which entered into the election of National officers arises now. The

Great Issue which has already convulsed the whole country presents

itself anew in a local sphere. Omnipresent wherever any political

election occurs, it will never cease to challenge attention, until at

least two things are accomplished: _first_, the divorce of the National

Government from all support or sanction of Slavery,--and, _secondly_,

the conversion of this Government, within its constitutional limits, to

the cause of Freedom, so that it shall become Freedom's open, active,

and perpetual ally.

Impressed by the magnitude of these interests, devoted to the triumph

of the righteous cause, solicitous for the national welfare, animated

by the example of the fathers, and desirous of breathing their spirit

into our Government, the Free Democracy of Massachusetts, in Convention

assembled at Worcester, now address their fellow-citizens throughout

the Commonwealth. Imperfectly, according to the necessity of the

occasion, earnestly, according to the fulness of their convictions,

hopefully, according to the confidence of their aspirations, they

proceed to unfold the reasons of their appeal. They now ask your

attention. They trust to secure your votes.

* * * * *

_Our Party a permanent National Party._--We make our appeal as a

_National_ party, established to promote principles of paramount

importance to the country. In assuming our place as a distinct party,

we simply give form and direction, in harmony with the usage and the

genius of popular governments, to a movement which stirs the whole

country, and does not find an adequate and constant organ in either

of the other existing parties. In France, under the royalty of Louis

Philippe, the faithful friends of the yet unborn Republic formed a

band together, and by publications, speeches, and votes sought to

influence the public mind. Few at first in numbers, they became strong

by united political action. In England, the most brilliant popular

triumph in her history, the repeal of the monopoly of the Corn Laws,

was finally carried by means of a newly formed, but wide-spread,

political organization, which combined men of all the old parties,

Whigs, Tories, and Radicals, and recognized opposition to the Corn Laws

as a special test. In the spirit of these examples, the friends of

Freedom have come together, in well-compacted ranks, to uphold their

cherished principles, and by combined efforts, according to the course

of parties, to urge them upon the Government, and upon the country.

All the old organizations contribute to our number, and good citizens

come to us who have not heretofore mingled in the contests of party.

Here are men from the ancient Democracy, believing that any democracy

must be a name only, no better than sounding brass or a tinkling

cymbal, which does not recognize on every occasion the supremacy of

Human Rights, and is not ready to do and to suffer in their behalf.

Here also are men who have come out of the Whig party, weary of its

many professions and its little performance, and especially revolting

at its recent sinister course with regard to Freedom, believing that

in any devotion to Human Rights they cannot err. Here also, in solid

legion, is the well-tried band of the Liberty Party, to whom belongs

the praise of first placing Freedom under the guardianship of a special

political organization, whose exclusive test was opposition to Slavery.

Associating and harmonizing from opposite quarters to promote a common

cause, we learn to forget former differences, and to appreciate the

motives of each other,--also how trivial are the matters on which we

disagree, compared with the Great Issue on which we all agree. Old

prejudices vanish. Even the rancors of political antagonism are changed

and dissolved, as in a potent alembic, while the natural irresistible

affinities of Freedom prevail. In our union we cease to wear the badge

of either of the old organizations. We have become a party distinct,

independent, permanent, under the name of the Free Democracy, thus

in our very designation expressing devotion to Human Rights, and

especially to Human Freedom.

Professing honestly the same sentiments, wherever we exist, in all

parts of the country, East and West, North and South, we are truly

a NATIONAL party. We are not compelled to assume one face

at the South and another at the North,--to blow hot in one place,

and blow cold in another,--to speak loudly of Freedom in one region,

and vindicate Slavery in another--in short, to present a combination

where the two extreme wings profess opinions, on the Great Issue

before the country, diametrically opposed to each other. We are the

same everywhere. And the reason is, because our party, unlike the

other parties, is bound together in support of fixed and well-defined

principles. It is not a combination fired by partisan zeal, and kept

together, as with mechanical force, by considerations of political

expediency only,--but a sincere, conscientious, inflexible union for

the sake of Freedom.

* * * * *

_Old Issues obsolete._--Taking position as an independent party, we

are cheered not only by the grandeur of our cause, but by favorable

omens in the existing condition of parties. Devotion to Freedom impels

us; Providence itself seems to open the path for our triumphant

efforts. Old questions which have divided the minds of men have lost

their importance. One by one they have disappeared from the political

field, leaving it free to a question more transcendent far. The Bank,

the Sub-Treasury, the Public Lands, are all obsolete issues. Even the

Tariff is not a question where opposite political parties take opposite

sides. The opinions of Mr. Clay and Mr. Polk, as expressed in 1844,

when they were rival candidates for the Presidency, are so nearly

identical, that it is difficult to distinguish between them.

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